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Prime Minister Sushila Karki today visited and performed worship at the famous religious site Janaki Temple in Janakpurdham.

The PM arrived here by Nepali Army helicopter this morning and performed a special worship at the famous Janaki Temple.

On that occasion, the temple's head priest, Mahant Ramtapeswar Das and his successor Mahant Ramroshan Das welcomed the Prime Minister to the temple and offered her garlands and prasad. 

The temple priests recited hymns of blessings on the occasion.

After the worship, Prime Minister Karki circumambulated the temple, observed it, and gathered necessary information. 

Thereafter, while having a brief conversation with journalists, she said that her visit to Janakpurdham was purely for religious purposes.

PM Karki stated that Janakpurdham is a highly important place in Nepal from a religious and cultural perspective. 

She mentioned that the government is committed to the preservation and promotion of religious and historical heritages across the country, including Janakpurdham.

The Prime Minister stated that the government's goal is to develop Janakpurdham as an international religious tourism destination.

She added that the interim government is focused on good governance, development and stability according to the expectations of the people and expressed commitment to move forward in cooperation with all parties.

Before this, Minister for Home, Communication and Law of Madhesh Province Fakira Mahato along with the Chief Secretary and heads of security agencies of Madhesh Province and districts, and the Chief District Officer of Dhanusha, Prem Prasad Luintel, had welcomed the Prime Minister at the Janakpur Airport.

The resignation of Gagan Kumar Thapa as president of the Nepali Congress has pushed the party into one of the most serious crises in its recent history. While Thapa framed his exit as a moral response to the party’s humiliating electoral defeat, the development reflects a much deeper and more dangerous internal breakdown. The election result—where the party was reduced to just 38 seats in the 275-member House of Representatives—was not merely a rejection by voters, but a manifestation of internal disunity, mistrust, and organizational failure.

At the heart of the crisis lies a prolonged power struggle between Thapa and the faction led by Sher Bahadur Deuba. Thapa’s rise through a special general convention had already been contested by Deuba’s camp, which questioned both the legitimacy of the process and the authority of the new leadership. The situation worsened as Deuba’s faction remained largely inactive, and in some cases reportedly uncooperative, during the election campaign. This internal sabotage severely weakened the party’s electoral machinery, leading to a situation where the Nepali Congress effectively undermined its own prospects.

The crisis has now evolved into a full-blown legitimacy dispute. With Deuba’s supporters openly claiming that there are “two presidents” in the party, the organizational structure has become deeply fractured. Key party meetings are being held without representation from major factions, and legal challenges against the leadership decision have added another layer of uncertainty. In practical terms, the party is already functioning as two parallel entities, even if a formal split has not yet been declared. Such a condition is inherently unstable and cannot be sustained for long without serious consequences.

Thapa’s resignation, though politically ethical, has intensified the leadership vacuum rather than resolving it. His departure removes a central figure who had at least some mandate from the recent convention, leaving the party without a clear and broadly accepted leader. At the same time, Deuba’s continued absence from the country has made immediate reconciliation more difficult, delaying the possibility of meaningful dialogue at a time when the party urgently needs decisive leadership.

Amid this uncertainty, calls for an immediate general convention have gained momentum as a potential way out of the crisis. However, this solution is far from straightforward. The process of updating active membership, selecting delegates, and ensuring fairness is both time-consuming and politically sensitive. Given the existing mistrust, any attempt to rush the convention without consensus risks being rejected by one faction, which could further deepen divisions instead of resolving them.

What makes the situation particularly alarming is the growing fear of an eventual party split. The absence of dialogue, combined with legal disputes and mutual suspicion, is pushing the Nepali Congress closer to a breaking point. If the two factions fail to find common ground soon, a formal division may become inevitable. Such a split would not only weaken the party electorally but also reshape Nepal’s broader democratic landscape by fragmenting one of its oldest and most influential political forces.

Who is Balendra Shah really? In a political landscape long dominated by familiar faces and predictable ideologies, Shah stands as an anomaly. A former rapper, a structural engineer, and the mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City from 2022 to 2026, he now appears poised to become Nepal’s youngest prime minister.

And yet, for someone on the brink of leading a nation, remarkably little is known about what he actually believes. What is his political ideology? Does he lean toward liberal democracy, conservatism, socialism—or something entirely different? What economic path would he chart for Nepal? Where does he stand on republicanism and federalism, the very foundations of the modern Nepali state? And perhaps most crucially, how would he navigate Nepal’s delicate foreign relations in a geopolitically sensitive region?

These are not minor gaps in understanding—they are fundamental questions. And so far, they remain unanswered.

Shah’s association with the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) offers only limited clues. While the party’s manifesto hints at priorities like governance reform and anti-corruption, it remains ambiguous at best. Shah himself deepens the mystery. Once an independent candidate who rode a wave of public frustration to power, he has maintained a conspicuous distance even after rising within party ranks. He rarely attends party meetings, avoids internal processes, and remains detached from organizational routines.

His silence is not new—it is his style. Unlike traditional politicians who thrive on speeches, slogans, and public visibility, Shah operates in near-opacity. During his entire election campaign, he spoke publicly for barely 30 minutes. Since then, he has neither delivered major speeches nor granted substantive interviews. Even recent internal party events, such as lawmaker orientations and key selection meetings, have proceeded without him, often without explanation.

This absence is not accidental. It is deliberate. Those close to Shah describe a leader who believes that excessive interaction breeds complications. “He meets only essential people,” one senior RSP leader admits, hinting at a tightly controlled inner circle. Even senior party figures reportedly struggle to access him. Behind closed doors, Shah is said to be meticulously planning—reportedly focused on forming a lean, efficient cabinet.

The international community is watching closely. Nepal’s strategic position demands a leader who can articulate a coherent foreign policy. Investors, too, seek predictability in economic direction. At home, citizens deserve to know not just what Shah opposes, but what he stands for. For now, Shah remains an enigma: a leader defined as much by his silence as by his ascent.

The Election Commission has reported that Rs 3. 54 billion was spent to conduct the elections to the House of Representatives held on March 5. 

According to the Commission, it had initially requested Rs 7.81 billion for the polls, of which the Ministry of Finance approved Rs 6.76 billion. Of the received budget, only Rs 3.54 billion was spent.

However, some amount is yet to be paid for the spending liability, added EC.

Out of 50 types of election materials, 37 types of election materials were purchased from province and district election offices. 

The EC had purchased only 13 types of materials and dispatched them to districts. 

At a news conference organized  by EC after submitting a comprehensive report on HoR elections to President Ram Chandra Paudel on Thursday, Joint-

 Secretary and EC Spokesperson Narayan Prasad Poudel states that Rs 284 per voter was spent in the elections to the House of Representatives.

The EC had adopted a policy of using the election materials purchased in the past in order to make the election frugal. 

A total of 164 persons as the international observers conducted the monitoring of HoR elections. 

Similarly, 35 NGOs worked as national observers. 

The EC extended gratitude to all voters for making the HoR elections irrespective of difficult circumstances. 

It also thanked the government, provincial government, local levels, chief returning officers, election officers, all security bodies, employees involved in election, security personnel, political parties, candidates, voters, observers, international community and media for their positive roles in holding the elections successful.