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From ground zero of the Sept 8-9 GenZ protests, a sensitive piece of news is spreading.

Per reports, government authorities are working to do away with the remains of hundreds of vehicles that went up in flames in Singhadurbar, courtesy of some elements that targeted vital organs of the state, private businesses and major media outlets on Sept 9, a day after the killing of GenZ protesters in police firing.

In fact, the Mechanical Division under the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport has already begun the large-scale removal and ‘management’ of the debris from Singhadurbar, the federal government secretariat.

After collecting the remains, the tentative plan is to prepare a field inspection report of the burned vehicles by involving police personnel and then inviting tender bids for selling it all as scrap.

This piece of information comes amid reports that ‘authorities concerned’ appear pretty much unconcerned when it comes to preserving evidence at the incident sites by restricting unauthorized entry and taking measures to weather-proof the sites for a credible and objective-oriented investigation that might help establish the identities of the elements involved and their true motives one day.

This kind of swift action on ground zero, rarely seen on other occasions except in the immediate aftermath of tragedies like the royal palace massacre, coincides with reports in some international media outlets that the acts of arson and vandalism seen in Nepal at that time may not have been ‘spontaneous’, that much planning may have gone into these acts. Quotes from police sources mentioned in the reports suggest that these acts might not have been based on conspiracy theories and/or figments of imagination.

Granted that state organs had become almost synonymous with corruption, nepotism, malgovernance, procrastination and a myriad other ills, and the citizenry had genuine grievances against them all. Still, key GenZ figures themselves had appealed against violence and have distanced themselves from the acts of arson and vandalism.

Who all were behind the acts that turned the infrastructure built with the taxpayer’s blood, sweat, toil, tears and hard-earned monies into ashes? What were the main motives of those elements?

A no-nonsense investigation is necessary to find answers to questions like these. Protection and preservation of the sites is a must for such a probe that may turn out to be a lengthy process. As for the large-scale removal of the debris that will be tantamount to destroying the evidence, the ‘Herculean task’ can wait, at least till the completion of the probe.

The interim government formed in the immediate aftermath of a youths-led movement on Sept 8-9 has an uphill task ahead: conducting elections within six months (of which one month has already elapsed), which is easier said than done. 

The state organs have suffered burns of varying degrees in the ensuing violence. Many police posts, tasked with maintaining law and order, have turned to ashes. For many police personnel, according to reports, even uniform has become a luxury, leave alone other amenities. At this point in time, the morale of the police force may not be exactly high as it has just survived a serious crisis, with burns and scars of various degrees and depths. 

What’s more, out of over 14, 000 inmates, who escaped from 28 prisons and juvenile detention centers across Nepal during the protests, nearly 5,700 individuals, including hardened criminals, are still on the run—with looted weapons—while 8,851 escapees, including 341 juvenile detainees, have voluntarily surrendered.  

Concerningly, the government does not seem as serious as it should be when it comes to conducting an operation for the search, arrest and disarming of the absconders. Is the government waiting for some auspicious date to conduct such an operation?  

Still, the government appears serious about conducting the elections within the stipulated timeframe (5 March 2026) and handing over the reins to an elected government. It has directed the Election Commission to make preparations for the polls and called Nepali missions abroad to garner support of host governments and organizations for the cause.     

Sounds great, but polls cannot take place in a vacuum. The democratic exercise is impossible without taking a shaken and stirred people into confidence, for which a semblance of order is necessary. In every democracy worth its name, polls are impossible without the participation of political parties. 

But the government seems to have forgotten—or undermined, deliberately or otherwise—to take the parties into confidence.  

Apart from issuing instructions to the EC and making logistical arrangements for the vote, the government should also reach out to the parties. 

On their part, the parties should not forget that only a popular vote can take the country out of this long and dark tunnel of anarchy. 

It’s time the government rallied the whole nation for polls by taking the parties and other stakeholders into confidence. Government instructions and directives sound great, but action should speak louder.

