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Wildfires have been raging at a community forest in Thamlek, Kavre district, since Tuesday afternoon. Together with local people, security personnel have been trying hard to extinguish the blazes, to little avail.

While blazes occur during the dry season in Nepal without fail, all three tyres of the government—local, provincial and federal—appear ill-prepared to deal with the disaster. Ill-equipped communities and security personnel try to douse the blazes, literally with bare hands, in a desperate bid to save lives and properties, often with little success.

Data speak for themselves. According to the Global Forest Watch, from 2001 to 2023, Nepal lost 7.05 kilo hectares (kha) of tree cover from fires and 48.6 kha from all other drivers of loss. The year with the most tree cover loss due to fires during this period was 2009 with 1.33 kha lost to fires—24 percent of all tree cover loss for that year.

The average annual loss of lives and properties from these blazes paints a very alarming picture. On an average, 77 people lose their lives in wildfires and other incidents of fire every year, according to government statistics.

Data from the Disaster Risk Reduction Management Authority show that 18,772 fire incidents took place in Nepal from 2014 to mid-March 2023, killing 769 people, leaving 2,548 injured and causing a total financial loss of over Rs. 22.23bn. 

A question arises: What (or more exactly who) causes wildfires in Nepal? A June 2022 study titled Status and Practical Implications of Forest Fire Management in Nepal, published in the Journal of Forest and Livelihood, seeks to tackle this question. The study shows that 58 percent of forest fires are a result of deliberate burning on the part of grazers, poachers, hunters and non-timber forest product collectors, 22 per cent due to negligence and 20 per cent by accident. 

Online data from the Global Forest Watch (2021) show that more than 80 percent of forest fires occur in March and April, with about 60 percent forest fires occurring in April alone. 

A walk into the forests located not so far away from our settlements generally shows gross negligence in the management of forests. Firebreaks are rare and so are forest guards while dry leaves and grasses are everywhere. In such a situation, all it takes is a live cigarette butt, a live matchstick and a criminal or negligent mindset to set the woods—and nearby settlements—on fire. 

The Thamlek incident should open the eyes of our authorities and local communities, prompting them to do some serious homework to save lives and properties from fires and other disasters, both manmade and natural.   

Five ordinances recently got the presidential stamp of approval, giving the ruling coalition some relief at a time when it has been delaying the winter session of the Parliament for quite some time for reasons best known to it.

The five instruments that got the final seal are the Ordinance to Amend Some Nepal Acts related to Promoting Good Governance and Public Service Delivery (2025); the Economic Procedure and Financial Accountability (First Amendment) Ordinance (2025); the Privatization (First Amendment) Ordinance (2025); and the Ordinance to Amend Some Nepal Acts Related to Improving the Economic and Business Environment and Enhancing Investment (2025) and the Ordinance to Amend the Land Act-1964, the Forest Act-2019 and the National Park Act (1973).

Per reports, the President had some reservations vis-a-vis the last ordinance, but they got sorted out, ultimately.     

While the government cites several bills stuck in various parliamentary committees as the reason behind the delay in summoning the session, six opposition parties, including the main opposition—the CPN (Maoist Center)—see a sinister design.

The opposition parties fear that the government is trying to rule through ordinances by avoiding parliamentary scrutiny of its performance.

At a meeting of the opposition parties held at the Center’s parliamentary party office on Wednesday, the opposition camp came down heavily on the government, accusing it of bypassing democratic norms and demanding commencement of the session at the earliest.

On more occasions than one, this daily has stood for parliamentary scrutiny of government moves and against a rule through ordinances. A rule by ordinances undermines the very spirit of a democratic polity worth its name as it gives the already powerful executive more powers to ride roughshod over civil liberties and other cherished democratic values. The ‘Ordinance Raaj’ should be an exception, not the norm. As things stand, there’s no reason why the government should resort to ordinances to run the affairs of the state. 

