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Festivals can be demanding and Tihar is one that puts extra pressure on us to clean, host, and participate in rituals. There is a lot to do and sometimes not enough hands to get it all done. This is probably one reason why Tihar celebrations begin much before the actual event. Families have time to host guests and then move on to the heavier stuff of cleaning and pujas if they start celebrating a week or even two in advance. But does that mean the week-long festivities have to be a whirlwind of chores? It can be a fun affair with family, friends, and your community if you are up to trying something different this year. We can assure you that it will take the tension off Tihar.

Host a community lunch/dinner

In the week leading up to Tihar, which is this very week, try to get your neighbors and community together by suggesting a pot luck lunch or dinner to usher in the festivities. It will be a great way to kickstart a wonderful few days of celebrations and you will also put an end to the need to entertain people separately. It’s a great way to come together and bond as well while reducing unnecessary pressure.

Consider shared rangoli and decor

In the same vein as above, how does your community feel about coming together to decorate your neighborhood? Instead of installing individual lights and decor, you could all pitch in to deck up your lane and do so together. It will get the work done faster and make it more fun as well. Sometimes, all you need is for someone to suggest it to make it happen. And it actually feels a lot more festive than individually decorated homes.

Harness the flower power

One of the best things about Tihar is all the flower decorations we tend to do. But it’s also one of the most taxing. Instead of stringing flowers into garlands why not make use of vases and planters? Simply get sayapatri plants from your local nursery and transfer them into small pots and place these by your doorsteps. You can also get bunches of these flowers from different street vendors and display them interestingly in large vases peppered around the house.

Use urns and candlestands

Most of us light diyos or oil lamps during Tihar. This requires a lot of pre planning as well as post use clean up that takes up a lot of time. Use urns to light floating candles and make use of whatever candlestands you have lying around the house to create a visually interesting display of light. These are easy to set up and put away as well. You can also make use of old bottles in place of candlestands. Vases can also be turned upside down to create interesting candle displays.

Make it a family affair

Oftentimes, we tend to break up household chores among family members and go about our separate ways but there’s a lot of fun to be had if we do things as a group. Put on some good music and get cleaning and organizing together as a family. Turn chores into a game. See who can finish something faster and do it better. Have a small prize ready. You will get things done faster and it will not feel like work either. It also helps if you have a cut off time. Fix a time by which you must finish the work or take small tea or game breaks in between. 

On Sept 8, most GenZ youths probably woke up earlier than usual, driven by hope and a mission to protest against the rampant corruption plaguing Nepal at the Maitighar Mandala. They never expected that they would find state-sanctioned bullets to their heads. This article seeks to look at what lapses led to a meltdown of security mechanisms, specifically on the Sept 8 protests. This is because I align with the views of many experts, including Dr Balram Timalsina, who believe that the two days should be viewed in a completely different way and there should be two separate commissions to investigate them. Sept 8 was a protest driven by ‘frustration’ against the deep-rooted corruption in the country. Sept 9 was a protest driven by ‘anger’ against the state-sanctioned violence.

The beginning

Unlike traditional protests, most preparations for this one took place on social media. Individuals like Raksha Bam and Purushottam Yadav personally visited the Kathmandu district administration office to obtain permission for a peaceful protest between Maitighar and Everest Hotel, Baneshwor. The authorities granted the permission, but appeared unaware, or perhaps even indifferent, to how many people would turn up in support.

As a leaderless protest, different groups called people to gather at Maitighar at various times, but it began shortly before 9 am. Initially, there were just a handful of people, but looking at the rate of people coming in, everybody (except the authorities)  knew that this protest was going to make its mark in history. In hindsight, the atmosphere around 9 am was lively, with GenZ showcasing its creativity through paintings and printed memes held high above their heads.

The crowd’s behavior clearly showed it was a headless movement. Many were small groups of friends and classmates, seemingly attending their first protest. However, a particular group stood out. Anyone familiar with Kathmandu’s protests would easily recognize these faces and allegiances. Not everyone was there independently; some had vested interests. The protest had been infiltrated, though this was not entirely unexpected given the crowd of over 12,000 people. Yet, the state still seemed unprepared for such a contingency.

Intel and security failures

The intelligence agencies failed to analyze and predict the gravity of the situation, leaving authorities completely off guard. The National Investigation Department (NID), under the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) at the time, should have been properly mobilized to monitor developments. The blanket ban on 26 social media platforms had already created public hostility toward the government. The Nepo-Baby trending on TikTok gained more traction after this ban, as people, especially GenZ, shifted to TikTok, increasing the trend’s reach and influence on the protest.

