Submit your Article

Güner Ureya is the very first Ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo to the People’s Republic of Bangladesh. Nepal and Kosovo are yet to establish diplomatic relations. In this context, ApEx talks to him about the prospects of establishment of bilateral ties and other issues. What is the current status of Nepal-Kosovo relations? Nepal still has not officially recognized the independence of the Republic of Kosovo and there is no diplomatic relations between the two countries. This indicates that the ground confirming official relations between the two countries has not been established yet. Additionally, it means that the conditions remain limited for institutional cooperation and for having different win-win situations. People-to-people contacts and cooperation between the civil societies of the two countries are ahead of our corporate initiatives so far. Sadly, trade cooperation between the two countries is very limited. If we formalize bilateral relations, this will automatically bring new perspectives and opportunities for negotiating, signing and implementing bilateral agreements in different fields and for cooperating on multilateral platforms as well. The existence of official relations will also have effects on perceptions in order to make our peoples, companies, artists, sports clubs and other social subjects and branches more interested and bring them closer to each other. Therefore, we attach great importance to being recognized by Nepal and establishing diplomatic relations with your country. What are the prospects for bilateral cooperation? To give an example, the People's Republic of Bangladesh recognized us only a few years ago and now we have a very close relationship. We want similar relations with Nepal as we have a lot of common experiences and traits to share. Both countries are landlocked. The systems of both countries are built on preserving cultural values and multi-ethnic structures of our societies. Both countries` peoples and landscapes are stunning; both have a young and dynamic population. We have opportunities for institutional cooperation, especially in the fields of education, economy and more specifically agriculture. As a new country, we are very successful in sports as well. We can share our experiences with Nepal. Does Kosovo want to become a member of the European Union? Absolutely, becoming a member of the European Union is among the top priorities of our country. The integration of Kosovo together with other Western Balkan countries into the European Union is very important for peace, stability, economic development, and full reconciliation in the region. We submitted our application for membership on December 15th, 2022. We are expecting the EU to grant us the candidate State status in the near future. We believe that our previous efforts in terms of drafting the modern legislation and opportunities to utilize the experiences and knowhow of our friendly countries will contribute to accelerating our membership process. Membership will require more efforts on our part and greater readiness and consent on the part of EU member-states and other relevant bodies. Membership of Kosovo and other candidate States in the European Union will contribute to peace, unity, and a brighter future of Europe. Has there been any attempt to establish bilateral relations? Since the proclamation of the independence of the Republic of Kosovo, we have been in contact with a variety of decision-makers, influencers and activists such as your country's political leaders, business people, civil society leaders, athletes and journalists, etc. These meetings were also aided by international platforms, of which we are a part. We get to know each other better every day. It is important to have diplomatic relations, but more important is to have result-oriented cooperation. Based on our own example, I can say that we have established very good dialogue and developed very good relations in some areas with some countries that still don`t recognize an independent Kosovo. Of course, it will be very valuable to be recognized by Nepal, but at the same time, we value creating strong bonds and a solid foundation for quality cooperation. Are you hopeful of Nepal recognizing Kosovo as an independent country? Yes, that is not only our wish but reasonable expectation that Nepal in near future will recognize the Republic of Kosovo. Because Kosovo's independence is a reality and irreversible. Let me emphasize that more than 110 countries have recognized the independence of my country. A large number of these countries are geographically close to our country and they realized that the Republic of Kosovo’s case is unique and cannot be used as a precedent for other cases. In addition, they considered peace and stability of the region as well as their own peace and stability. On the other hand, it should also be remembered that the International Court of Justice with its advisory opinion in 2010 confirmed the legitimacy of the declaration of the Independence of Kosovo. Although we always receive good-faith feedback from Nepal, unfortunately, we haven’t gotten official recognition from Kathmandu. Nepal is an independent, sovereign, free and egalitarian country, so it determines its foreign policy preferences. We all know that countries have their own sets of priorities. As I have mentioned in my earlier appearances in Nepali media, our hope is that Nepal officially recognizes Kosovo as soon as possible and that the silhouette of your flag is reflected on the Kosovo government building with the words "Thank you Nepal". The sequel will be even better. As Kosovo is celebrating its 15th Anniversary of Independence, what is your message? On February 17, we are celebrating the 15th anniversary of the Independence of the Republic of Kosovo. Despite some challenges, we Kosovars are immensely proud of the progress of our country. In 15 years, the Republic of Kosovo has made remarkable progress in every field. Today, we have a functional and democratic country with a steadily growing economy. We have many reasons to be more hopeful for a better future. Like Nepal, Kosovo is a very beautiful country. Like the Nepalis, Kosovars are very friendly and beautiful. It would not be fair to only make good wishes for our own future. We need to make wishes for our world and work in that direction. Ending wars and resolving disputes would be very important for the future of our world. We must devote our energies to friendships, sustainable development and protecting our planet. Vengeful spirits and destroyed nature cannot be corrected with millions of prayers. We must instill love in people both at home and in the world. I'm sure all Nepalis and Kosovars have these wishes, but it is essential that the whole world be convinced of this. May every anniversary bring goodness to us and to all people in the world.

