Submit your Article

As political parties escalate their election campaigns, the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests have transformed from a moment of civic outrage into a central battlefield of electoral politics. What began as student-led demonstrations demanding the lifting of the social media ban and stronger action against corruption has now been reframed by political actors into competing narratives of accountability, responsibility, and legitimacy.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has positioned the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 protests as evidence of state repression under then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. By directly holding Oli accountable, RSP is attempting to challenge the moral authority of the traditional political establishment, especially the CPN-UML. This framing resonates strongly with younger voters who view the state’s response to the protests as excessive and emblematic of a deeper culture of impunity. This has forced UML Chairperson Oli to come up with a long elaboration that he did not order to shoot the protestors on Sept 8. 

The political stakes rose sharply after Balendra Shah (Balen), former mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, joined RSP as a senior leader and was projected as its prime ministerial candidate. Shah’s refusal to share a debate platform with Oli, citing the latter’s alleged responsibility for the deaths, is not merely a personal stance—it is a calculated political move. By refusing engagement, Shah seeks to frame the election as a moral judgment rather than a contest of rhetoric, thereby forcing Oli and UML onto the defensive.

In response, traditional parties—particularly UML—have attempted to counter this narrative by shifting the focus from Sept 8 to Sept 9. UML leaders argue that Shah himself should be held accountable for the arson and destruction of state institutions, including Singha Durbar, that took place on September 9. Criticism of Shah for failing to mobilize fire engines during the attacks is meant to undermine his image as a decisive and effective administrator.

RSP’s decision to officially project Shah as its prime ministerial candidate marks a significant departure from Nepal’s recent political practice and signals growing confidence within the party. The declaration of prime ministerial candidates by major parties—Shah for RSP, KP Sharma Oli for UML, Gagan Kumar Thapa for Nepali Congress, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal for the Nepali Communist Party—has personalized the election to an unprecedented degree. Shah’s direct contest with Oli in Jhapa-5 has further nationalized the race, transforming a constituency battle into a symbolic clash between old power and political disruption.

Shah’s nationwide campaign and the public enthusiasm it has generated have clearly unsettled traditional parties. This unease is reflected in the rhetoric of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who has shifted from cautious sympathy toward Shah to open criticism. Dahal’s claim that domestic and foreign forces are investing heavily in promoting leaders who gain popularity through “stunts” reveals an anxiety shared by established parties: the erosion of ideological politics and organizational discipline in favor of personality-driven movements. His assertion that GenZ movements and new political parties are backed by foreign forces echoes a familiar tactic in Nepali politics—delegitimizing dissent by externalizing it.

The Nepali Congress has attempted to distance itself from this polarizing debate. By refusing to take sides on either Sept 8 or Sept 9 and instead invoking “Sept 10,” the party appears to be pursuing a strategy of calculated ambiguity. While this may help avoid immediate controversy, it risks making the party appear evasive at a moment when public demand for accountability is high.

Taken together, the emerging electoral landscape suggests a far more confrontational and emotionally charged campaign than in previous elections. The struggle to define Sept 8 and Sept 9 is not merely about dates or events; it is about controlling the narrative of state violence, civic responsibility, and political legitimacy. As these narratives harden, the risk of heightened polarization—and even election-related violence in certain constituencies—cannot be dismissed. Ultimately, this election may hinge less on policy debates and more on which version of recent history voters choose to believe.

The Election Commission (EC) has unveiled sample ballot papers for various districts and electoral constituencies for the House of Representatives (HoR) elections scheduled for March 5. 

The Commission made public sample ballot papers for the districts under all seven provinces. 

The sample ballot paper is of one type for districts with a sole electoral constituency and of another type for districts with more than a single constituency. 

The sample ballot papers, according to the EC, have been designed based on the number of candidates. 

The ballot size for constituencies with more candidates will be relatively larger while it will be smaller for constituencies with fewer candidates. 

For having the highest number of constituencies, Kathmandu will have the ballot paper with larger size. 

There is only one electoral constituency in Salyan, Dolpa, Mugu, Jumla, Kalikot, Humla, Jajarkot and Rukum West in Karnali Province, the EC informed. 

Dailekh and Surkhet have two electoral constituencies. The Commission has also made public the sample of the actual ballot papers of these districts. 

In Sudurpashchim Province, districts with single constituency are Bajura, Bajhang, Doti, Darchula, Baitadi and Dadeldhura. Achham has two while Kanchanpur has three and Kailali five electoral constituencies. 

The Commission has also made public the sample of actual ballot papers for all these electoral constituencies. 

It will gradually make public the actual ballot papers for other districts as well, the EC shared. 

Printing of ballot papers is going on at the Janak Education Materials Center. 

The Commission has stated that the printing of ballot papers for the proportional representation electoral system has been completed. 

With the preparation of sample ballot papers of various districts, the Commission has also advanced the election awareness drive. 