The NID and other security intelligence units failed to monitor social media activity, relying instead on outdated methods of intelligence gathering and analysis. In recent years, the NID has come under scrutiny, with growing questions about whether it should remain under the PMO. Experts have long criticized it for being used by leaders to surveil political rivals. Had the NID been more proactive, other security agencies and possibly even the Prime Minister would have been aware of how the situation was unfolding on the ground.

The Nepal Police and the Armed Police Force (APF) are responsible for crowd management. They looked severely undermanned and did not take enough precautions to prevent a scenario where things would go out of control. Despite the fact that it was planned as a peaceful protest, it was the duty of the state and the security forces to prepare for any sort of contingency that may arise as the situation developed.

The escalation

People in the protest have said that initially they planned to march up to the Everest Hotel and return to Maitighar. When they reached the Bijuli-bazaar bridge, the only obstacle they faced there was a rope. As they marched on and reached in front of the Everest Hotel, they were stopped by a proper barricade set up by the Nepal Police, who clearly looked undermanned to deal with such a massive crowd. Behind them was a layer of APF and one water cannon. Behind this layer, leading up to the Parliament building, there was no police presence at all. 

As soon as protesters reached the barricade, some began pushing to break through, even forcing others toward it. Peaceful protesters struggled to move back as they were crushed by the crowd behind them. Meanwhile, another group arrived from Tinkune, positioning themselves behind the police line. The police suddenly found themselves nearly encircled, but tried to hold their ground until the group approaching from behind advanced and tore down the barricade. Water cannons were fired, but they failed to stop the massive crowd. The police, including the APF, retreated toward the parliament building. Facing ‘zero-resistance’, protesters reached the parliament’s southern (main) gate. Some moved toward the western gate, attempting to surround the building. Until then, there had been no baton charge, but as protesters gathered at the southern gate, police struck with batons once and began firing teargas to disperse the crowd.

Situation awareness and brutality

While this was happening, the Home Minister was attending a parliamentary committee meeting to discuss a bill. They were promptly extracted, exposing once again the weakness of our intelligence system. After their extraction, curfew was imposed around the Parliament, and police began shooting at protesters trying to storm the building. With mobile network signals nearly shut down due to the massive crowd, people had no way of knowing about the curfew or what was happening ahead.

The area around the Parliament remained tense throughout the day as hospitals filled with the injured. Instead of easing the situation, police brutality escalated. By evening, videos surfaced showing police storming Civil Hospital, located in front of the Parliament, and firing teargas shells inside. In Bir Hospital, where ad hoc blood donation camps had been set up, police again used force, injuring people who had gathered to donate blood for victims in critical condition.

Police started search operations, storming private residences and hostels looking for protesters, storming shops and beating shopkeepers. They were charging innocent travelers with batons. On Sept 8, the principle of use of force was totally disregarded. Police brutality was at its height, which acted as fuel for the rage for the fires that would ensue the next day.

Conspiracy 

There are a lot of speculations and conspiracy theories going around regarding the use of snipers to shoot students and instigate violence from external forces. A video showing a student in the middle of the crowd getting shot is circulating, reinforcing these speculations. Questions are being raised as to how a person in the middle of the crowd could get shot and not the person standing in front of him.

According to security analyst Chiran Jung Thapa, conspiracies cannot be ruled out; however, the use of snipers can only be proven after a thorough investigation. As per his observations, 2,200 shots were fired by the Nepal Police as a whole, but most of them were fired into the air. When a bullet is shot into the air, it does not simply disappear, it has to come down. When coming down, the bullet will follow the trajectory in which it was fired. This might be the reason why a student in the middle of the crowd got shot.

Conclusion

It is not that the security forces of Nepal are incapable of handling protests of such a scale. Their capacity was seen in March when Durga Prasai drove his vehicle through the barricade of Tinkune all the way to the Parliament building, instigating the protestors to join him. Back then, the security forces were well-prepared with adequate layers of barricades, personnel and equipment, enabling them to stop the protesters from moving toward the Parliament building.

It is because of a lack of preparedness or intention of the concerned authorities, heavy politicization of intelligence and security agencies, lack of professionalism among the security personnel on the ground, and rulers tripping on power with inflated ego that the tragic incidents of Sept 8 unfolded and paved the way for the destruction of Sept 9.

