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Senior communist leader Madhav Kumar Nepal was perhaps the only top leader in his party who was a stickler for time. Now he has com­pany. On Dec 1, the ruling NCP secretariat, the party’s top decision-making body comprising of nine leaders, including Nepal, was to convene at the Prime Minister’s residence at 3 pm. But when Prime Minister KP Oli, who is also the party co-chairman, did not show up till 3:15, the four secretariat members who had been waiting—Nepal, Narayan Kaji Shrestha, Jhala Nath Kha­nal and Bamdev Gautam—decided to leave.

Apparently, this was not the first time PM Oli had kept them waiting. They say they ditched the Dec 1 sec­retariat meeting to teach the prime minister a lesson in punctuality. There are various other interpretations of their decision. But if the reason given by the four lead­ers is taken at face value, it underscores the larger ten­dency of senior government officials to disregard time. Even vital state-level functions are routinely delayed as the designated VVIPs fail to show up on time.

The four secretariat members are bang on when they suggest that as the leader of their party and as the executive head of the country, it is imperative that Oli sets the right precedent. If party chairmen and our prime minister and president show up on time, those in lower ranks are bound to be punctual. But what we see right now is just the opposite. The prime minister makes his ministers wait, who in turn make senior bureaucrats do the same, and this self-defeating ten­dency is passed down the line.

But it is not just politicians and government officials who routinely disregard the time of other people. Nepali patients have long grown used to waiting for doctors for hours on end. Our aircraft and buses, both private and public, are also infamously late. Restaurants take forever to deliver food and our trash is seldom col­lected on time. If, like the rebellious NCP quartet, more officials in leadership position insist on doing things on the dot, those working under them might learn to value time as well. Those outside the government are also sure to take notice. As Shrestha has pointed out, better time management is vital for both personal and national prosperity.

Perhaps it is a touch unfair to judge the com­petence of Nepal Police and Home Ministry on the basis of a single case. As they have repeatedly pointed out, the rape-and-murder of Nirmala Pant, the 13-year-old native of Bhimdatta municipality in western Nepal, was a rare unsolved case. In the four months since that incident, haven’t the police been rather efficient in apprehending cul­prits, and soon, in similar cases? That might be true. But it is equally true that no other case has left as big an imprint on public imagination.

Partly based on their assessment of how the state has handled the Pant case, many now see Nepal Police as irredeemably corrupt, and no more than pawns of their political masters in government. They suspect the Pant family has been denied justice as their daugh­ter’s murderers had friends in high places. This is no idle speculation. Given the length to which the police went to tamper with vital evidence at the crime scene, it does seem like they were trying to protect some peo­ple. Nor should it have taken so long to solve a straight­forward rape-and-murder.

Of late, human rights activists in Nirmala’s hometown have been staging daytime torchlight rallies, in search of that elusive justice. Is there justice for common folks in Nepal, they ask? As hope faded that Nirmala’s killers would ever be nabbed, her father, Yagya Raj, was close to losing his mind. Right now he is undergoing psy­chiatric treatment in Kathmandu. Nirmala’s mother, Durga Devi, was having to constantly shuttle between Kathmandu (to tend to her ailing husband) and Bhim­datta municipality (where she went to take part in pro­tests for timely justice).

The whole country is still riveted on the Nirmala Pant case. They see how callous the state has been towards the bereaved family. The longer this case drags on, the greater will be their cynicism of the government and its security organs. It bodes ill for the Nepali state and democratic forces when extremist outfits like the Maoist party led by Netra Bikram Chand have to step in to vouch gun-barrel justice to the fam­ily. After immense public criticism, the police on Dec 7 made an arrest in relation to the Pant case. But they have made similar arrests before. Before anyone else, they will have to convince the bereaved family that justice has been done.

There is little not to like about the contribu­tion-based social security scheme unveiled by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on Nov 27. From now on, all working Nepalis in formal or informal sector, and both private and public enter­prises, will contribute 11 percent of their basic monthly salary to the new Social Security Fund. This will in turn be topped by another 20 percent by their employers. As workers will be entitled to nearly two times more money than they have to deposit, it will be in the interest of all working individuals, irrespective of their income size, to enlist.

Of the 31 percent, 1 percent will cover medical treat­ment; 1.4 percent will cover accidents; 0.27 percent, dependent family members; and 28.33 percent, old-age pensions. While other coverages will be activated after six months of paying into the social security pool, the old-age pensions may be claimed by those over 60 who have contributed to the fund for 15 years. Any way you see it, the start of the first-of-its-kind universal social security scheme is a landmark for Nepal. It is also perhaps the first major step towards the creation of the kind of socialist, welfare state envisioned by the new constitution.

It is indeed a monumental development for low-wage workers who heretofore had it hard, many of them unaware where their next meal would come from. Now, for a minimal contribution, they will be able to better plan their future. But first, the scheme needs to work. Questions have been raised regarding the potentially trillions of rupees that could be collected. With such gigantic sums involved, how will transparen­cy and good governance be ensured? And when that is cared for, what will be done with the money? One good idea is to invest it in big-ticket national projects.

But before all that, how will the ‘basic salary’ of each contributing worker be determined? Many industries and businesses don’t pay their workers mandated basic salary. These employers will now have to increase their salary bill, an issue over which they have tussled with successive governments. Nor was the way PM on Nov 27 Oli took nearly all the entire credit for the scheme seemly. But however the scheme was unrolled, there is no gainsaying its potentially life-changing impact on millions of Nepalis.

And poor old Ram Baran Yadav was being pilloried for acting hoity-toity on the job! But compared to the excesses of his suc­cessor as the country’s president, Bidya Devi Bhandari, the medical doctor is turning out to be rather saintly. It would be stretching it to say that Yadav was attuned to public sentiment. If so, Bhandari is tone-deaf.

From getting sitting Supreme Court judges to kneel down to receive Dashain tika from her blessed hands, to making motorists wait for hours as the police clear the way for her illustrious motorcade, to lavishly spending people’s hard-earned money on luxury cars, the communist president is perhaps the epitome of the kind of crony capitalism that her mother party likes to rail against.

Arguing that the aging fleet of cars belong­ing to the previous president is unreliable, Shital Niwas now wants to replace the whole fleet, a noble task for which the government has just approved Rs 140 million, on top of the Rs 40 million that had already been disbursed for the same pur­pose. It is unclear why a ceremonial president needs cars with top security features. Or why she needs dif­ferent vehicles for ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ use. But the new queen of republican Nepal has asked for it. And my word, she shall have it.

So what if people rain all kinds of curses on her for delaying their travel home, as the roads her maj­esty will travel on are cleared of all vehicles, nay, even pedestrians, an hour in advance? So what if the only well-oiled academy of national police has to be dismantled to expand her bungalow? So what if she is being heavily criticized even within her own par­ty for supposedly besmirching the name of her hus­band, Madan Bhandari, the preeminent Nepali com­munist hero? Her highness does not care. She does not have to care.

The request for new cars has been routed through the Nepal Army, supposedly as the president is their ceremonial head. By doing so she perhaps hopes most of the blame will be deflected off the glistening pillars of the ‘Cool Residence’. And it just might, you know. She will not be the first head of state in Nepal who thinks the country is hers for the taking. On current evidence, she will not be the last.