Submit your Article

When it comes to menstruation or period in Nepal, there is some sort of silence. Besides a culture of silence, there are taboos and stigma, leading to misinformation and negativity toward this topic. Menstruating individuals (not limited to women) in our country often experience discrimination, restrictions, isolation, and exclusion from various social and religious activities.  It is true that education level and awareness have gradually increased in recent years, with several initiatives being taken and programs or campaigns launched. But are they enough?  Access to menstrual products The positive aspect is that the work done for menstrual rights in recent times has played a crucial role in challenging the existing taboos, initiating public discussions, and raising awareness for the normalcy of menstruation.  In cities, sanitary pads are gradually replaced by menstrual cups by young people these days, while the old clothes have been replaced by sanitary pads in many villages, which is a positive sign. Individuals, governments, activists, and civil societies have all made several efforts. One of the primary focuses of menstrual rights work in Nepal has been to ensure access to affordable and menstrual hygiene products. Activists and organizations have worked toward making sanitary pads more accessible, promoting local production, and distributing them in schools and communities. For the approximately 29,000 public schools in Nepal, the government of Nepal has allocated Rs 1.82bn (about $16m) in 2020 for the procurement and distribution of free sanitary pads.  There is the availability and free distribution of sanitary pads in government schools, even in remote locations, which is praiseworthy. There is also a provision for appointing a school nurse and managing the rest room for girl students. Such arrangements have contributed to maintaining menstrual hygiene, girls’ self-esteem, and personal development.  However, quality control and fair distribution of the sanitary products are questionable and mostly unanswered. Although these efforts have been instrumental in addressing the challenges faced by menstruating people who previously had limited access to appropriate menstrual products, a majority of menstruating people still remain far from accessing correct menstrual health information and their rights to dignified menstruation. The goal of menstruation rights advocacy is to make menstrual products more accessible, so it is essential to address the economic aspect of affordability. While initiatives to distribute free or subsidized menstrual products exist, the sustainability and reach of such programs are limited. Activism should focus not only on advocating for rights but also on addressing systemic issues such as poverty and income disparities, which impact menstruating people's ability to afford essential menstrual products. Culture vs advocacy  The major challenge in creating dignified menstruation in Nepal is the delicate balance between promoting change and respecting cultural beliefs. Nepal has a diverse cultural landscape with deeply ingrained traditions and religious practices. Traditional practices and remedies have been passed down through generations and often hold cultural significance. In the pursuit of spreading awareness and education, there is a risk of overlooking valuable local knowledge and practices related to menstrual health.  Menstrual rights activism should strive to incorporate and validate this knowledge, collaborating with local communities rather than imposing external solutions that may not align with their realities. Some activists, in their zeal to eradicate taboos, may inadvertently overlook the need for cultural sensitivity. This approach has led to resistance and backlash from communities that perceive the movement as a threat to their cultural identity.  The demand for an immediate change in how we perceive menstruation is often seen as a threat to religious belief and culture by older generations. Some attack the campaigns with the “dollar agenda” of outsiders, while others accuse them of spreading cultural attacks. Thus, advocacy requires a balanced approach.  Sustainable change requires more than short-term campaigns and initiatives. Menstrual rights activism should prioritize long-term solutions that address infrastructure, healthcare, and education. Without a holistic strategy, supplying menstruation products or awareness workshops may have a positive impact in the short term but may not lead to sustainable change.  Whilst there have been immense efforts to promote menstrual rights and eliminate taboos, there is a risk of inadvertently reinforcing them. The very act of focusing attention on menstruation may unintentionally perpetuate the idea that menstruation is a topic that needs fixing, thereby reinforcing the shame and secrecy surrounding it. To minimize unintentional stigmatization, it is important to find a balance between raising awareness and celebrating menstruation as a natural phenomenon. Breaking the silence  The menstrual rights movement in Nepal has exerted pressure on policymakers, leading to significant policy reforms and protection for menstruating individuals. From the legal arrangements to eliminate the ill practice of Chhaupadi to the customs duty waiver on the import of sanitary pads, some approaches and actions have worked well to some extent. Whilst the government has taken action to address the issue of menstruation hygiene in schools by providing free sanitary pads in public schools and waiving tax on imported menstrual items, the number of people disseminating menstrual health information remains low. For example, in many rural schools, students still report that their teachers are so hesitant during the sexual and reproductive health education chapter that they have to either fast-forward or skip over certain sections. When it comes to discussing and seeking help with issues of menstrual hygiene and health, menstruators and young people still face significant barriers.   