The election of Nepal Medical Association (NMA) is scheduled for Feb 2-4 in Kathmandu. Dr Santosh Paudel, senior consultant at Bir Hospital, is one of the presidential candidates in the election. Slesha Adhikari from ApEx talked to Dr Paudel to know his agenda.  ‘Safe profession and happy doctor’ is your motto. What does this mean? Currently in Nepal, conflicts and violence are rising at hospitals. A lot of doctors don’t feel safe at the workplace. Many doctors are without a job. Even those who hold a job have job security issues. They don’t know when they will be fired. Moreover, doctors are not getting a salary befitting their work. Basically, doctors serve in two ways: By helping people recover from physical illnesses or by helping people overcome different mental disorders.  But doctors themselves get no peace at their workplace and their happiness is also compromised. In light of this situation, we have adopted this slogan, ‘Safe profession and happy doctor’ to highlight the importance of mental well-being of doctors and the importance of them having a secure job. What new things can the Nepal Medical Association do under your leadership?  Past leadership failed to keep even minor promises. We look at how doctors have still not been given minimum salary. We have floated different agendas on fixation of minimum working hours and a routine that allows doctors a break for their physical and mental health.  It is said that doctors have not been paid for 4-5 months. What will you do to address this? We’ve seen even reputed hospitals and medical colleges default on salary payment for doctors. We will raise this issue in the election. The management of these institutions is investing in other fields instead of paying the doctors. Many doctors do not want to speak up because of fear of losing their jobs. NMA is committed to speaking up for doctors and stamping out corruption in these institutions.  On one hand, young doctors are unemployed. On the other, the state says there is an acute shortage of doctors. Why did this happen? Let’s have a look into a doctor’s daily routine. S/he wakes up early in the morning, visits the clinic to attend to patients and then rushes to a couple of hospitals for providing services. Doctors remain busy throughout their lives. They have to follow a hectic schedule for a decent living. That’s why we have thought of introducing arrangements that allow doctors to work in an institution under a fixed working schedule—from 8 am to 3 pm. After 3 pm, they can conduct extra checkups for patients, if possible. Our slogan—‘one doctor, one clinic’—can address the problem of unemployment facing doctors to some extent, improve individual hospitals’ progress and improve healthcare in Nepal. There seems to be a communication gap/misunderstanding between doctors and people. What is its cause and solution? NMA is working to improve relations between doctors and citizens. There’s some communication gap between the two parties. Some doctors lack communication and social skills, although they might be excellent professionally. NMA is working to impart to doctors soft skills like basic communication, presentation skills and knowledge about medical issues. NMA is conducting research and training programs for doctors to keep them updated. This helps in minimizing the communication gap between doctors and citizens. Mediums of communication like social media also help in a huge way.

