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The recently concluded Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) Summit in Thailand saw several important sideline meetings between heads of state and government.  Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli held a bilateral meeting with Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra. The two leaders discussed a wide range of issues:  economic cooperation, trade, aviation, tourism, culture, and development partnerships. 

During the visit, eight Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) were signed—two at the government level and six between non-governmental entities. Among them, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba and Thailand’s Minister for Culture Sudawan Wangsuphakijkosol signed an MoU to foster cultural collaboration. Deuba also signed an agreement on tourism cooperation with Thai Minister for Tourism and Sports Sorawong Thienthong.

Other MoUs were inked between Nepal Netra Jyoti Sangh and Mahidol University, Janata Agro and Forestry Nepal and Kasetsart University, the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) and the Board of Trade of Thailand, and Kathmandu University and Siam University. The Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI) also reached an agreement with the Federation of Thai Industries, and the Nepal Chamber of Commerce signed one with the Tourism Council of Thailand. These commitment partnerships are expected to enhance cooperation across various sectors.

 Prime Minister Shinawatra announced Thailand’s intention to increase investments in Nepal’s aviation and tourism sectors. She expressed interest in expanding Thai Airlines' flights to Kathmandu and launching direct flights to Lumbini. She further emphasized Thailand’s plans to prioritize investments in Nepal’s energy, hospitality, and aviation industries. Calling the visit historic, she highlighted the shared goal of deepening connectivity and trade relations.

PM Oli said the visit strengthened Nepal-Thailand relations. He voiced confidence in future collaboration in areas such as culture, tourism, education, and energy. Reflecting on six decades of diplomatic ties, he called for greater engagement, including stronger people-to-people connections. He also encouraged Thai investors to explore opportunities in Nepal’s hospitality and aviation sectors.

Overall, Prime Minister Oli’s visit to Thailand proved to be highly significant. One of the most notable events on the sidelines was his  one-on-one meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The two leaders met privately for 45 minutes, and Oli appeared pleased and content afterward—indicating the success of his visit.

Foreign policy must remain dynamic and responsive, as global geopolitics continues to evolve. It is crucial that Nepal reaches a national consensus on its foreign policy framework. Such a policy should transcend individual leaders or political parties. Whether led by Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, or Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Nepal’s foreign policy should remain consistent, reflecting the nation’s long-term interests rather than shifting with changes in leadership.

There are fundamental bases for foreign policy, and these should be discussed among all stakeholders to reach a consensus. This is a crucial time for such dialogue. While formulating our foreign policy, we must consider factors such as our geography, social norms, cultural and religious aspects, political system, international affiliations, and commitments under the United Nations Charter. If this approach is taken, the policy will be more broadly accepted.

Foreign policy may vary depending on the nature of a country’s relationship—whether we share borders, cultural and social ties, or strategic interests with major powers and donor nations.

Our foreign policy should be firmly aligned with the principles of Panchsheel and the Non-Aligned Movement. At this juncture, Nepal must prioritize sustainable development, peace and security, democratic governance by the people’s representatives, and overall national progress—guided by our geography, social structure, political system, and economic aspirations. As society advances, with improvements in education, healthcare, and global competitiveness, it is essential that our foreign policy reflects these changes. 

The Bagmati Clean-up Mega Campaign, which was launched 12 years ago to restore the sanctity of the Bagmati River, has reached its 623rd week. Meanwhile, the government’s broader project to ensure a sewage-free Bagmati near the Pashupatinath area has completed 29 years. 

Yet, despite an investment of over Rs 18bn, the river remains heavily polluted and the project goals are far from achieved. While volunteers continue to clean up the river every Saturday, sewage continues to flow directly into the Bagmati, and solid waste dumping along the riverbanks has not stopped. This contradiction underscores the limitations of existing efforts.

To preserve the civilization that once flourished along the Bagmati, the government first formed the Pashupati Area Environment Improvement and Monitoring Committee in 1994, later upgraded in 2007 to the High-Powered Bagmati Civilization Integrated Development Committee. In 2010, a Bagmati Action Plan was also introduced. The current clean-up drive began on 19 May 2013, with the ambitious goal of making the river suitable for ritual bathing once again. 

The campaign, launched under the leadership of then-Chief Secretary Leela Mani Paudyal with the slogan “Two Hours for the Nation,” has seen the participation of over 1.5m volunteers and the removal of more than 20,000 tons of waste. But despite this massive civic effort, the river remains far from clean.

To prevent direct sewage discharge, a wastewater treatment plant was set up in Guheshwori with a total investment of Rs 2.55bn, including a loan of Rs 1.4bn from the Asian Development Bank. Its primary objective was to make the river near Pashupati suitable for ritual bathing. 

However, the plant has failed to demonstrate significant results. Once a sacred and culturally rich river, the Bagmati has now deteriorated to the status of a dying river. It flows through the heart of the Kathmandu Valley and should be closely tied to people’s daily lives. Instead, its foul smell caused by pollution disrupts urban life.

Despite park development and tree plantation efforts along riverbanks in areas like Gokarna, Koteshwor, Shankhamul, and Teku, proper sewage management remains lacking. Unplanned urbanization, industrial discharge, and plastic waste continue to degrade the river’s existence day by day. Efforts by both governmental and non-governmental bodies have so far failed to produce meaningful change. 

Experts say that effective collaboration between individuals, local governments, provincial authorities, and the federal government is crucial. To revive the Bagmati, the dumping of waste must be strictly prohibited, water flow needs to be increased, and a systematic sewage management system must be implemented. Only then can this river, which flows through the capital, become a center of environmental and touristic attraction.

