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Hello from Kathmandu,

A probe committee formed to investigate the violent protests on Sept 8–9 has recommended that the Nepal government ban former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and five other high-level officials from traveling abroad.

The committee, led by former judge Gauri Bahadur Karki, made the recommendation following pressure from the interim government led by Sushila Karki. The other officials barred from leaving the country include former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, former Home Secretary Gokarna Mani Duwadi, Chief of the National Investigation Department Hutraj Thapa, and former Chief District Officer of Kathmandu Chhabi Lal Rijal.

The commission has also ruled that these individuals must seek permission to leave the Kathmandu Valley. The decision is based on the premise that, as individuals under investigation, they must remain accessible to the commission at any time.

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Home Affairs has issued a controversial statement requesting that police refrain from arresting or prosecuting individuals involved in vandalism and arson of public and private property during the Sept 8–9 protests. This has drawn widespread criticism.

The ministry’s statement further noted that, since an inquiry commission has already been formed, government decisions will be based on the commission’s findings, and regular law enforcement mechanisms will not take action independently. Nevertheless, police have already arrested dozens in connection with the vandalism, including individuals involved in the killing of police officers and arson of police posts. There is growing pressure on the police to release these suspects.

Senior constitutional expert Bipin Adhikari has criticized the Home Ministry’s stance. “The police and prosecution in Nepal can and should act under criminal law independently of any independent commission’s timeline,” said Adhikari. “The commission’s report may inform broader accountability or reforms, including policing changes, but it does not halt criminal investigations.”

The National Human Rights Commission has urged the Nepal government to enhance national security and service delivery in view of the upcoming Dashain festival.

The CPN-UML convened its first secretariat meeting since the recent protests, during which the party strongly objected to the government’s reported decision to block former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli from traveling abroad. Speaking after the meeting, UML leader Pradeep Gyawali said, “We have taken serious note of the news that a recommendation has been made for the suspension of Oli's passport. We strongly object to this move.”

Gyawali accused the government of taking a path of political revenge. “It appears that the government is not only avoiding consultations with other political parties but is also moving toward a policy of prohibition,” he said. “There are clear signs that the government is attempting to suppress political parties, which is a matter of serious concern for us.”

Meanwhile, the Ministry of Finance has announced that it is investigating allegations that political leaders have been hoarding undeclared cash. In a statement, the ministry said the Department of Money Laundering Investigation is looking into the matter. This follows media reports that large sums of cash were found in the private residences of former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal.

The ministry added that it is taking seriously the reports—circulating in both mainstream and social media—that cash was burned or discovered in various locations during the GenZ protests. In a key appointment, the government has named Ajaya Bhadra Khanal, a former journalist and editor of The Himalayan Times, as Chief Advisor to Prime Minister Sushila Karki. Govinda Narayan Timalsina has been appointed as Public Relations Officer. Meanwhile, GenZ protest groups are growing rapidly. One such group has released a statement declaring that they reject the current constitution. Like political parties, there are multiple GenZ protest groups driven by different political ideologies.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai

Editor 

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) central member Tosima Karki has admitted to taking part in the recent GenZ movement. Following the party’s decision to form a probe committee to investigate possible involvement of its members in incidents at Nakkhu Prison and other locations on Sept 9, Karki revealed that she had walked through police gunfire during the protests.

RSP Deputy General Secretary Bipin Acharya had earlier demanded action, saying that the involvement of senior leaders at Nakkhu and party cadres in vandalism elsewhere had tarnished the party’s image.

Karki has now called for a special convention of the party. A former lawmaker, she accused the leadership of attempting to sideline her for raising political issues aimed at strengthening and reforming the party. Through social media, she warned the leadership against silencing internal dissent and cautioned that she would expose internal matters if necessary.

“Whenever we raise issues responsible for the party’s transformation, we are bullied, silenced, and subjected to media trials. If the establishment dares, it should call a special convention,” she said, stressing that she was not intimidated by propaganda or internal pressure.

Following the GenZ movement, Karki had also presented a four-point proposal for restructuring the party, arguing that the RSP must undergo a transformation to genuinely lead the nation’s present and future.