A month after GenZ protesters toppled the KP Sharma Oli-led government and an interim administration headed by former Chief Justice Sushila Karki was formed, uncertainty still looms over whether the new government will be able to hold fresh elections on March 5 next year. Conducting free and fair elections remains one of the main demands of the GenZ movement, and the only viable path to safeguard Nepal’s constitution.

Beyond the election, the Karki government faces multiple challenges: managing factionalism among GenZ groups, rebuilding key government institutions damaged during the protests, and restoring law and order.

Except for the CPN (Maoist Center), major political parties remain undecided about joining the electoral process. A lingering climate of fear continues to grip the private sector as well, likely accelerating capital flight and worsening Nepal’s already fragile economy. The media, which should be playing a pivotal role at this critical juncture, has largely resorted to self-censorship due to fear and uncertainty. It also remains unclear whether major powers, who have long been influential in Nepal’s internal affairs, truly support the call for free and fair elections and the protection of the constitution.

The Sept 8–9 protests erupted against endemic corruption and the deep politicization of state institutions. Despite sporadic violence and criminal acts, the demonstrations reflected the people’s anger and frustration that had been simmering for years. Global experience shows that managing a nation after such a major upheaval is a herculean task. Many countries, after similar uprisings, have descended into prolonged civil wars or become arenas for international rivalries. Bangladesh, for example, remains uncertain about its elections more than a year after its own popular uprising. In Nepal, too, doubts persist over whether elections can be held on time amid so many unresolved issues.

The law and order situation remains fragile. Despite limited resources, the Nepal Police is trying to restore its offices, but officers continue to live in fear of renewed attacks. Their apprehension is not unfounded. Many believe protesters could again target them, as during the September unrest. The government’s handling of security has also been questionable. Last week, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a directive instructing police not to arrest individuals directly involved in vandalism, arson, and attacks on public and private property.

Following the directive, police were compelled to release those arrested during the protests. Later, the probe committee led by Gauri Bahadur Karki clarified that government agencies are free to investigate criminal cases independently. Yet, with law enforcement still weak, many political leaders remain underground, and normal political activity has not resumed. The private sector, too, is hesitant to voice its concerns. “Who will protect us if some unidentified group attacks?” asked one businessman, expressing widespread anxiety within the business community. To restore confidence, the government must go the extra mile to ensure law and order and engage with both GenZ protesters and political leaders making provocative statements.

There should be no ambiguity in addressing the Sept 8-9 incidents. The government must investigate and take action against those who ordered police to open fire on unarmed students in broad daylight. While the inquiry commission can look into the matter, the police must act where clear evidence exists. Likewise, not all violent acts during the protests can be justified as spontaneous expressions of public anger. In several places, organized groups carried out arson and targeted attacks, many of which were captured on video. Some acts were clearly politically motivated. Therefore, all sides, including the government, political parties, and GenZ groups, must avoid a biased approach and commit to impartial justice.

There are now dozens of GenZ factions, each voicing distinct demands on social media and in the streets, often shaped by political leanings. One faction, for instance, advocates amending the constitution to introduce a directly elected presidential system in place of the current parliamentary one. While all political views should be heard and respected, constitutional amendment is neither feasible nor within the interim government’s mandate. Prime Minister Karki has made this clear in her address to the nation. The constitution was already stretched during the formation of this government, and President Ramchandra Paudel lacks the authority to amend it unilaterally.

Most of the issues raised by GenZ groups are not new; they echo debates from the constitution-drafting period. Today, various forces are again trying to push their agendas, such as restoring the monarchy, reviving the Hindu state, and dismantling federalism. All sides should recall 2015, when despite immense disagreements, a compromise was reached to finalize the constitution. They should recognize that failure could plunge the nation into instability. Reopening that Pandora’s box now would only invite further conflict. The current situation offers all forces a fair chance to compete in elections and present their agendas to the people.

