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Three months after the GenZ movement, at least 49 GenZ-affiliated groups have been registered at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. These groups are largely led by prominent faces of the protest, including those involved in negotiations and the formation of the interim government.

Following the appointment of Sushila Karki as prime minister, the House of Representatives was dissolved, and fresh elections were announced for 5 March 2026. With electoral politics now firmly on the horizon, the question dominating public discourse is simple: Where are the faces of the GenZ movement headed?

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah was a central figure during the movement, openly calling for the dissolution of Parliament and backing an interim government under Karki—both of which ultimately materialized.

Despite widespread expectations that Shah would take a frontline role in post-protest politics, he has so far remained publicly restrained. However, sources close to ApEx say Shah is quietly working to bring together the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Ujyalo Nepal Party backed by Kulman Ghising, and leaders such as Sudan Gurung under a broader electoral alliance.

If plans proceed as expected, Shah, on Martyrs’ Day (30 Jan 2026), is likely to announce his affiliation with the Desh Bikash Party. Previously the Hamro Nepali Party registered at the Election Commission with the election symbol ‘Stick’ has changed its name to Desh Bikash Party as per Shah’s direction, sources say. Ghising recently fuelled speculation by posting a photograph of his meeting with Shah.

Sudan Gurung, another breakout figure of the movement, has registered Nepal Janasewa Party as a contingency option for the upcoming polls, sources say. The party is chaired by Prakash Khadka and carries the election symbol ‘black-and-white shoe’.

Several GenZ leaders—including Ojas Thapa, James Karki, Pradeep Pandey, and Bhawana Raut—are aligned with this camp. Still, Gurung is believed to be closely coordinating with Shah and remains keen on contesting the elections together rather than separately.

Meanwhile, Rakshya Bam has taken a different route. Her group, Nepal GenZ Front, is currently running a nationwide political awareness campaign called ‘Janajagaran’. The core team includes Yatish Ojha, Yujan Rajbhandari, Manish Khanal, Pradeep Gyawali, Amy Amrutha, and Ritu Khadka.

Sources say the group is also exploring the possibility of reviving Nepal Bibeksheel Dal, given many members’ previous association with the party.

Similarly, Tanuja Pandey, known for her strong advocacy of democratic values and the 2015 Constitution, is focusing on public political education rather than direct party politics.

Within the GenZ Movement Alliance, Ojaswee Bhattarai has already taken a formal political step, becoming chair of the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party, associated with leaders such as Baburam Bhattarai, Janardan Sharma, Sudan Kirati, and Santosh Pariyar. Alliance members Rijan Rana and Manzil Rana are also inclined towards the party, though they have yet to formally join.

In contrast, Miraj Dhungana and Prabesh Dahal are pursuing a markedly different agenda. According to ApEx sources, they are lobbying for the revival of the 1990 Constitution and advocating for Prime Minister Karki’s resignation in favour of an all-party government led by former Chief Justice Kalyan Shrestha.

The Council of GenZ, which has coordinators across all seven provinces, illustrates the ideological diversity and political fluidity within the broader GenZ movement. In Koshi Province, coordinator Uparjan Chamling, a former Bibeksheel Party associate with leftist leanings, is now involved in Rakshya Bam’s Janajagaran campaign. Shiva Yadav of Madhes Province, who serves as a secretariat member to Youth and Sports Minister Bablu Gupta, has announced his intention to contest the upcoming parliamentary elections but has yet to declare a party affiliation; sources say he is in talks with both the Ujyalo Nepal Party and the RSP. Another GenZ face, Purushottam Yadav, maintaining close ties with Gupta, is in the preliminary proportional list of RSP.

In Bagmati Province, coordinator Afsana Banu is closely associated with Sudan Gurung and the Nepal Janasewa Party, while Pradeep Pandey, the Gandaki coordinator, remains aligned with Gurung but is also exploring a possible move to the Ujyalo Nepal Party. In Lumbini, Aaditya Acharya, 21, is legally ineligible to contest elections due to the age requirement; after unsuccessful attempts to amend the rule, he is now lobbying for a position in RSP’s central committee, drawing on his close relationship with party leader Ganesh Paudel. 

Meanwhile, in Karnali Province, coordinator Anil Shahi is close to newly appointed minister Madhav Chaulagain and is widely seen as sympathetic to RSP, whereas Khemraj Saud, the coordinator for Sudurpaschim Province, is aligned with the Ujyalo Nepal Party.

Some GenZ figures remain unaffiliated. Aakriti Ghimire, initiator of ‘howtodesh-bikas’—a platform simplifying politics for youths—and former Personal Branch Officer to PM Karki’s secretariat, has not aligned with any party. She previously served as chief of staff to Sumana Shrestha’s secretariat. Monika Niraula and Saken Rai, who work closely with Ghimire, are inclined towards the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party but have not formally joined.

On the other end of the spectrum, JB Chand, Madan Buda, and Hemraj Thapa—who also identify as GenZ leaders—are aligned with controversial businessperson Durga Prasai and support the monarchy. Prasai’s group is registered as Nagarik Bachau Dal, Nepal.

Meanwhile, Jasmine Ojha and Biplabi Neupane have officially joined Janadesh Party Nepal, backed by media personality Rishi Dhamala, while Pawan Thapa has joined Gatisheel Loktantrik Party led by Birendra Basnet, owner of Buddha Air.

What began as a youth uprising demanding systemic change has now evolved into a fragmented political landscape, with GenZ leaders spreading across new parties, old ideologies, and competing power centers.

As Nepal heads towards the March 2026 elections, the GenZ movement’s greatest test may no longer be mobilization—but whether its leaders can translate protest energy into coherent political influence.