Amar Neupane is a well-known Nepali writer and novelist, mostly known for his book ‘Seto Dharti’, published in 2012, for which he was awarded the ‘Madan Puraskar’, the highest honor in the field of Nepali literature. ‘Paniko Gham’, ‘Karodaun Kasturi’ and ‘Gulabi Umer’ are some of his other notable works. Slesha Adhikari from ApEx talked to Neupane to know more about what inspires him to write. How did you start writing? I have been passionate about writing since I was a child, although it took me a while to realize that. I was one of those kids who sat with the villagers and listened to the stories they had to share and would make them listen to the stories I wrote during my own sweet time. I used to have separate copies for my poems, stories, and essays, which already says a lot about my passion for writing. My father also used to write a lot of stories, which I loved to read. That made me want to explore writing, even though I was shy about making my work public. It took a while, but I got over it and became a published writer. I’m glad because writing is what I live for. Better late than never, right?  What inspires you to write and tell the kind of stories that you do? I’m quite observant of what happens in Nepali society, which is what my work is inspired from ever since I first started writing. For instance, Seto Dharti tries to show the bitter reality of our society, and how much a woman has to suffer because of the ill-practices we still follow. The book is inspired from the life of my grandmother, who got married at the age of nine, and lost her husband at the age of 11. After she passed away, it got me thinking about the struggles she had to face as a child. It’s the same with my other book ‘Paniko Gham’. I worked  as a teacher in Nepalgunj for two months, and that is where I decided to get started on this book. It reflects on the socio-economic lifestyle of people living in Nepalgunj.  Which is the best book you have read so far? There are a lot of books that I love that have inspired me in one way or another. Honestly, picking one from that list isn’t easy, but if I had to choose one, I would have to say ‘Sumnima’ by B.P. Koirala. It’s a beautifully written novel, and I don’t think I will ever get tired of reading it.  What books would you like to recommend for Nepali reader?  Without a doubt, the first book I would recommend is ‘Sumnima’ by B.P. Koirala. There are a few others that have influenced me in the past, and I think those are some good reads too. They are ‘Tarun Tapaswi’ by Lekhnath Paudyal, ‘Laxmi Nibandha Sangraha’ by Laxmi Prasad Devkota, ‘Lamppost Bata Khaseko Jun’ by Manu Manjil, and ‘Muffler’ by Pradip Rodan. I think anyone interested in Nepali literature will enjoy reading these books.  What, in your opinion, will it take to keep youths interested in reading Nepali literature?  Firstly, it’s important to know what the younger generation is looking for in a book. And for that, it’s up to the writers to understand the psychology of youths and what they want to read. Secondly, they need to find the writings relatable or influential.  In the case of my books, I think Karodaun Kasturi and Gulabi Umer are the ones that match their interests. Karodaun Kasturi is a fictional novel on what might have happened if Hari Bansha Acharya, a Nepali comic, had not discovered his talent as a comedian. It gives a simple yet powerful message: to figure out your passion before it’s too late, and that everyone has a unique hidden talent waiting to be discovered. Similarly, Gulabi Umer is based on the psychology of teenagers between the age of 13 and 16, which I think is relatable not just to youths but anyone who has gone through their teenage years. When can we expect your new book?  I’m currently working on a book, the theme of which is somewhat similar to that of Seto Dharti. I want to give any spoilers. I would rather build up the anticipation. All I can say is the book will be out soon. 