So, the government should do a course correction, request the President to call the winter session without further delays and stand ready to face parliamentary scrutiny by keeping in mind that delays in convening the session will end up emboldening elements bent on discrediting this polity. 

On Jan 7, a sleepy nation woke up at 6.50am to a magnitude-7 quake epicentered at Tingri County (Tibet), China as eastern districts of Nepal, including Solukhumbu, Okhaldhunga, Khotang, Sankhuwasabha and Bhojpur, shook vigorously along with the federal capital of Kathmandu. Much to the relief of the nation, there was no loss of life and no major property loss in the jolt, though some private houses and the office building of Thame Post of the Sagarmatha National Park at Thametyang suffered damage.

The quake comes close on the heels of a season of disasters that just passed us by. Last monsoon, more than 230 people died, at least 169 people suffered injuries and many went missing as floods and landslides further destabilized a country where political instability has become the norm rather than the exception. The rescue of around 17,000 people during the monsoon season gives an indication of the scale of the disaster. 

Against this backdrop, a polity with a very short memory and a weak institutional capacity to deal with disasters would do well to learn some humble lessons from the disasters old and new. 

Monsoon floods, landslides, wildfires and quakes claim lives every year, render thousands homeless and cause infrastructural losses worth billions of rupees. 

For example, around 80 people died, several others suffered injuries, thousands became shelterless and the nation suffered infrastructural losses worth billions when a magnitude-6.4 temblor epicentered at Ramidanda (Jajarkot district) shook districts of western Nepal, including Jajarkot and Rukum West, at 11.47 pm on 3 Nov 2023. More than a year after the disaster, humanitarian assistance continues to ‘elude’ many shelterless survivors of the Ramidanda jolt. 

It’s time the government realized that disasters don’t kill, lack of preparedness does. Anyway, a government tasked with protecting the life and property of its people cannot get away by blaming death, devastation and displacement on ‘natural’ disasters.       

Let the recent jolt and other disasters wake up all three tiers of our government and prompt them to step up preparedness that can go a long way in protecting life and properties during such disasters.

Article 93(1) of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015 states that the interval between the two consecutive sessions of the federal parliament shall not be more than six months. The budget session was prorogued in mid-September 2024, meaning that the deadline for convening the winter session has not passed.

Notwithstanding this provision, the winter session should already have begun in accordance with a prevailing practice of convening the session within three months after the prorogation of the budget session.

With over 20 bills pending, lawmakers have their hands full. The parliament will need ample time for deliberations on each bill and for incorporation of concerns coming from lawmakers as law-making in a democracy is not done at the crack of a whip.

So, what is stopping the government from recommending the President to summon the winter session?

Some existential crisis, fear of criticism or some other factor?  

What’s exactly cooking in the corridors of power?

Media reports point out that the government has some other designs. Rather than stepping up preparations for the session, the two major ruling parties—the CPN-UML and the Nepali Congress—are in talks to introduce an ordinance that will actually ‘facilitate’ the splitting of political parties.

 These dark-room negotiations and delay in convening the session have not gone unnoticed. Speaking at a program of the Federal Parliament Secretariat recently, the Speaker of the House of Representatives expressed dissatisfaction over the delay in convening the session. Describing the government as the child of the parliament, he accused the child of sidestepping, undermining and even boycotting the mother.

Lawmakers from the opposition parties have objected to this style of functioning, accusing the government of seeking to rule through ordinances, ignoring the voices of the people and trying to avoid criticism.

On their part, some ministers and ruling party leaders have conceded that inter-party talks on whether or not to present the bill on splitting of political parties during this session are in progress, indicating that the winter session may convene in about a fortnight.

Summing up, the government should learn some bitter lessons from similar misadventures instead of trying to ‘facilitate’ the split of parties for temporary gains, rule through ordinances and undermine the concerns of the opposition and the people if it indeed wants the polity to stabilize and deliver.