The outreach of the sample ballot papers prepared for voter awareness programs is also underway, it is shared. 

The upcoming House of Representatives election on March 5 in Kathmandu Constituency Number 4 is more than a contest for a single seat, it is a litmus test between long-entrenched political forces and an emerging wave of change. With high-profile incumbent Gagan Thapa shifting to Sarlahi-4 and the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) fielding a strong candidate, Pukar Bam, the electoral landscape has been fundamentally reshaped.

A closer look at the 2022 election results reveals a striking trend. At the time, RSP did not field a candidate under the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) system, yet it still secured 9,412 votes under proportional representation (PR). This signaled a substantial base of voters yearning for change.

In comparison, the Nepali Congress (NC) secured 21,302 direct votes but only 11,808 PR votes, suggesting that roughly 9,494 votes were driven more by Thapa’s personal appeal than by party loyalty. Similarly, CPN-UML received 13,855 direct votes but only 10,560 PR votes. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) also demonstrated a notable presence, earning 6,881 PR votes despite limited direct support.

These figures suggest that with Thapa out of the race, a large share of these “floating” votes could pivot toward RSP’s Bam. For RSP, beginning from a baseline of nearly 10,000 votes without a direct candidate in the last election, Bam’s organized campaign and growing personal credibility create a realistic path to victory.

Congress candidate Sachin Timalsina, by contrast, is a fresh face, and it appears unlikely that Thapa’s personal legacy will seamlessly transfer to him.

CPN-UML’s Rajan Bhattarai is contesting from Kathmandu-4 for the third time. Although he secured 13,855 votes in the last election, his challenge has grown more difficult. With shifting urban sentiment and the rise of GenZ voters, even UML’s traditional core base of around 10,000 votes no longer appears fully secure.

Bam’s candidacy stands out for several compelling reasons. Known for his youth and consistent activism, particularly through civic movements such as ‘Enough is Enough’, Bam is widely viewed by politically conscious voters in Kathmandu as a “doer” who understands grassroots concerns. He also benefits from a strong organizational base, with RSP having secured 9,412 proportional representation votes in the 2022 election despite not fielding a direct candidate. 

In the absence of Thapa, an estimated 5,000 to 7,000 swing voters from the Congress camp could gravitate toward Bam, especially as many Congress loyalists remain dissatisfied with Thapa’s decision to leave Kathmandu-4 and hand the candidacy to a new face despite internal competition. There is also speculation that the Sher Bahadur Deuba camp may not fully back Timalsina due to his close association with Thapa. 

Moreover, Bam’s appeal extends strongly to new voters: of the 76,141 registered voters in the constituency, a significant share belongs to the younger generation, an electorate increasingly inclined to move beyond traditional “pocket-vote” politics and embrace new leadership.

“I have always stood on the front lines for good governance, accountability, and democracy,” Timalsena says. “I am a voice raised from the streets, and it is from those very streets that I gained the conviction that change is possible. The transformations we have witnessed were born from the power of the people in the streets. My resolve now is to institutionalize that change within Parliament, bringing the energy of the youth, the expectations of the public, and an unwavering faith in democracy to the legislative level. This is not a solitary journey; it belongs to all of us. The voice of the street must reach the halls of Parliament, and we will be the ones to take it there.”

“The upcoming election is not a mere ordinary competition,” UML’s Bhattarai writes on Facebook. “It is a clear choice between validating murder, violence, arson, and anarchy, or choosing peace, the rule of law, and the supremacy of the Constitution. This is a decisive trial between right and wrong, the civilized and the uncivilized, and between a character of integrity and one of corruption.”

Voters in Kathmandu Metropolitan wards 1, 7, 8, and 30, as well as 1, 2, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13 of Budhanilkantha, are historically known for exercising discretionary voting behavior. With an estimated turnout of around 50,000, the winning threshold is likely to fall between 16,000 and 18,000 votes.

If Bam retains RSP’s previous PR votes and captures even 30 percent of the disgruntled or new voters from the NC and UML blocs, he could comfortably cross the 18,000 mark.

In the absence of Thapa, Kathmandu-4 voters now face a clear choice: opt for a transferred legacy or embrace new leadership. Between Bhattarai’s third attempt and Timalsina’s struggle to defend a borrowed fortress, Bam’s Ghanti (RSP symbol) is ringing a message of change through the streets of Kathmandu. If voters prioritize track records and fresh perspectives over tradition, March 5 may not repeat history, it may rewrite it.

The District Security Committee has categorized 29 polling stations in Palpa  as highly sensitive.

According to Chief District Officer Binu Kunwar, 20 polling stations in Constituency-1 and nine in Constituency-2 are sensitive. 

A total of 118 polling centers and 251 polling stations have been determined for the district which has two House of Representatives constituencies

Out of 207,436 total voters in Palpa, 98,383 are in Constituency-1 and 109,053 are in Constituency-2. The number of new voters to be registered for the March 5 election is 6,110 in the district.