Dr Anil Sigdel is a US-based foreign policy expert. He closely follows world politics with a special focus on South Asia. Kamal Dev Bhattarai of ApEx speaks to him about great power rivalry and its implications for South Asian countries. How do you evaluate Xi Jinping’s neighborhood policy since he came to power in 2013? Once he took the helm, President Xi Jinping began to launch regional and global initiatives one after another, elevating China’s external outreach to an unprecedented level. Now as he moves on with his third term, China’s traditional peripheral countries policies have been already institutionalized into a full-fledged neighborhood policy. China’s proactive neighborhood diplomacy is here to stay. As great powers do, China, with its policy of economic assistance as a tool of foreign policy to increase influence, has tried to ensure that its neighbors will not align with its adversaries, for instance the US or India, in a way that would create unfavorable conditions for China’s strategic objectives. China, therefore, says it wants an amicable and secured neighborhood for China. In the words of Chinese state councilor and foreign minister Wang Yi: “China supports countries in the region (Asia) in distancing from the geopolitical trap.” While President Xi’s predecessor Hu Jintao had also emphasized such policies—common development of China and its neighbors—and worked on them, Xi has substantially boosted that assistance mechanism to achieve clear results. China now has a long-term neighborhood policy, that is its outreach will not have a character of highly generous economic package or surprise deals as seen in the beginning but a more matured engagement with a graph slowly and steadily moving upward. These priorities also emanate from the Chinese thinking that in order to become a regionally influencing power—or even globally—China has to become influential in its own neighborhood first. Moreover, Xi’s thoughts that talk about “new type of international relations” are enshrined into the party constitution. In any case, Xi will continue to push his policies as he sees fit in his third term. We have seen recently that China has been strengthening its ties in the broader South Asia as well – China invited Indian Ocean region countries, excluding India, for a meeting in which Nepal had also participated. As China and India have consistently struggled to find a common understanding along their borders, the importance of South Asian neighbors will remain for China. As seen in the past, to what extent China’s policy in South Asia matters also depends on what type of governments are in place in South Asian countries. In addition, the US is an important player in South Asia, which fuels further frustration to the Chinese Communist Party. How do you see the growing US-China rivalry in South Asia, and where does India stand on it? US-China rivalry in South Asia has led China to go beyond its own traditional red lines by visibly and vocally interfering into domestic politics and foreign policy matters. China has engaged in a war of words with the Americans in Nepal over the MCC grants. It has made controversial statements on Bangladesh’s likelihood of joining the Indo-Pacific policy of the Americans. Similarly, China-India borders have seen frequent skirmishes in recent years, while even the strongest of Chinese partners like Pakistan or Sri Lanka have felt the pressure of balancing their foreign policies. But on the flip side, due to this great power rivalry, the importance of these South Asian nations has clearly increased. It is obviously not easy to balance, but if played well, it can certainly bring opportunities. As far as India is concerned, US-China rivalry in South Asia gives both challenges and opportunities for India. The US policy of bringing more regional Asian partners on board to build a coalition that would balance the massively rising power of China has been a much-needed counterweight vis-à-vis China from an Indian standpoint. Moreover, the Indo-Pacific Strategy has also created a space for India, as a major and like-minded partner of the US, to pursue its own goal of becoming a separate pole by acquiring necessary capabilities and making new partnerships and coalitions with other powers. India, cognizant of the power differential with China, had no choice but to align with the US in the broader policy of cooperation around the Indo-Pacific. India sealed deep defense agreements with the US, became a major partner of coalitions like Quad, and began cooperation in several other domains. The US granting India a Strategic Trade Authorization status, for instance, was on par with what the US did with its Asian treaty allies like South Korea and Japan or the European NATO allies. In a strong signal to China, the US made these exceptions for India to help it acquire civil and military high-end technologies. However, India and the US are not treaty allies with mutual defense. Besides, India maintains suspicion towards growing US outreach in the region of its preeminence. India would welcome the US in South Asia to the extent that it would uphold and boost Indian primacy, but not any bilateral or other cooperation between the US and South Asian countries that would not keep India in the loop. From the South Asian countries’ standpoint, this is how the US should go about, whereas for India it is naturally a matter of concern. India is very sensitive about any military or defense partnership between the US and Nepal or its other neighbors. Instead of these deep defense ties, India has not fully relied on this US-India partnership vis-à-vis China, but has pursued its own policies to keep different options open and play its cards autonomously. India’s ties with Russia have been a thorn on US-India ties. In India’s calculation, Russia is an extremely useful partner for its role in providing critical military technologies, diplomatic counterbalancing to China, and access to Central Asia, balance against China-Pakistan ties, and in the time of