“Now is the right time to review leadership, ideology, policies, and programs, and to restructure the party into a centrist political force demanded by today’s circumstances,” she said.

The RSP has recently faced a wave of resignations amid deepening disputes over party president Rabi Lamichhane’s leadership. General Secretary Mukul Dhakal was earlier expelled from the party, while lawmaker Sumana Shrestha resigned from her deputy general secretary post, later quitting the party altogether after the GenZ protests.

Shrestha accused the leadership of prioritizing the party and its leader over the country, saying: “The RSP refuses to admit mistakes and instead punishes critics through media trials. This is unacceptable.”

Following her exit, central members Hari Bhatts and Dr Prabhat Adhikari also tendered their resignations.

As Nepal's interim government moves ahead with preparations for national elections scheduled for March 21 next year, former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli—dismissed following the violent protests on Sept 8–9—has asserted that the current government does not offer a solution to the ongoing national crisis.

Speaking at a public program organized by the youth wing of his party in Bhaktapur amid tight security, the former Prime Minister urged political parties to seek a resolution to the crisis through constitutional means. This suggests that his party, the CPN-UML, does not recognize the legitimacy of the interim government led by Sushila Karki.

Despite internal pressure within the party for Oli to step down, he appears determined to continue shaping the party’s future direction. Just prior to the protests, the CPN-UML endorsed a proposal allowing Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term.

Although the statement issued by President Ram Chandra Poudel on Sept 12 noted that Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister with the consent of then-PM Oli, Oli now claims he had instead urged the President to find a constitutional solution. It is argued that appointing a non-parliamentarian as prime minister was a violation of the constitution.

Referring to the protests, Oli said, “Less than one percent of the population is trying to impose their will on the remaining 99 percent.” Since leaving the Nepal Army barracks after a 10-day stay, Oli—who also serves as the CPN-UML chairman, the second-largest party in the now-dissolved House of Representatives—has resumed political activity, holding meetings with party delegations and calling a secretariat meeting to discuss the political situation.

In a strong statement that is likely to irk both the current government and protestors, Oli claimed the interim government was not formed by the people’s mandate but rather “on the foundation of vandalism and arson.” He vowed to restore the country’s constitutional framework.

This indicates that the UML could support restoring the dissolved Parliament and forming a new government—an extremely difficult task, especially amid growing public distrust of political parties. On social media, Oli’s remarks have drawn widespread criticism. Government ministers have also expressed concern that such statements could inflame an already fragile situation and pose law and order risks. Oli has further criticized the government for failing to provide him with adequate security, saying he has received threats but that authorities are not taking them seriously. “I see people locating my house and planning to attack it. What is the government doing?” he said. About the Sept 9 violence, Oli said: “Had there been a five-minute delay, I would have been killed. There was a plan to injure Sher Bahadurjee and kill me—but they failed. I trusted the security, but the army said they couldn’t do anything.”

As protestors demand that Oli be held accountable for the killing of 19 youths during the protests in Kathmandu on Sept 8, he challenged the government to produce evidence that he had ordered the shootings. “If the government has any record of instructions I gave, I challenge them to bring it forward,” he said. 

He refused to take responsibility as the head of the government, while on the same day, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned, accepting responsibility for the killings.

Hinting at the involvement of both domestic and international forces, Oli remarked, “I see how different powers are playing their games and trying to steer Nepal in their direction. The Nepali people must stay alert.” He has publicly claimed that foreign forces conspired to remove him due to his nationalist stance.

Amid reports that the government is seeking to block the passports of senior leaders, including Oli, the former PM stated, “Are we going to flee abroad and hand over the country to this government? No—we will build this country.” However, Oli has yet to acknowledge mistakes made during his time in office, including the controversial social media ban. He is now preparing for dialogue with major parties, including the Nepali Congress and the CPN (Maoist Center).