The media plays a crucial role in shaping narratives. Thus, digital media should be fully utilized to reach out to the mass with awareness and education on menstruation, as Nepal has huge internet penetration. But at the same time, there should be more engagement with the local communities and more conversations with community members. Most importantly, non-menstruating people or men should also be engaged in breaking the silence.  Despite the fact that menstrual activism in Nepal has brought significant changes, it is important to acknowledge the challenges and unintended repercussions. The commodification of menstrual products, the potential exclusion of transgender individuals from the discourse, and the risk of reinforcing gender stereotypes are concerns that need to be addressed to ensure inclusivity and sustainability.  By addressing these challenges and incorporating diverse perspectives, menstrual rights activism can evolve into a more nuanced, inclusive, and effective movement that brings about tangible improvements in Nepal and beyond.   The authors are the creators of the podcast ‘Period Kaa Kura’

There is a need to acknowledge that the geostrategic environment is altering not just in South Asia but the whole world. It is very important for Nepal and India to find what issues will be fundamental in shaping the age-old (long standing) and bold (self-possessed) relations for a better and preferable destiny of the two countries. Nepal and India have come to these geostrategic circumstances, which are volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous, with harmonies and discords. But the discords that these two countries have encountered reveal their commonalities, and they drive their relationship forward. This is the first of three parts article that aims to find answers to political-diplomacy-security disciplines with three subject matters: geostrategic apprehensions, foreign policy and lastly security relationship. The geostrategic apprehensions In the international pitch, India aspires to lead the global south. This is evident in its influence in global political affairs, with a rising status and engagements with political-economic-security groupings like the QUAD, BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the G7, G20 and ASEAN. The security architecture of South Asia with Indian perspective is shifting, forcing one to question the existing and imminent narratives and leave behind the past by taking lessons. The Himalayas as the barrier and a geographic challenge is lessening. So immediate neighborhoods are more a constraint from the regional security point of view. The South Asian security situation is deteriorating with resolute political and diplomatic support from great powers. The Indo-Pacific Region (IPR) is the center for global politics, and South Asia is significantly vital in the IPR with India standing prominently and promising. There is a diplomatic maneuvering on the expansion of G7 to G10, and one of the member nations could be India. As G20 is not expected to be in action, G7 will play a crucial role on devising policies with the US, European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, advancing to the IPR with several geopolitical collaborative efforts like Build Back Better World for ecology, economy, infrastructure connectivity, or the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment—a collaborative effort by G7 to fund projects in developing nations based on the trust principles of the Blue Dot Network (BDN). The BDN is a multi-stakeholder initiative by the US, Japan and Australia for infrastructure development projects worldwide on measures of financial transparency, environmental sustainability and impact on economic development. India’s rise in engagement has also expanded to West Asia, East Asia and Far-east Asia with Act East policy, Look Far East Policy etc. and does not only remain in the immediate neighborhood though “Neighborhood First” policy remains at the core for Nepal and India. Meanwhile, the Chinese Communist Party’s centennial anniversary has sent a strong message that China will no longer be bullied, oppressed or subjugated by foreign countries, or the US-led Western countries. China is expanding cooperation in South Asia, shaping the region as a bridge to the Indian Ocean, an alternative for connectivity, resources management and national security. The five states in the northern borders adjoining China along continental Himalayas and five nations (Myanmar, Bangladesh, Maldives, Sri Lanka and Pakistan) along the Indian Ocean will continue to be of interest to the powers involved particularly China, India and the US. One of the fundamentals of India and China relationship is “politics of space” with political interests, resources management and security leverages for stability, with economy as a priority as well as the shift in people’s perception. On the bilateral front between Nepal and India, a 12-point agreement between the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists in New Delhi came into effect with the absence of an exit strategy in addition to the visualization of the upcoming geostrategic surroundings. This added to the mayhem in the relationship. The alteration of the political system essentially convinced the democratic force like the Nepal Congress to accept the Nepal Communist Party Maoist’s agenda to adopt a federal secular republic without comprehending the real actors behind the scene. Now, the Eminent Person Group report with suggestions to replace the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship and also regulate the open border, which is the foundation of a special relationship, is also threatening the ties.   