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The two-day extended meeting of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) concluded in Sauraha on Saturday night with a decision to draw the attention of the parties and the government to prepare the basis for making the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives free, fair and fearless.

The meeting has also called on all political parties to actively participate in the election process to further strengthen democratic practices. All party structures, members and well-wishers have been urged to engage in public opinion formation so that the outcome of the announced election is in the supreme interest of the country and the people and in favor of the party.

A statement issued by RSP spokesperson Manish Jha has also demanded an impartial investigation into the incidents that took place during the Gen-Z protests and action against those found guilty.

Since polarization is inevitable for the establishment of a strong alternative political force in the country, the meeting has made a special request to the Central Committee to emphasize dialogue, consensus, and cooperation with like-minded transformative forces.

The meeting discussed the latest overall situation in the country, political developments, the announced election of members of the House of Representatives, issues of people's livelihood, and the internal life of the party and the current workload.

A total of 512 delegates invited from across the country took part in the extended meeting where Acting president DP Aryal presented a political report, Vice president Dr Swarnim Wagle presented the concept of the election manifesto, general secretary Kabindra Burlakoti presented an organizational report, joint general secretary Bipin Kumar Acharya presented a candidate selection outline, and secretariat member Deepak Bohara presented a report on the signature campaign.

 Central member Dr Toshima Karki, secretary of the central organization department Shankar Shrestha, and Chitwan, Jhapa, and Rupandehi district committees submitted written suggestions in the extended meeting.

The Supreme Court  has begun preliminary hearings on more than a dozen writ petitions challenging the formation of the interim government led by Sushila Karki and her subsequent decision to dissolve the House of Representatives (HoR) before the end of its term.

The Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court will hear a total of 16 writ petitions. Chief Justice Prakash Man Singh Raut has already given his consent to forward all cases to the bench. The petitioners have argued that Karki’s appointment as interim prime minister is unconstitutional, as Nepal’s 2015 Constitution does not allow non-members of Parliament to assume the prime ministerial position.

Furthermore, while appointing her as prime minister, no specific constitutional article was cited. The Office of the President has argued that Karki was appointed under Article 61 of the Constitution, which relates to the president’s duty to safeguard the Constitution. However, in 2015, all provisions related to the formation of government were clearly outlined under Article 76. Karki was appointed interim head following the GenZ protests on Sept 12.

Another argument raised by the petitioners concerns Article 132(2) of the Constitution. Lawyers Bipana Sharma and Ayush Badal contend that a former chief justice cannot hold any government office except within the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). Article 132(2) states: “No person who has once held the office of Chief Justice or a Judge of the Supreme Court shall be eligible for appointment to any government office, except as otherwise provided in this Constitution.”

This means that, except for roles in the NHRC, former chief justices and Supreme Court judges cannot assume any other government positions. However, those in power argue that the current government emerged from the GenZ revolution, and therefore, its constitutionality and legality should not be judged through the lens of “normal times.”

Nepal had faced a similar situation in 2013, when then–Chief Justice Khil Raj Regmi led an interim government. His appointment was also challenged in the Supreme Court, but the court delayed its hearing until after Regmi stepped down upon completing the elections. Later, Supreme Court judges were divided over the verdict. Interestingly, current Prime Minister Karki, who at the time was serving as a senior justice, had expressed that Regmi’s appointment went against the spirit of the interim constitution. Now, legal observers are keen to see how Karki will defend her own appointment.

Karki faces three major constitutional challenges: A non-parliamentarian assuming the office of prime minister; the lack of any cited constitutional article in her appointment by President Ramchandra Paudel; and the restriction under Article 132(2), which bars former justices from holding government office.

Similarly, several writs have been filed against the dissolution of the House of Representatives. Shortly after taking office, Karki recommended to President Poudel that Parliament be dissolved. Reports suggest that Karki believed she could only serve as prime minister after Parliament’s dissolution. Media sources also claim she faced pressure from Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah to dissolve Parliament immediately. Legal experts, however, argue that Karki’s appointment was justified under the “doctrine of necessity.”

