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From reels to viral campaigns, GenZ navigates the digital sphere with purpose. Their online presence reflects how technology is redefining youth engagement. A study published in the International Journal of Novel Research titled ‘Role of Social Media in Inculcating Life Skills Amongst GenZ’ shows that GenZ recognizes and accepts the effect of social media in developing essential life skills.

The study also finds that social media has become an integral part of GenZ’s life, shaping personal lives and interpersonal relationships. Reflecting this influence on daily life, 19-year-old Biswas Giri (name changed) shares how these platforms have expanded his thoughts on different topics. He also highlights his preference for the short form of video over long-form, adding, “Visually rich content captures my attention without being overwhelmed by the long texts”.

Giri also acknowledges social media influence on purchasing decisions from clothes to books, stressing the power of online communities and the role of content creators in shaping opinions. 

According to a 2025 study published in the European Journal of Teaching and Education, YouTube provides a platform for many to learn a diverse range of content, from motivational talks to self-help tutorials. The study notes that users can connect in a techno-driven world by asking queries and engaging in discussions.  

Underscoring its necessity, 18-year-old Sabina Karki from Kathmandu says YouTube has become a fundamental tool for her studies. A 12th grader, Karki, explains, “YouTube is my most used platform to gain knowledge, as  many channels teach online, which makes it easier for me to grasp the idea quickly.”

Beyond education, social media also enables global communication, making it easy to access information worldwide. Recalling the power of digital connectivity, 27-year-old Krish Acharya mentions the #MeToo movement, which sparked momentum online. “This sort of campaign on social media aims to bring systematic change and drive structural reform,” he asserts.

Social media’s role in business is equally significant. According to the National Business Association, promoting business on the internet boosts brand awareness and expands reach among a wide range of audiences. 26-year-old Sangeeta Thapa, who runs an accessories business in Kathmandu, shares that she promotes business using social media sites. Thapa adds, “I try to create appealing content that will attract customers.” For Thapa, social media is essential for shaping public opinions, and without using it, she says, reaching a broader audience would be nearly impossible. 

Twenty-five-year-old Bibek Adhikari utilizes a digital platform to stay informed about current affairs. “Exploring the content across the internet helps me refine my idea,” he says, while warning about misinformation. “Many youths are trying to get information from the internet, but it is significant to verify the source, as many are misled by false content”. 

As an example, Adhikari shares the knowledge gap among internet users in his village, Sindhupalchowk. “Many youth cannot identify credible media content, which makes it difficult for them to stay aware of the various messages they encounter,” he adds.

Recognizing Nepal’s rapidly changing digital landscape, it becomes vital to ensure that everyone develops awareness and literacy to navigate it responsibly. 

According to DataReportal’s findings, there were 14.3m active social media user identities in Nepal in Jan 2025. Within this number, GenZ also stands at the front of the digital wave, shaping online interactions and trends. 

“When the youth started to speak against the stagnant system and corruption in Nepal back in September, social media played a revolutionary role,” says Smriti Dhakal. She emphasizes the collective interest of all Nepalese to fight against the system. She claims that digital platforms, including TikTok, Facebook, and Instagram, contributed significantly to shaping the voice of youth. 

While digital sites provide vast access to information, social media algorithms can also affect understanding by controlling what users see online. “Digital content gives me a sense of escapism, letting me explore different perspectives,” says Shikshya Gurung. 

She adds that online content also shapes her way of living and gives her ideas about the eating culture. Gurung adds, “With content creators giving ideas about cafes and food, it makes it easier to discover new places to spend time”. 

A report published by the Pew Research Center, ‘The Future of Well-Being in a Tech-Saturated World,’ quotes Tiziana Dearing, a professor at the Boston College School of Social Work, stating that digital technology can negatively affect well-being if social empathy and inherent bias are ignored. Therefore, it’s important to be aware of what content GenZ consumes.

GenZ engagement with social media shows diverse ways in which individuals navigate the digital landscape. While some use it for staying updated on current affairs, others use it for learning, self-expression, and entertainment, reflecting the multifaceted nature of this generation’s online presence.

From ground zero of the Sept 8-9 GenZ protests, a sensitive piece of news is spreading.

Per reports, government authorities are working to do away with the remains of hundreds of vehicles that went up in flames in Singhadurbar, courtesy of some elements that targeted vital organs of the state, private businesses and major media outlets on Sept 9, a day after the killing of GenZ protesters in police firing.

In fact, the Mechanical Division under the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport has already begun the large-scale removal and ‘management’ of the debris from Singhadurbar, the federal government secretariat.

After collecting the remains, the tentative plan is to prepare a field inspection report of the burned vehicles by involving police personnel and then inviting tender bids for selling it all as scrap.