Conclusion   As the region shifts from the 20th century to the 21st century the power’s political interests have transformed with economic growth as well as a geography that is more accessible than in the latter half of the 20th century. One phase passed with India’s independence ending the colonial period. The second phase was when India shaped a favorable South Asia security architecture during the 1970 to the 1990s, as well as when Communist China solidified the expanded territory particularly Tibet in the 1950s. The third phase was when India persuaded Nepal to adopt democracy, secularism and a federal republic order. The imminent phase will be defined by political-geography. China and India’s growing interests are not only in their peripheries but beyond. For China, it is the Indo-Pacific Region with multi-continental diplomatic engagements. For India, it is beyond its immediate neighborhood, be it Southeast Asia, East Asia, West Asia or the Persian Gulf. The region is divided into two power blocks China and India. China has come as a major foreign policy challenge to India and the US-led West. The accessible Himalayas will revolve into further contest rather than act as a facilitator of peace. In this circumstance, Nepal and India should move together for a better and preferable destiny in search for identity, inclusiveness and value-based democratic system. India’s policy in South Asia is based on “Neighbourhood First” but Nepal and India relationship goes further, not just because of proximity, cultural and people-to- people connection. Successful strategy for foreign affairs should end and begin in the real world of international relations. And for Nepal and India, the understanding of the geopolitical shift can offer a win-win solution. If successful, this relationship will influence other global actors and regional actors. It may even change the international environment in ways favorable to both Nepal and India’s interests. To do so, Nepal and India must begin with an accurate mental picture of domestic, regional and international realties. They should have a sound understanding of the politics, economy and security aspects of foreign policy. Part II will be on the foreign policy tight spot and a common effort to comprehend The author is a Strategic Analyst, Major General (Retd) of the Nepali Army, and is associated with Rangsit University, Thailand

After the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic across the globe, news related to the virus were published on the basis of various assumptions. The media around the world published various stories about the development of the coronavirus, the way it infects people, and the effects it has on the infected. Some of the news were true, while others were confusing. For the first time in Nepal, the infection was confirmed in a student on January 24, 2020. According to the updated statistics of the Ministry of Health and Population, 12,000 people have died in Nepal due to Covid-19. Similarly, the infection has been confirmed in around 1.3 million. When the virus spread, I studied the news related to corona published in the print media of Nepal like Gorkhapatra Daily, Annapurna Post Daily, and Naya Patrika Daily to study the impact of Covid-19 on all sectors. A total of 369 news related to Covid-19 were published in those newspapers in a period of 61 days, from December 16, 2021, to February 12, 2021. During the study, an analysis of news published in newspapers, surveys, and interviews with relevant agencies was conducted. Out of the published news, it seems that Gorkhapatra Daily has published 234 stories related to the virus. Similarly, Naya Patrika Daily published 68 news items, and Annapurna Post Daily published 67 news items. Out of the published news, 247 are incident-oriented, while 122 are investigative. Out of the total studied news, 83 were published on the first page, 81 on the second page, and 73 on the third page. Similarly, 132 news items have been published on other pages. The placement of news in terms of columns is as follows: 47 one-column, 39 two-column, and 40 three-column news stories were published in Gorkhapatra Daily. Similarly, 108 news articles were published on other pages. Naya Patrika Dainik published 16 one-column, 24 two-column, and 18 three-column news articles. Similarly, 10 news articles were published on other pages. Annapurna Post Daily published 20 one-column, 18 two-column, and 15 three-column news stories. Similarly, 14 news articles were published on other pages. While studying the news, it was found that the news were published in a way that would help and encourage the healthcare workers and volunteers who are at the forefront. It seems that the print media plays a role in preventing the infection from spreading further and reducing the unnatural discrimination that may occur in communities or areas that are more infected. The government issued guidelines related to Covid-19, including standards related to isolation centers for infected people. The criteria set by the Ministry of Health are not inappropriate because of the influence of the news in the print media. In some news stories, it was found that the news was published without mentioning the source. Even though the source was cited in the news, it was also seen that the news value was questioned when the actual source was not mentioned. News published by national media can reach a large number of readers, and the news content can spread rapidly through social media. The editorial team should always be aware of the fact that false and misleading information could confuse the readers. Likewise, a survey was also conducted during the study. A questionnaire was prepared focusing on 10 questions, with 30 people focusing on the effectiveness of the news related to Covid-19 published in print media. Questions were asked of civil society, doctors, and those who have recovered from Corona infections. They were questioned, focusing on the place given by newspapers to the news related to Corona, the impact of the news on society, the role played by the news in policy formulation, the source of the news, etc. Interviews were also conducted during the study. The role played by the media in the prevention of Corona, the value of the news published in the media, and its impact were discussed with nine people. Interviews were conducted with 10 people affected by Corona, officials of the Ministry of Health, the Minister of State for Health, journalists, and others. In the interviews, they said that the media has played a leading role in giving a voice to the Corona victims to constantly inform the government. It seems that during the corona period, the media mainly played an important role in conveying awareness to the general public about informational messages, prevention, and pre-preparation.