Still, constitutional experts point out that, under Article 76(7), the prime minister can recommend dissolution of Parliament only after all attempts to form a new government have failed. On this very basis, the Supreme Court in 2020 and 2021 had reinstated the Parliament dissolved by then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, ruling that the House could still produce a new government. The current House of Representatives, elected in 2022, is set to complete its term in 2027.

As the Supreme Court prepares to begin hearings on the 16 petitions, the prospects of the March 5 elections look increasingly uncertain. Dialogue between the government and political parties has begun, but it has not helped rebuild trust. Political leaders continue to raise concerns about security, saying they still fear openly holding meetings and rallies. Nepal Police has yet to recover the 1,200 weapons looted during the Sept 9 protests, and more than 4,000 escaped inmates remain at large and reportedly involved in criminal activities.

Party leaders claim they are still receiving threats. In this context, if elections do not take place on March 5, the interim government may lose its legitimacy, creating a new political vacuum. Senior leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML argue that the only way to preserve the current Constitution is for the Supreme Court to reinstate Parliament.

They contend that restoring Parliament would provide a legitimate institution to address the demands of the GenZ protesters, including ending corruption, ensuring systemic reform, and curbing nepotism. NC and UML leaders also say that, as their party offices have been destroyed and many leaders have lost their homes, the current environment is not conducive to holding elections.

Devraj Ghimire, Speaker of the dissolved House of Representatives, is also strongly advocating for Parliament’s restoration. He is currently consulting with legal experts to create a constitutional and political pathway for the reinstatement of the House.

The largest party in the dissolved House of Representatives (HoR), the Nepali Congress (NC), is embroiled in an internal rift over whether to convene the party’s convention to elect a new leadership.

The party’s youth leaders are demanding that the convention be held before the next election, arguing that the NC should go to the polls with new leadership and renewed energy. However, the establishment faction, led by Vice-president Purna Bahadur Khadka, prefers to hold the convention after the election. The party has faced growing criticism for failing to take initiative to resolve the ongoing political stalemate, appearing instead preoccupied with its internal disputes. The rift has laid bare the ongoing struggle between the party’s second- and third-tier leaders for control of its future direction.

Senior figures such as Khadka, Prakash Man Singh, Krishna Prasad Sitaula and Bimalendra Nidhi are reportedly intent on preventing Gagan Kumar Thapa from ascending to the party presidency. Thapa, however, remains firm in his intention to contest. In the absence of Sher Bahadur Deuba, the NC is facing a clear leadership vacuum as intergenerational rivalries intensify. Meanwhile, senior leader Shekhar Koirala has chosen to remain silent amid the escalating discord.

In contrast, the CPN-UML appears to be making steady progress toward its general convention, scheduled for mid-December. Initially, the party planned to hold the convention in Pokhara but later shifted the venue to Kathmandu due to party Chair KP Sharma Oli’s travel restrictions. Although some voices within the UML had earlier urged Oli to step aside, those calls have largely faded. A few leaders still argue that the party should not go into the elections under Oli’s leadership, but he has made it clear that he intends to contest at the General Convention.

Some party members have proposed that former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s membership be reinstated so she could take over the UML leadership after Oli, but he has shown no inclination to welcome her back. On national politics, the UML maintains that the only viable path forward is to briefly restore Parliament to legitimize the election process. Meanwhile, tensions between Prime Minister Sushila Karki and the UML continue to grow. Oli believes he is being directly targeted by the government and fears possible arrest.

Amid this shifting political landscape, a growing number of GenZ activists have entered the scene. They are engaging with political parties, civil society and business groups, though the government and established parties find it difficult to work with them due to their lack of unified positions. Rather than coalescing around shared reform agendas such as anti-corruption or governance reform, many GenZ figures appear increasingly motivated by personal political ambitions. An unhealthy competition has emerged among them to secure ministerial positions or advance individual agendas, while some remain openly hostile toward traditional political parties.