Equally concerning is the lack of dialogue between the government and political parties, a crucial step toward creating an environment conducive to elections. The Election Commission has yet to invite parties for consultations. If its current office-bearers fear engaging in dialogue, they should step down to make way for new leadership. Unilateral decisions by the commission, without stakeholder consultation, risk undermining credibility.

A central demand of the GenZ movement is firm action against corruption. Yet, the government has done little on this front. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA), a constitutionally mandated anti-graft body, is under pressure as protesters demand the resignation of its leadership. The government may face legal hurdles in forming a parallel body, but it must find a way to address corruption, either through an understanding with the CIAA to investigate major scandals or by proposing new accountability mechanisms.

Since the GenZ protests, the public has also been watching how global powers perceive Nepal’s unfolding situation. These powers should firmly support the timely holding of elections within six months to protect the constitution. Any derailment of the electoral process might serve short-term interests, but long-term instability or conflict in Nepal benefits no one. While external actors should refrain from interfering in domestic politics, their goodwill and support should reinforce Nepal’s democratic path.

The major political parties, too, bear heavy responsibility. While the new political environment may be a setback for some leaders, it should not be for the parties themselves. They must support the electoral process and engage constructively with the interim government. If they do so, a conducive political environment will gradually emerge, and if necessary, they can also seek judicial remedies through the Supreme Court.

At this critical juncture, the role of independent media is indispensable. Unfortunately, due to insecurity and impunity, many journalists are resorting to self-censorship. The interim government has yet to make any commitment to safeguard media freedom, and the international community, once vocal on press freedom violations, has remained largely silent despite systematic attacks on journalists and media houses.

Ultimately, the government, political parties, judiciary, civil society, and all democratic actors must work together to stabilize the country. While some groups may seek immediate fulfillment of their demands, everyone must recognize the fragility of the state. Nepal cannot afford further instability or chaos, politically or economically. Those in positions of power must act responsibly, inclusively, and without provocation.

Kamal Dev Bhattarai 

Editor 

Call it the “unintended consequences” of a movement, at least for now. 

The recent Gen Z movement against corruption, nepotism and bad governance has left behind a trail of deaths and destruction while making the myopic and reactive ruling clique flee the scene. 

More than 70 people have lost their lives and around 1000 have suffered injuries. All three organs of the state—the executive, the legislature and the judiciary—have suffered extensive infrastructural damage—as if damage resulting from the loss of credibility due to various scams and scandals were not enough—along with the fourth estate—the free press—a soft target of protesters of all hues and shades at all times. 

Throughout the country, government offices have turned into cinders while business and industries have suffered significant losses.

The most affected parts make one wonder if something more sinister has hit this country than mere protests.  

Even in a grim scenario like this, there’s a feeling among the public that all’s not lost. 

From the ashes of death and destruction, the country appears to be rising slowly. 

A caretaker administration has taken shape under a retired chief justice on the precincts of what used to be an imposing, historic Singhadurbar—the federal government secretariat—with a mandate to conduct elections within six months.

Housed in tents, the Supreme Court has begun hearing habeas corpus writ petitions. On the arteries of Kathmandu devoid of dividers and traffic islands, traffic police personnel have returned to duty and one can see them trying to bring some semblance of order amid traffic jams and snarls. 

Though badly burnt and dissolved, there’s some semblance of the bicameral Parliament at New Baneshwor, with the speaker of the House of Representatives and the chair of the National Assembly still in office. 

While the national army is back in the barracks, the Sheetal Niwas—the presidential palace—remains at the center of the current scheme of things, with burns and all. 

As a long and arduous process of national healing begins, the onus is on us—Nepalis from all walks of life, within the country and beyond—to join hands for national reconstruction by mobilizing our resources and utilizing our skills rather than looking for international support. At this juncture, the government would do well to appeal to the Nepalis to contribute to this great cause.  

From the ashes of destruction, we can—and shall—rise like a phoenix.