This piece of information comes amid reports that ‘authorities concerned’ appear pretty much unconcerned when it comes to preserving evidence at the incident sites by restricting unauthorized entry and taking measures to weather-proof the sites for a credible and objective-oriented investigation that might help establish the identities of the elements involved and their true motives one day.

This kind of swift action on ground zero, rarely seen on other occasions except in the immediate aftermath of tragedies like the royal palace massacre, coincides with reports in some international media outlets that the acts of arson and vandalism seen in Nepal at that time may not have been ‘spontaneous’, that much planning may have gone into these acts. Quotes from police sources mentioned in the reports suggest that these acts might not have been based on conspiracy theories and/or figments of imagination.

Granted that state organs had become almost synonymous with corruption, nepotism, malgovernance, procrastination and a myriad other ills, and the citizenry had genuine grievances against them all. Still, key GenZ figures themselves had appealed against violence and have distanced themselves from the acts of arson and vandalism.

Who all were behind the acts that turned the infrastructure built with the taxpayer’s blood, sweat, toil, tears and hard-earned monies into ashes? What were the main motives of those elements?

A no-nonsense investigation is necessary to find answers to questions like these. Protection and preservation of the sites is a must for such a probe that may turn out to be a lengthy process. As for the large-scale removal of the debris that will be tantamount to destroying the evidence, the ‘Herculean task’ can wait, at least till the completion of the probe.

The recent wave of youth-led activism in Nepal—the GenZ revolt—has rightly torn open the rotten underbelly of political corruption, nepotism and dynastic power. It has been a blistering attack on Singhadurbar, the symbolic heart of governmental misrule.

Yet, if this revolt stops at the political gates, it will fail to uproot the deeper, more insidious culture of unaccountability that suffocates this country. The next frontier lies not only beyond Parliament but across the entire landscape of privileged power—inside the polished offices of NGOs and INGOs, the judiciary, the armed forces, the bureaucracy, the corporations, and, most critically, the compromised media establishment. The revolution must now move from a critique of politicians to a critique of all elites.

A compromised watchdog

A free and independent press is often called the fourth pillar of democracy. But in Nepal, that pillar has been hollowed out—eaten away by political alignment, corporate control and donor dependency. When a watchdog becomes dependent on the hand that feeds it, it no longer barks; it guards the master’s house.

Many so-called “independent” outlets are owned by business families or political investors whose real interest lies not in journalism but in influence. Editorial lines are quietly auctioned off to whoever offers the most—in advertising, contracts or access. Government and corporate advertising now function as veiled bribes, buying silence or favorable coverage. Investigative journalism—the heartbeat of democratic accountability—has been replaced by a toxic blend of propaganda, sensationalism, and self-censorship.

The NGO elite

Corruption does not stop at Singhadurbar or in media newsrooms; it extends deep into the NGO and INGO world that claims to represent the “voice of civil society.” For far too long, the development sector has worn the halo of moral superiority while operating as a parallel elite structure—opaque, unaccountable and self-perpetuating.

Founders of major NGOs often treat their organizations as personal estates, remaining chairpersons or executive directors for decades, drawing high salaries, controlling grants and filling boards with loyalists who block reform. Just as politicians are not meant to rule for life, civil society and NGO leaders must also retire from their high-paid, benefit-laden positions after a few years. Activism is not a career ladder or a lifetime pension; it is a public service.

Nepal’s NGO ecosystem has become a closed circuit of privilege where the same names circulate across boards, consultancies and “capacity-building” projects. Development work is too often reduced to a marketplace of donor contracts, where accountability is measured by paperwork rather than people’s progress. Audit reports verify numbers, not ethics; receipts, not results. If audits were enough, there would be no corruption anywhere in the world.

Donors also bear responsibility. They must not fund the same NGOs and INGOs for decades, especially those whose operating costs and salaries absorb the bulk of development budgets. Instead, international and domestic funding should support smaller NGOs and local civil society groups, empowering genuine grassroots initiatives rather than perpetuating elite monopolies.

Radical transparency

The moral strength of the GenZ movement lies in its uncompromising demand for radical transparency. That demand must extend to every sphere of power—political, bureaucratic, corporate, media, and NGO. Every institution that receives public, corporate or donor funds must be open to citizen scrutiny.

NGOs and INGOs must publicly disclose their total donor funds, salary scales, consultant fees, and operational expenses. Media houses must declare their true ownership and major advertisers, especially those linked to political or corporate entities. Judges, generals, chief editors and NGO directors—anyone wielding public influence—must be required to disclose their assets. Transparency is not a political weapon; it is the foundation of public trust.