KP Sharma Oli has won the intra-party election for a third consecutive term. The party’s 11th General Convention, held this week in Kathmandu, is widely seen as a test of Oli’s popularity within the party following the GenZ protests of September 8–9, which had ousted him from power.

His re-election with a two-thirds majority signals that Oli continues to wield strong influence and remains popular among party cadres, if not in public. Party leaders say Oli’s resounding victory also serves as an endorsement of the political position he took against the GenZ movement.

Over the past 100 days since the September protests, Oli has consistently argued that the protests were directed against the party itself and that the party must resist forces conspiring to weaken it. His re-election suggests that a significant majority of party members have subscribed to this view.

Oli believes his victory is a response to claims—widely circulated after the September protests—that the era of traditional political parties and veteran leaders is over. During this period, both inside and outside major political parties, there was intense debate suggesting that current leaders should retire in recognition of the GenZ protests. Addressing the convention, Oli said, “Some forces are engaged in deceitful conspiracies against us; now such reactionaries have been crushed.”

A clear indication of this sentiment is the success of leaders who were vocal critics of the GenZ protests. For instance, General Secretary Shankar Pokharel, who strongly criticized the protests in their early days, was re-elected after defeating former Finance Minister Surendra Pandey. Similarly, Mahesh Basnet, who had publicly confronted GenZ leaders, was elected party secretary.

Soon after the GenZ protests, senior leaders including Ishwar Pokharel, Surendra Pandey, Gokarna Bista, Astha Laxmi Shakya, and Yubaraj Gyawali and others had urged Oli to step down as party chair, arguing that the killing of 19 students on September 8 had triggered a public backlash. Oli, however, remained defiant and chose to seek internal legitimacy through the party’s general convention.

Convention representatives ultimately re-elected him with nearly a two-thirds majority. Of the 2,277 delegates who voted, Oli secured 1,663 votes—almost 75 percent—while his challenger, Ishwar Pokharel, received only 564 votes. Only a handful of leaders who favored leadership change and were sympathetic to the GenZ protests succeeded in the elections.

For example, Gokarna Bista was elected vice-chairperson and Yogesh Bhattarai deputy general secretary. Both leaders had earlier advocated for age and term limits for the party president—two terms and a maximum age of 70. Both leaders have taken softer stance towards the demands of GenZ protestors. Bista and Bhattarai have expressed a relatively conciliatory approach toward the demands raised by the GenZ protestors. 

Since the beginning, Oli has framed the September 8–9 protests as a conspiracy by “foreign powers” aimed at dislodging him and his party from power. He has maintained that while he would accept the student-led protest held on the morning of September 8, he rejects the events of September 8–9 as a people’s movement, as characterized by the Sushila Karki-led government.

Without elaborating, Oli said after his re-election that his party was “betrayed” on September 9, the second day of the protests, and vowed not to allow a repeat. He instructed party organizations to ensure security at the community level, citing a lack of trust in the current government.

“We could be deceived again, so we must take responsibility for our own security. Form security teams in society,” Oli said, dismissing the current government as unconstitutional.

While Oli has not directly opposed the March 5 elections, he has expressed skepticism that the current government will be able to conduct them. He has warned the government to either make credible preparations for the polls or step down.

The CPN-UML has already filed a writ at the Supreme Court demanding the restoration of Parliament, and the largest party, Nepali Congress, has followed suit. Lawmakers from both parties are now preparing to jointly approach the Supreme Court seeking parliamentary restoration.

Following his re-election, Oli has adopted an even more aggressive posture toward both the government and the GenZ movement. Last week, the Sushila Karki-led government and GenZ representatives signed an agreement recognizing the GenZ movement as a people’s movement. Oli rejected the agreement, calling it “mere drama” and saying he would not accept it.

As a probe commission formed to investigate the September 8–9 events prepares to summon Oli, he has declined to appear. The document endorsed by the party convention has declared the commission invalid and demanded the formation of an independent investigation commission led by a former chief justice of the Supreme Court.

After consolidating his position as party chair, Oli’s immediate priority appears to be dislodging the current government and exerting pressure on the judiciary to revive Parliament. However, if the government proceeds with the planned March 5 elections, the UML is likely to participate in the polls.

CPN UML Chairman, KP Sharma Oli has said that the UML is shouldering a huge responsibility as the country is facing hard times at present. 

The central committee of the party must carry out its responsibility with utmost devotion, he reminded.

Chairman Oli, who has been reelected to the post for the third time, said it while urging the party line in the first meeting of the newly elected central committee through the 11th National Congress. 

"The National Congress was successful from every angle. Although the party sees occasional problems, all should be aware not to repeat weaknesses," he stressed. 

The Chairman announced the party would move ahead as per the policy the National Congress passed. "We must have a unified voice. UML activities will reflect synchronicity," he added.

Chairman Oli directed the party line not to disclose intra-party differences and disputes in the media but to submit in writing or verbally before the party leadership. He further said, "Discipline is essential because we are social beings. As UML is a leading political power, it is further imperative for us."

UML is not rowdy like the group which torched Singha Durbar, he said, adding that personal freedoms should not breach party lines and collective welfare. The forthcoming party meeting will have further decency, according to him.

Oli urged leaders not to be perturbed by the baseless rumours against UML. "There are no factions nor groups in UML; the party is a unified whole," Oli underscored.

The country, at present, is at a crossroads, so UML itself will bring politics back on track.

President Ram Chandra Paudel has issued the House of Representatives (HoR) Member Election (First Amendment) Ordinance 2082 today. 

President Paudel issued the ordinance at the recommendation of the Council of Ministers in accordance with the Article 114 (1) of the Constitution, informed the Spokesperson of the President's Office, Pradeep Kumar Koirala.