Helsinki and Stockholm’s applications of May 2022 to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) marked the end of neutrality and the policy of non-alignment in Europe.  Finland formally became a member of the bloc on 4 April this year, whereas Sweden joined the Partnership for Peace on 9 May 1994 and Riksdag approved it as part of the political and military structure. Historically, these moves did not destabilize the neutral states of the region.  These moves are a pointer to growing realignment of countries toward two rival blocs vying for global supremacy.  Non-Alignment Policy (NAP) and Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) can surely benefit a neutral and mostly underdeveloped world if it manages to forge a united front. Global diplomacy is shifting with a divide between the East and the West, challenging the existing monetary system and strengthening the defense capability of the East. The five founding nations of NAM—Egypt in the Middle East, Ghana in West Africa, India in South Asia, Indonesia in Southeast Asia and former Yugoslavia in Europe—are bolstering their presence in global politics, thanks to the emergence of a formidable Sino-Russian front.  Evolving national security strategies of the US and its allies, particularly Japan and South Korea, should be read against the backdrop of new threats to the US and democracies in Asia. The strategies will seek to keep Chinese power in check while their earlier versions were meant to reduce Soviet power during the Cold War.  The economic success of China over the past 30 years or so has given it strong enough influence to lead the Asian continent by consequently weakening the customary US geopolitical objective and challenging India’s intents of ensuring that the South Asian amphitheater remains free of hegemonic control.  As far as South and Southeast Asia are concerned, NAM encompasses all 10 member-states of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) apart from all 10 member-states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as well as 10 non-government organizations. It will be contextual to draw from the NAM summit held in Baku (Azerbaijan) on October 25-26, 2019. The summit stood for “Upholding the Bandung principles to ensure a concerted and adequate response to the challenges of the contemporary world”, recognizing that history reoccurs but with different undertones in a new geostrategic environment. The Baku declaration is likely to resonate at the 2023 summit to be held in Uganda, at a time of increased confrontations between Asian powers China and India and competition for supremacy between the US and China, marking a tectonic shift in geopolitics to the Indo-Pacific Region. Europe played a key role in the Cold War, while in Cold War 2.0, Asia will helm a similar role. In its earlier edition, the US-Soviet contest and European-Soviet played out, while Cold War 2.0 will see Sino-US competition and Sino-Indian dissension. Amid an unprecedented security scenario in Europe, where neutrality is becoming a thing of the past, smaller nations of the continent seem to be repositioning themselves. There was a time when smaller nations in Asia were part of the NAM. With global power shifting in the Indo-Pacific Region, their respective neutral stances may become a thing of the past.  What’s more, this shift from neutrality is happening simultaneously in Europe and Asia, giving rise to the question: “Will Asia’s challenges be Europe’s and vice-versa?” Europe neutral no longer Sweden’s 200-year-long policy of non-alignment, that outlasted both World Wars, is now history. Sweden and Switzerland have not been in a state of war internationally since 1815 and 1814, respectively. Another European country, Finland, adopted a policy of neutrality after World War II, recognized first through a treaty between Finland and the USSR in 1948 (the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance).  The Finnish and Swedish departures from neutrality indicate growing military-political polarization and tensions in Europe. History seems to be repeating as confrontation tends to spread and exert pressure on multiple states, including those not actively involved in “taking sides”, to join one or the other side even as Austria, Ireland and Switzerland continue to remain neutral.  What prompts nation states to officially align with or against any major power bloc? Their own defense and security.    An illustration is the ongoing war in Europe where the two neutral states—Finland and Sweden—had to take cover for their very own security.  That is why Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden signed a Nordic unified air defense agreement aimed at countering Russia’s rising threat by operating jointly to neutralize threats. As per the new scheme of things, NATO will find an alternative corridor through the Baltic Sea for Nordic countries, given the high possibility of Russia sealing the existing Suwalki Gap, a narrow corridor separating Kaliningrad and Lithuania, in the event of increased hostilities.  Relevance of Asia’s neutrality Despite a shift from neutrality to non-neutrality in Europe, non-alignment is very much alive in Asia as India, Indonesia, Thailand and other middle powers have shown. Chances are that neutrality will get a boost once again, with Asia leading it. A 40-year-long ideological conflict established NAM during the Cold War. Today, 120 countries (mostly from Africa and Asia) are on board as its members, 19 nations as observers along with 10 organizations. Together, NAM accounts for 60 percent of the UN.  