The author is program coordinator & research associate at the Nepal Institute for International Cooperation and Engagement (NIICE)

It has finally been confirmed that Nepali student Bipin Joshi died while being held captive by the Hamas group in Gaza.

Hamas on Monday released the names of four dead hostages including Joshi.

Confirming the names of four dead hostages, the terror group has announced to hand over the bodies today itself.

According to the group, the bodies of the hostages to be handed over today include Nepali national Bipin Joshi and Israeli citizens Gully Illouz, Yossi Sharabi and Daniel Perez.

Earlier this morning, Israeli authorities had informed the Nepali officials that Joshi was not alive.

Officials at the Prime Minister's Office, Israel and the military had officially informed the Nepali Embassy in Israel that Joshi is not alive.

Hamas abducted Joshi from Alumim Kibbutz on October 10, 2023.

For almost a year, Joshi’s family had heard nothing about him, until the Israeli military released a video in November 2023, confirming that he was alive in captivity. A video showing him alive was released a few days ago when the new ceasefire was announced.

Hamas handed over 20 living hostages to Israel through the Red Cross today.

A total 1,139 people, including 10 Nepali students had died in the Hamas attack on October 7, 2023.

Born on October 26,  2000 in Kanchanpur, Joshi had travelled to Israel as part of the “Learn and Earn” agricultural training program under a bilateral initiative between the two countries. Just three weeks after his arrival, he found himself at the heart of one of the most violent attacks in Israel’s history.

On the morning of Oct 7, 2023, Hamas militants launched a surprise assault on southern Israel, including Kibbutz Alumim, where Joshi was staying with 48 other Nepali students. When attackers threw a grenade into the bunker where Joshi and his friends were hiding, he reportedly deflected it—saving lives but exposing himself in the process. He was captured and later seen alive in Gaza.

Following his abduction, a flurry of diplomatic efforts was made by Nepal, Israel, and international partners to secure Joshi’s release.

On November 11, 2023, the Nepal government dispatched a DNA collection team to Joshi’s home to check samples against unclaimed bodies. No matches were found. Then on November 20, 2023, The Israel Defense Force released CCTV footage from October 7, where Joshi was identified by his family and friends as he was dragged by militants.

Months passed without any confirmed updates. Israeli intelligence tracked Joshi’s phone to Gaza, and despite being included in international hostage talks, his name never appeared on release lists.

Many initiatives were taken to bring him back to Nepal. On November 24, 2023, then Minister for Foreign Affairs Narayan Prakash Saud urged Qatar’s State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Soltan bin Saad Al-Muraikhi, to take initiatives for Joshi’s release from Hamas’ captivity.

On April 23, 2024, President Ram Chandra Paudel requested the Emir of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, to help secure Joshi’s release. On May 19, 2024, Joshi’s family met then Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal to seek support for his release. On May 31, 2024, Israeli Ambassador to Nepal, Hanan Goder, demanded the unconditional release of all 125 people, including Joshi.

On October 8, 2024, the BBC reported that Israeli intelligence confirmed Joshi’s phone was located in Gaza. On January 8, 2025, then Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba appealed to Israeli Ambassador to Nepal Shmulik Arie Bass at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to take immediate action to secure Joshi’s release.

On January 17, the Ministry of Home Affairs in Kathmandu welcomed the ‘Agreement for the Release of Hostages and Ceasefire in Gaza’ expressing hope for Joshi’s safe return.

A few days ago, Joshi’s family posted a 33-second video—believed to be filmed in a Gaza hospital—where Joshi, visibly under duress, identified himself in English: “My name is Bipin Joshi. I am from Nepal. I am 23 years old.”

“We decided to release it to show that he is in Gaza and alive, and maybe it can create pressure on the negotiating teams to understand our feelings, our pain,” said Joshi’s sister Pushpa. “It’s been two years, it’s too much pain for us and the hostages and the other hostages’ families.”

Despite the silence, Joshi’s family remained hopeful. His sister Pushpa became a voice in the campaign to bring her brother home. “It’s been two years. It’s too much pain for us,” she said during a protest in Israel’s Hostages Square. “How can anyone endure more than 680 days in a dark, unbearable room?”

Joshi’s mother, Padma, made a tearful plea upon arriving in Israel earlier this year: “Please, rescue my son… bring him home now.” Their journey took them from their home to the heart of Israeli politics, where they met President Isaac Herzog, Speaker Amir Ohana, and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar—all of whom expressed their commitment to Joshi’s case.