For the past two weeks, community school teachers and staff have been staging protests in Kathmandu, demanding the immediate enactment of the School Education Bill 2080. Their prolonged strike has affected the government's school enrolment campaign as well as the evaluation of answer sheets of the Secondary Education Examination (SEE). The national examination of Grade 12 also looks uncertain with the Nepal Teachers’ Federation instructing teachers to boycott  examination duties.

While the teachers have every right to demand professional growth and better service conditions, the prolonged standoff between the government and educators is harming the very foundation of Nepal’s education system. Teachers are on a stir because of the delay in passing the School Education Bill, which has been languishing in the Education, Health and Information Technology Committee of the House of Representatives. Although a sub-committee has been formed to consolidate suggestions from various stakeholders, the progress in the Bill has been far from satisfactory. The teachers appear in no mood to budge this time, citing repeated betrayals from the government in the past.

Had the government acted with urgency, the bill could have been passed during the winter session. The protesting teachers argue that the lack of decisive action has forced them to take the extreme measure of boycotting examinations—a move that could jeopardize the academic future of over 550,000 students. The consequences of this impasse are severe. With schools shut and admissions for the new academic session stalled, parents could turn to private institutions, which will further weaken the already struggling public education system. If public schools continue to fail due to systemic neglect and political indifference, the gap between privileged and underprivileged students will only widen.

The Bill, rooted in the six-point agreement reached in 2023, promises to align education with Nepal’s federal constitution, decentralize management and ensure equitable distribution of teachers. However, provisions of granting local governments control over teachers’ appointment and transfers have sparked fears of political interference and job insecurity. A solution to these concerns should be found at the earliest to facilitate the early passage of the Bill. The teachers’ body has proposed three solutions—a special parliamentary session, an ordinance or immediate convening of the budget session. The government has called the budget session of federal parliament for April 25, apparently a fortnight earlier this year, per officials, to facilitate the passage of the Bill.

Political leaders and major parties have shown little seriousness toward the demand of teachers, with some exploiting the protests for political gains. It is high time the political leadership realized that education reform is not just about teachers’ demands; it is about the future of hundreds of thousands of kids.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal has reignited his efforts to create discord within the ruling coalition, publicly claiming that the government could collapse at any moment due to growing dissatisfaction within the Nepali Congress (NC). His remarks have forced the CPN-UML Chairperson and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to publicly reaffirm the coalition’s stability.

For a brief period, Prime Minister Oli found respite as opposition parties, including Dahal, diverted their attention toward criticizing former King Gyanendra Shah amid pro-monarchy protests. However, with these protests losing momentum, Dahal has returned to his primary objective: toppling the current government and forming a new coalition with the NC. He has openly stated that it would be natural for the largest party to lead a new government, expressing his willingness to support NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba as prime minister. This has pressured Oli into urgent negotiations with senior NC leaders to secure their continued backing. 

NC leaders have publicly criticized the government’s performance, though both parties have agreed to resolve their differences.While Deuba himself may not be actively seeking to destabilize the government, Dahal’s statements have strengthened his bargaining power in key political appointments. Prime Minister Oli, once known for his uncompromising stance, now appears more flexible, offering crucial positions to the NC to maintain their support. UML leaders suspect that certain forces are working to isolate them ahead of the 2027 elections, potentially forming a grand electoral alliance against them. UML members also feel that the NC is increasingly dominating government affairs, creating unease within their ranks. 

Following the March 28 protests, pro-monarchy forces are attempting to regroup. Police recently arrested Durga Prasai, a key figure in the protests, in India’s Assam state, where he was hiding. Authorities are investigating his alleged involvement in arson, vandalism and violence during the demonstrations. The movement also appears fragmented, with Jagman Gurung’s group and the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) failing to coordinate unified protests. The RPP plans to launch mass demonstrations soon and is demanding the release of its leaders, Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana, though the government has refused negotiations.

In his New Year message, the former king expressed regret over last month’s violence but framed the protests as a sign of growing public awareness about Nepal’s future. Despite skepticism about his commitment to democracy, he reiterated his support for a multi-party system and constitutional monarchy, signaling a tacit approval of the pro-monarchy movement.

Meanwhile, teachers continue to protest, demanding government action on their grievances. Despite ongoing talks, resolution seems not so close, prompting the government to prepare for a House session to pass the Education Bill.

The High-Level Economic Reform Advisory Commission, led by former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal, has identified declining consumption and investment as major obstacles to economic growth. 

The commission recommends immediate policy measures to stimulate demand, alongside structural reforms to reduce production costs and improve competitiveness. Key issues include sluggish credit growth, stalled real estate transactions, funds trapped in cooperatives, delayed government payments, and a crisis in the construction sector. The report also highlights how pandemic-era monetary policies, inadequate fiscal stimulus and import restrictions have exacerbated economic stagnation over the past two years.

In yet another development, former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has hinted at her entry into UML politics, suggesting that due to health reasons, Prime Minister Oli may gradually hand over party leadership to her. Meanwhile, former Vice-President Nanda Kishor Pun has joined the Maoist Center.  At the same time, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), the fourth largest party in the parliament, continues to face a crisis disproportionate with its size after Chairperson Rabi Lamichhane’s re-arrest, casting uncertainty over its upcoming general convention. With Lamichhane detained, internal divisions among top leaders have weakened the party’s functionality, though efforts to strengthen grassroots organization continue.