Seeking to consolidate his base after recent turmoil, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, chair of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center), has brought together 10 communist parties to form a new organization under the old banner, the Nepali Communist Party. Meanwhile, the CPN (Unified Socialist) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal is fragmenting. One faction has merged with Dahal, another is preparing to rejoin the UML, and a third, led by Ghanashyam Bhushal, plans to form a separate political force. Within the Maoist Center itself, Janardhan Sharma has resigned protesting against the unification, and is reportedly in talks with other leaders to create a new political party.

In an effort to create momentum for elections, Prime Minister Karki has held consultations with former presidents Ram Baran Yadav and Bidya Devi Bhandari. She appears to believe they could help facilitate dialogue among top political leaders. However, without direct engagement between the prime minister and major party heads, progress toward a conducive electoral environment remains uncertain.

Meanwhile, controversial businessperson Durga Prasai is preparing to launch a street movement calling for the restoration of monarchy and the Hindu state. The government is concerned that his activities could disturb public order, especially given that protests he organized in March turned violent. Authorities have invited him for dialogue, as his influence appears to be growing, particularly after Prime Minister Karki made conciliatory remarks about him and the Nepali Army invited him to consultations as a “stakeholder.”

With less than 120 days remaining before the March 5 elections, the Ministry of Home Affairs is currently drafting an integrated security plan to safeguard the electoral process. So far, the government has yet to ensure a stable political and security environment. This has fueled speculation about potential successors should Prime Minister Karki fail to conduct the elections. Names such as Baburam Bhattarai and Kalyan Shrestha have surfaced as possible candidates. 

Adding to the tension, the Supreme Court recently issued an interim order restraining the government from implementing its decision to recall 11 ambassadors. The government, however, has defied the order, insisting the ambassadors return to Nepal, citing a lack of trust. This defiance has sparked a broader debate over the balance of power between the executive and the judiciary.

Strains between the government and Parliament are also deepening. HoR Speaker Devraj Ghimire has accused the interim government of acting against the legislature and its members. In a meeting with journalists at Singhadurbar, Ghimire said the government appears intent on weakening the parliamentary system. His statement was prompted by the government’s decision to remove personal secretaries of the Deputy Speaker, Vice-chairperson of the National Assembly and 58 National Assembly members.

Earlier this week, Prime Minister Karki met with chief ministers of all seven provinces. The provincial heads objected to several recent federal decisions that they claimed infringed on their constitutional powers. The meeting also touched upon election preparedness and coordination between federal and provincial governments.

Following the GenZ protests, the number of political parties in Nepal continues to rise. As of now, 18 new parties are awaiting registration with the Election Commission (EC). The most recent application is from the Nepali Communist Party, bringing the total number of registration requests to 18. Before the GenZ movement, only nine such applications had been filed, while the rest followed in its aftermath. Currently, 125 political parties have already obtained official registration certificates from the EC.

President Ram Chandra Paudel returned home from Qatar on Thursday after attending the 'Second World Summit for Social Development' held in Doha, Qatar. The event commenced on Tuesday. 

Vice President Ramsahaya Prasad Yadav, Prime Minister Sushila Karki, Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal, Foreign Secretary Amrit Bahadur Rai, the Qatari Ambassador to Nepal, and the chiefs of security agencies received the Head of the State  at the Tribhuvan International Airport.

On the occasion, a contingent of Nepali Army accorded a guard of honour to President Paudel. 

Paudel departed for Doha on Monday at the invitation of Qatar's Amir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, leading a Nepali delegation along with First Lady Sabita Paudel.

The President addressed the main session of the 'Second World Summit for Social Development' held in Doha as per the UN General Assembly's decision.

He also addressed a high-level roundtable conference focused on enhancing the three pillars of social development: poverty alleviation, productive employment and decent work for all, and social inclusion. 

UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres paid a courtesy call on President Paudel during his stay in Qatar.

Paudel also visited the Qatar National Museum on Wednesday.