In efforts to create a favorable atmosphere for the upcoming election, President Ram Chandra Poudel is holding consultations with senior leaders of the main parties. On Sept 26, he held an extended meeting with CPN-UML leaders Ishwar Pokhrel, Bishnu Poudel, and Shanker Pokhrel. UML leaders reportedly complained that the government is failing to ensure a conducive environment for elections.

Despite efforts, the three main parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have yet to hold a joint meeting, leaving the future political course uncertain. Party leaders are increasingly suspicious that the current government may be planning to imprison them under the pretext of corruption.

In a significant political development following the recent GenZ protests, the CPN (Maoist Center) has dissolved its Central Committee and formed a special General Convention Organizing Committee aimed at electing a new leadership. This marks a bold move by the party to adapt to the shifting political landscape shaped by the youth-led protests on Sept 8–9.

A meeting of the party’s first Central Committee following the protests appointed party Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal as the coordinator of the newly formed convention organizing committee. “From today, I am no more the Chairman of the party but a coordinator of the organizing committee,” Dahal announced after the meeting.

The party plans to organize the general convention between December and January. However, despite the structural changes, Dahal is unlikely to relinquish his leadership position entirely, as second-rung leaders continue to insist there is no viable alternative to his leadership. Notably, Dahal rejected a proposal from senior leaders Narayan Kaji Shrestha and Janardhan Sharma urging him to step down.

In response to the growing demands from GenZ activists, the Maoist Center has become the first major political party to pledge structural reforms, including a decision to ensure 25 percent representation of GenZ members in all party committees—from the central level down to the grassroots. The party has attempted to portray itself as being aligned with the youth, reminding the public that it advocated for a directly elected executive president during the constitution drafting process in 2015.

Some Maoist leaders have expressed that the protests should have concluded after the government agreed to discuss the possibility of a directly elected executive head—an issue long championed by the Maoist party. During the protests, Maoist cadres were visibly active, with some involved in vandalizing private residences of leaders from the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML.

As an opposition force, the Maoist Center—along with the Rastriya Swatantra Party—tacitly supported the GenZ movement, further distinguishing itself from the other two major parties, NC and UML, which have been slower to respond. The party is now strategically attempting to rebrand itself as a responsive and reformist force in contrast to the perceived stagnation of its rivals. In contrast, both NC and UML remain in a state of disarray. Neither has yet convened official meetings in the presence of their top leaders—Sher Bahadur Deuba for NC and KP Sharma Oli for UML. Both parties have expressed conditional support for elections, insisting the government must first create an appropriate environment.

Within the NC, calls for leadership change are growing louder. Party President Deuba, recently discharged from hospital and now staying in a rented apartment, has remained silent on his future plans. Meanwhile, younger leaders like General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have launched a signature campaign to convene a special general convention to elect new leadership. Thapa is also in discussions with senior leader Shekhar Koirala on charting a course toward party reform.

However, Deuba loyalists such as Purna Bahadur Khadka and Prakash Sharan Mahat have criticized Thapa’s campaign, arguing that it is inappropriate to demand leadership change while the party president is recovering from illness. The NC leadership remains cautious, even skeptical, of the GenZ protests, with some senior leaders viewing the movement as a conspiracy aimed at destabilizing both the party and democracy. This cautious stance may delay any clear decision on elections, leadership transition, or internal restructuring.

Meanwhile, in the CPN-UML, the push for leadership change remains muted. Though there are murmurs among some younger leaders, most senior leaders remain loyal to KP Sharma Oli. After relocating to a rented apartment in Bhaktapur, Oli has been meeting with senior party members and sister organizations. In a recent interaction with party-affiliated journalists, he hinted at an alleged conspiracy against him, citing his "nationalist position" as a possible motive.

Though some youth voices are calling for internal reform, no substantial pressure has been applied on Oli to step aside. A youth-led initiative dubbed the "party reform revolution" has emerged within UML, but it remains to be seen whether it can generate enough momentum to bring about real change. For now, only the Maoist Center appears to be actively adapting to the new political dynamics triggered by the GenZ movement. The other two major parties—NC and UML—remain trapped in internal power struggles and hesitant to embrace reform or acknowledge the political message sent by the youth protests.