The solution: CWGG

To make accountability a living reality, Nepal needs a Citizen Watchdog and Good Governance (CWGG) body—an independent, non-political civic mechanism that bridges people and power. This body would enforce accountability by receiving and tracking complaints of corruption, mismanagement, and nepotism across all sectors. It would verify impact through youth-led, community-based monitoring before forwarding substantiated cases to the appropriate legal authorities. And it would empower citizens by serving as a civic advisory hub—providing reliable, unbiased information about essential public processes: how to seek justice in domestic violence cases, apply for a driving license, follow legal procedures for foreign employment, take loans from banks or cooperatives, file lawsuits, access free legal aid, register to vote, or start a small business, etc.

In short, the CWGG would replace confusion and exploitation with clarity and empowerment—helping ordinary people make informed decisions and reclaim agency over their lives. Nepal’s fight against corruption is no longer a two-front war between the people and politicians. It is a multi-front moral revolution. The same scrutiny that brought Singhadurbar to its knees must now reach the air-conditioned boardrooms of NGOs, the glass offices of corporate media and the donor-funded corridors of “development.”

Universal ethics

GenZ is the only generation bold enough to confront all these elites and rebuild Nepal on the foundation of radical honesty and collective accountability. The revolution has only begun. The next 'obstacle to democracy' is not just inside Singhadurbar—it is also sitting comfortably in the name of “development,” “governance,” and even “press freedom.”

Tihar, the most awaited festival after Dashain for many, is in the corner. People wait for this festival for many reasons, like lights, colors, and probably money they receive as dakshina. I love them all. But the most important aspect that every Nepali person waits for is the day when we light the house with diyos (traditional oil lamps made with clay). Every year, thousands of diyos are bought by many to light up their house. In the pottery square of Bhaktapur, many potters are seen drying their clay works in the sun. The area is made in such a way where the sun rays don’t fade away till evening. Every shop has divided their area to dry their work in the same ground. Traditionally, people from the Prajapati caste are involved in the work of creating clay and earthenware products. But today, this job is not just limited to the Prajapatis.

Samir Dhonju got into this profession because he was interested in the artistic work that goes into making earthenware goods.  “There was a time when this work was associated with people a certain caste, but things have changed these days. I really enjoy working with clay and making various products,” he says.  Dhonju has been doing this for a year now and he wishes other youths like him to join the profession. “There is certainly a good scope in this line of work, but many young people just don’t want to get their hands dirty,” he adds. Dhonju enjoys the creativity involved in making clay products.  

Shiva Prasad Prajapati, who has continued his family generational profession, says his family shop has existed since the Malla period, making it one of the oldest in his neighborhood. 

“Almost 8 or 9 generations of my family have followed this craft,” he says. For this year’s Tihar festival, he has already made around 200,000 diyos. “I started working before the Dashain festival and I’ve already sent the diyos to the market, which is why there isn’t much rush in my shop,” he says. 
His diyos are delivered to places like Kathmandu, Kavre, and Barhabise.  

Shiva Prasad sells a dozen diyos for Rs 40, while 100 pieces can cost up to Rs 400 depending on demand. He says the clay used in making diyos are not readily available these days. 

“We used to collect the clay from forests around Doleshwor and Suryabinayak, but now it’s illegal. So we have to go through a proper tender process to procure clay these days, which makes it costlier,” he adds. 

Not far away from Shiva Prasad’s shop, Ranjana Prajapati is busy drying freshly made diyos. She started the shop some nine years ago and made a good earning, until people started using electric lights instead of traditional diyos to light up their homes during Tihar. 

“The demands for diyos have definitely gone down, but the demand has not entirely died out,” she says. “Diyo demand shoots up during the time of Tihar, because there are still many people who understand the cultural and traditional values of lighting diyos.”   

In the run-up to the Tihar festival, Ranjana has already made 10,000 diyos, which she says is far fewer than in the previous years. 

Ranjana fears hers will be the last generation to continue her family profession, as her children are not interested in pottery making.  

Budhi Ram Prajapati, who is in his seventies, didn’t make any diyos for this year’s Tihar. “Demands have gone down, and I can’t make diyos with the same speed and precision like in my heydays,” he says. 

There was a time when he could make up to 35,000 diyos all by himself. Today, only Budhi Ram and his wife run their clay workshop. Their children left the generational craft to pursue more lucrative enterprises. 

Budhi Ram notes the contradiction: while the number of households is rising, the demand for diyos is falling.    

For Aakash Karmacharya, however, traditional diyo lamps hold deep cultural significance.“I love the warm glow of diyos. I find them far better than those distracting LED lights,” he says. Karmacharya is one of those people who prefers traditional practice over convenience of modernity when observing a cultural festival like Tihar.  

For generations, potters in Bhaktapur and beyond have shaped these symbols of light with care and devotion, their hands preserving a legacy that goes far beyond decoration. Though challenges like rising costs and fading demand persist, the spirit behind each diyo remains strong.

“While electric lights may be easier and more convenient, the humble diyos hold a deeper meaning of culture, craft, and community, and it is our responsibility to preserve the tradition,” says Karmacharya.