Russia-Ukraine war, supplies of cheap commodities from Russia. India-US also have divergences in many different issues, especially in terms of India’s security concerns in its north western periphery, which has kept India from choosing its so-called “strategic autonomy”. How do you evaluate South Asian countries’ engagement with China, particularly on BRI? Although China presents itself as a close South Asian neighbor, India has become the elephant in the room for China and South Asian countries. Unlike other regions such as South East Asia or the Middle East, where China does not see such push backs, India is a regional power in South Asia and a strong rival of China vying for its own influence, thereby posing a major setback for Chinese ambitions. These geopolitical conditions also constrain South Asian countries such as Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Maldives to engage with China to some extent. The South Asian countries, for their part, also prefer to pursue a policy of strategic autonomy by equally engaging with and balancing out India, US and China. They want China but, at the same time, do not want China to be overwhelming and overbearing in their bilateral relationship. Such cautious policy is also manifested in the China-South Belt and Road Initiative. Although every country, except India, has signed BRI cooperation agreements in South Asia, they have carefully watched and learned from the BRI investments in other parts of the world and have become very cautious in finalizing projects with China. In the case of countries like Pakistan and Sri Lanka, they were already taking large Chinese investments even before the BRI. Although President Xi seemingly stepped-up China’s role to contribute to the world economy in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, his BRI lending model repeated the same mistakes that many Western countries, companies and banks had committed before they burst in 2008. Many roads and airports were abandoned half-built or left totally empty if completed. In the BRI also, instead of pre-planning the contingencies, loans were agreed hastily and problems were being dealt with as they kept coming. Moreover, although the markets were not improving, loans were added in a hope to turn profit and recover which would not happen as seen clearly in the case of Pakistan and Sri Lanka. China’s BRI emphasized large and fast loans, but apparently less on risk assessments. China’s worsening ties with the West did not help, as countries got under huge pressure. Xi’s proactive outreach and massive investments in Maldives led many to suspect China’s “land grab” plan in the strategically vital region. As a consequence, both the US and Europe immediately decided to step up their diplomatic overtures in the island nation. India as the next-door power substantially stepped up its engagement as well. No wonder, Nepal and China have not started any project under the BRI under these circumstances. China, for its part, is also moving from its domestic policy of high economic growth priority to fixing China’s unbalanced and uneven growth across the nation. As a result, its external investment will also be impacted. Moreover, China’s current account surplus — which it enjoyed when Xi came to power—has fallen too. Now with the impacts of covid restrictions and lockdowns, Chinese neighbors will likely see less generous offers. Smaller countries in this region are feeling the heat of great power rivalry. What are your suggestions for small countries in the conduct of their foreign policy? First of all, it would be a mistaken policy to deny the geopolitical competition among great powers in our region and try to stay away from it. Geopolitical competitions are part and parcel of international relations, and any country in the international community cannot remain untouched by it. Therefore, accepting this reality and figuring out how to make the most of it—maintaining peace and stability but benefiting economically—is the right way forward. Especially in the case of South Asian nations, there are several weaknesses. They have a long way to go in building overall capacities and have substance in their regional cooperation. But South Asian nations may still start looking at each other in a meaningful way. Starting a consultation format grouping to promote a South Asian centrality and strategic autonomy would help. The next step would be to work on certain guiding strategic concepts to build a stronger regional bloc of these countries in the future. This in fact will also be in the interests of regional powers and great powers, as they worry that nations may be unduly influenced by their adversaries. How should Nepal engage with great powers in the coming days? What are the foreign policy challenges of the new government? India, China and the US have set their long-term policy priorities to engage with Nepal in the context of a changing geopolitical scenario caused mainly by China’s rise. As a result, any new government in Nepal is going to face a new reality of a need for a tri-lateral balancing act. Despite the hopes Nepal has had for economic growth and development by profiting from the progress of the neighbors, actual experience has been rather complicated. We have to learn a lesson that without a proper balancing of the interests of our external partners, there will not be any significant benefits. Great powers do not pursue a foreign policy of altruism, but of their strategic objectives.  Nepal has seemingly preferred continuity than change in this regard. In other words, as long as a Nepal government fails to creatively use the potential of its partners for the benefit of its own people and the nation, Nepal’s foreign policy will not matter much. And now to make matters worse, the neighborhood story is not just about India and China rising, but India and China potentially ending up in a war. Therefore, how our leaders and policymakers read this situation and formulate policies accordingly, will make a big difference.