Since the IDF tweeted: “It’s official, there are no more living Israeli hostages in Hamas captivity,” the state of Joshi is still unknown as they haven’t mentioned about other nationalists’ hostages. The Israeli military confirms that the last 20 living hostages held by Hamas in Gaza are now back in Israel after more than two years in captivity.

Pushpa’s continued appeals have gathered support among Nepali youths, civil society, and more. His image has appeared on banners, placards, and even an Israeli flag made of hostage portraits displayed during mass rallies. Before his capture, Joshi sent a message to his cousin saying, “If something happens to me, you have to take care of my family. Be strong and always see the future.”

Nepal’s interim government is operating amid a deep national crisis. Public trust in the state is weak. Institutions are working at cross purposes. Citizens, especially the youth, are demanding change on the streets, while political factions and external actors closely watch for any weakness to push their own agendas. The government’s mandate is limited but crucial: conduct national elections within six months, of which one month has already passed. This cannot be achieved through short-term political arrangements or by simply reacting to every crisis. The state must fix its weak institutional foundations. Fortunately, the Constitution offers a clear instrument for this task: the National Security Council (NSC). This is one of the government’s most strategic, but most underused, institutions.

Nepal’s instability is not happening in isolation. Youth groups are demanding structural change, while political parties that lost power after the dissolution of the lower chamber of the bicameral parliament (the House of Representatives) see this as a chance to make a comeback. At the same time, supporters of a return to the erstwhile royalist order are becoming more vocal, presenting themselves as an alternative political force. External actors are also watching the situation closely. 

A weak and distracted Nepal suits the strategic interests of some regional and global powers. The longer state institutions remain uncoordinated, the more space internal and external actors will find to influence national affairs. The current situation, latent inter-agency rivalries, uncoordinated responses, and widespread public anger reflect a deep crisis of coordination and command. If this gap remains, it could become very difficult to control later.

The NSC, established under Article 266 of the Constitution, was created precisely for such a situation. It is meant to serve as the strategic brain of national security, bringing together the Prime Minister and the Ministers of Defense, Home, Finance, and Foreign Affairs. However, successive governments have allowed the NSC to remain a ceremonial body, meeting rarely and acting even less. This interim government can change that. Reactivating the NSC requires no new law or constitutional amendment, only political will. The NSC offers a neutral platform to depoliticize security discussions, the authority to bring all security agencies under a common plan, and a legally sound way for an interim government to address security challenges.

Reviving the NSC should not mean only holding closed meetings. It should become a real center for coordination, planning and communication. The government can give it three immediate tasks. First, the NSC should issue a clear public directive explaining which agency does what during a crisis. This simple step will reduce confusion and close the gaps that opportunistic actors currently exploit. Second, intelligence and security agencies must be required to share information and work on the basis of a common threat assessment as fragmented works allow destabilizing elements to take advantage of blind spots. Third, the NSC should hold regular briefings to inform citizens about the security situation and present a common narrative. This is not about revealing sensitive information; it is about preventing rumours, misinformation and disinformation from filling the gap. While the NSC membership is constitutionally fixed, its processes can be more inclusive. It should consult representatives from the private sector, civil society, scholars, technology experts and youth groups as these stakeholders bring perspectives from the ground that government officials often miss.

Given limited time and high risks, the government’s approach must be focused and realistic. In the first phase, the government should activate the NSC by holding a serious, substantive meeting and publicly declaring it as the central coordinating body. This will signal both to the public and to external observers that there is a clear hand on the wheel. It should also launch an independent inquiry by forming a time-bound, judge-led commission to investigate recent protest violence. Showing accountability will strengthen public confidence and deny critics their strongest arguments. Alongside this, the government should establish a crisis communication desk to serve as a single, trusted source for verified information. When rumors spread about “foreign hands” or hidden agendas, citizens should know exactly where to get the truth.

In the second phase, the NSC’s policy directives must be translated into operational orders across all security agencies. In sensitive districts, local security committees made up of officials, police and community leaders should be set up to identify grievances early and prevent external exploitation.

The interim government’s success will not be measured only by whether the streets become quieter for a short period. Its real success will be judged by whether it leaves behind a more coherent, trusted and functional state than it inherited — one that is less vulnerable to internal manipulation and external pressure. The NSC can and should be the central instrument to achieve this. By reactivating the NSC and using it strategically, the government can provide clarity, restore coordination, and close the gaps that currently invite instability.

The author is a self-practicing social analyst. Through her independent study of Nepali society, she provides a unique perspective on societal norms