It all began in April 1955, when government representatives from 29 Asian and African nations took part in what is known as the Bangdung Conference under Indonesian President Sukarno to discuss peace and the role of the Third World in the Cold War, economic development and decolonization. Political self-determination, mutual respect for sovereignty, non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, and equality were the guiding principles of this landmark arrangement also known as ‘Panchsheel’ (five restraints) that Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai and his Indian counterpart Jawaharlal Nehru had adopted to govern Sino-Indian relations. NAM primarily gained prominence during the Cold War; these days, the Global South (GS) is hogging the limelight in the wake of a growing opposition against the US-led West and the Sino-Russian clique. The main global challenges of the present—the Covid-19 pandemic, Ukraine crisis, the Sino-American rivalry and the Sino-Indian competition—have made NAP more relevant.  GS can be a powerful platform to raise common concerns and interests of ‘swing states’, amid global conflicts, particularly between the two emerging Asian powers—China and India.  The two countries will surely compete for GS leadership. India’s relatively tensions-free ties with the West and China’s growing diplomatic reach worldwide means the two countries will affect global power dynamics significantly. In this context, it will be relevant to recall part of Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar’s speech made in January regarding his country’s G20 presidency and GS leadership: “Today, developing countries are worried over issues like rising prices of oil, food and fertilizers. They are also concerned about mounting debt and worsening economic conditions. Thus, it is our duty to become the voice of such countries, known as the GS in diplomatic terms”.  Also, India convened a virtual meeting on January 12-13 themed “Voice of the Global South Summit: for Human-Centric Development” with the participation of 120 leaders and ministers. The virtual session raised issues like global economy and climate change, rising inflation, energy, food issues and debt problems. China did not participate in the event.  More importantly, India held the 18th summit of G20 consisting of neutral countries as well as countries from the rival blocs—the US-led West and the Sino-Russian bloc. India’s growing influence comes at a time when China’s signature project of global significance—the Belt and Road Initiative—seems to be losing steam with debt problems afflicting many developing countries that have become part of the project.  As the Ukraine war rages on, China is seeking a peaceful settlement between Russia and Ukraine, at a time when its ties with the US are at an all-time low. India’s relations with the West are not as hostile as China’s. This means the US-led West may be comfortable with New Delhi leading the GS instead of Beijing, with US foreign policy priorities toward India covering security, defense and technology acting as a bridge between the US and the GS. With more than 1.4bn people, India has become the world’s most populous nation by taking over China for the first time. In terms of the economy, though, India is at a disadvantage as it is just one-sixth of China’s 2022 nominal GDP. GS should not be politicized and focus should be on economic development and improving livelihoods. Receiver-sought assistance for lower-income nations should be a priority. Whoever lands GS leadership will have a greater chance of leading NAM as well, so the race for GS leadership is quite important.  Conclusion Neutralism, also called nonalignment in international relations, meant staying out of the war and all sorts of ideological or political interpretations during the Cold War from 1945 to 1990. US Presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson had first pursued this isolationist policy during the European wars between France and Great Britain after the French Revolution that followed the peace of 1815. It is more or less like the 20th century policy of neutralism that came as a distinct policy post-World War II. Recently, on February 23, one year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the UN General Assembly, in its 11th special emergency session, adopted a resolution calling for Russia’s immediate withdrawal in line with the UN Charter. Altogether 141 states stood for the resolution, seven (Belarus, Democratic Republic of Korea, Eritrea, Mali, Nicaragua, Russia and Syria) stood against it while 32 states, including China, India and Pakistan, abstained. For the US and Europe, ‘abstaining’ can also mean neutrality, offering a dissimilar dimension of neutrality when it comes to the world body’s perception. As a concept that aims to foster an independent foreign policy and peaceful co-existence, NAM is still relevant despite the end of the Cold War.  As in the past, NAM is likely to find it hard to chart out united strategies on many issues arising due to shifts in global geopolitics. GS is essentially developing nations of Asia, Africa and South American countries, a region caught between a rising China and the US as well as its allies that are seeking to curb this rise. President Xi Jingping is likely to court the GS against the US, while India, with its multi-aligned foreign policy, is likely to do its bit to make smaller nations follow its path.  All in all, neutrality is likely to be more relevant in a rapidly-changing world, especially for smaller nations. The author is a Strategic Analyst, Major General (Retd) of the Nepali Army, and is associated with Rangsit University, Thailand