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The Election Commission has brought activities in the social networking platforms under the purview of the code of conduct with the aim of making the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives free and fair.

According to the Commission, the code of conduct prohibits anyone from operating an account in social networking platforms or opening a fake site with the intention of adversely affecting the elections. 

The code of conduct prohibits any act of belittling or spreading misinformation in social networking platforms with or without the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Similarly, the code of conduct prohibits the dissemination of misleading information, insults, and hate speech, or the making misleading comments.

Similarly, information or material published or broadcast for any purpose may not be modified or posted, reposted, commented on, live-streamed, tagged or mentioned in social media, with or without the use of artificial intelligence, with the intention of influencing the election.

The code of conduct prohibits any act that adversely affects the credibility of the elections or the reputation of the Commission, Commissioner or its employees. 

It also prohibits character assassination, personal defamation, or the production of similar materials in any form, and the publication or broadcast of such materials by any means.

It also prohibits the violation of the confidentiality of voters or any other act that affects the integrity or impartiality of the election. 

The Commission is preparing to implement the code of conduct from January 17.

Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest democratic party, is witnessing one of its most consequential internal challenges. Youth leaders Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwo Prakash Sharma have launched an open revolt against the party’s entrenched leadership by calling a special general convention—a move that could fundamentally reshape the party’s future.

The convention, scheduled for January 11–12 in Kathmandu, comes at a politically sensitive moment, when the country is immersed in election preparations. For decades, the party’s senior leadership—many of whom have alternated between power and opposition since 1990—has dominated decision-making and is often accused of organizational inertia, factionalism, and resistance to reform. Thapa and Sharma argue that without urgent structural and leadership change, the Nepali Congress risks irrelevance, particularly among young voters.

The immediate trigger for this assertive move lies in the September 8–9 Gen Z–led protests, which exposed a deepening generational disconnect between political parties and Nepal’s youth. Since those protests, Thapa has consistently argued that contesting elections under the same leadership and organizational framework would amount to political self-sabotage. According to him, symbolic gestures are no longer sufficient; only radical internal reform can restore public confidence.

Unsurprisingly, the party establishment—led by Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba—has strongly opposed the convention, even though he has already stated that he will not contest the party leadership again. Deuba appears to have forgotten that, as a youth leader, he himself had revolted against the party leadership two decades ago. Deuba and his allies, who have steered the party through multiple governments and internal power struggles, view the move as destabilizing and ill-timed, arguing that this is a moment to focus on election preparations rather than internal conventions.

However, the youth faction remains defiant, framing the convention as a legitimate intra-party democratic exercise rather than a futile gathering. Whether the convention will immediately displace Deuba and other senior office-bearers remains uncertain. Leaders close to Thapa suggest that if the establishment faction engages constructively, the youth leaders may defer leadership change until the party’s regular general convention after the elections. If resistance continues, however, the special convention could be empowered to take decisions even on leadership restructuring.

Crucially, the youth faction holds a strong legal footing. According to the Nepali Congress statute, a special general convention must be convened if 40 percent of elected general convention representatives demand it. Thapa’s camp has already secured the signatures of 54 percent of representatives—a figure expected to rise further before January 11—making the convention difficult to block without risking internal rupture.

If the convention proceeds and the party remains united, the Nepali Congress could experience its most significant generational shift in decades. Such a transformation could also help the party reconnect with Gen Z voters, many of whom are openly demanding leadership change across major political parties. Party insiders say the convention could mark the birth of a “new Nepali Congress”—more responsive, inclusive, and future-oriented.

Interestingly, cracks are already appearing within the establishment camp. Several senior leaders aligned with Deuba have begun expressing support for the special general convention, sensing the changing political mood. However, Shekhar Koirala, another senior leader and a declared contender for the party presidency, finds himself in an awkward position. While positioning himself as an alternative to Deuba, Koirala has yet to clarify his stance on the special general convention—an ambiguity that could weaken his claim to lead a reformist charge. As Nepal heads toward elections, the unfolding struggle within the Nepali Congress is no longer merely an internal power contest. It has become a broader test of whether one of the country’s most influential parties can reinvent itself—or remain captive to its past.

Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal has asserted that ministers in the incumbent government do not have liberty to favor any political party.

Addressing the Bagmati province-level security workshop jointly organized by the Ministry of Home Affairs and the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Law of Bagmati Province, Minister Aryal noted that the present government’s ‘mandate’ is to hold elections on the stipulated date.

He urged all concerned parties not to harbour any doubt on holding the elections on the stated date.

Highlighting that the Gen Z movement was waged for establishing good governance, Minister Aryal said that the government is committed to maintaining good governance.

He warned that failing to hold elections on the designated date could lead the country to a crisis and requested all parties to encourage and boost up the government’s morale regarding its works, including for elections.

During the event, Chief Minister of Bagmati Province Indra Bahadur Baniya cautioned that the activities of ministers in the government could potentially disrupt the election environment.

The Election Commission (EC) has made an arrangement that the political parties can obtain details of voters across the country by paying certain charges. 

According to the House of Representatives Member Elections Directive prepared by the EC, the political parties can access the list of voters across the country by paying Rs 10,000. 

For this, arrangements have been made to provide the information to parties registered for election purposes in the commission. 

The commission will provide the details electronically except for the voter's date of birth, citizenship number, and mobile number, it is stated. 

The commission will provide such details on a hard drive or pen drive. The details of one province can be obtained by paying Rs 5,000.

The election officer should allow any voter, party representative, or candidate wishing to see or transfer the voter list name at their own expense to do so in a manner that does not permit tearing, damaging or tampering with the voter list. 

As per the arrangement, If a voter wishes to obtain their own voter list, the election office should provide a copy of the list containing only the particular voter's details upon charging Rs 10,000. 

Similarly, the election office should provide an electronic copy of the voter list to political parties and independent candidates upon charging Rs 3,000 for the district list and equal charge for the voter list of any single electoral constituency.