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The printing of ballot papers for the House of Representatives elections scheduled for March 5 has been completed. 

According to the Election Commission, ballot papers for 18 constituencies in a total of 15 districts have been printed so far at Janak Education Materials Limited, Bhaktapur. 

Ballot papers for Dolpa, Mugu, Jumla, Kalikot, Humla, Salyan, Jajarkot have been printed.

 Similarly, ballot papers for Dailekh constituency 1 and 2, Surkhet constituency 1 and 2, Rukum Paschim, Bajura and Achham constituency 1 and 2, Kailali constituency 1, Jhapa constituency 5 and Sunsari constituency 1 has been printed.

Prior to this, 20.083 million ballot papers for the proportional representation (PR) system have been printed.

As political parties escalate their election campaigns, the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests have transformed from a moment of civic outrage into a central battlefield of electoral politics. What began as student-led demonstrations demanding the lifting of the social media ban and stronger action against corruption has now been reframed by political actors into competing narratives of accountability, responsibility, and legitimacy.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has positioned the killing of 19 students during the Sept 8 protests as evidence of state repression under then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. By directly holding Oli accountable, RSP is attempting to challenge the moral authority of the traditional political establishment, especially the CPN-UML. This framing resonates strongly with younger voters who view the state’s response to the protests as excessive and emblematic of a deeper culture of impunity. This has forced UML Chairperson Oli to come up with a long elaboration that he did not order to shoot the protestors on Sept 8. 

The political stakes rose sharply after Balendra Shah (Balen), former mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, joined RSP as a senior leader and was projected as its prime ministerial candidate. Shah’s refusal to share a debate platform with Oli, citing the latter’s alleged responsibility for the deaths, is not merely a personal stance—it is a calculated political move. By refusing engagement, Shah seeks to frame the election as a moral judgment rather than a contest of rhetoric, thereby forcing Oli and UML onto the defensive.

In response, traditional parties—particularly UML—have attempted to counter this narrative by shifting the focus from Sept 8 to Sept 9. UML leaders argue that Shah himself should be held accountable for the arson and destruction of state institutions, including Singha Durbar, that took place on September 9. Criticism of Shah for failing to mobilize fire engines during the attacks is meant to undermine his image as a decisive and effective administrator.

RSP’s decision to officially project Shah as its prime ministerial candidate marks a significant departure from Nepal’s recent political practice and signals growing confidence within the party. The declaration of prime ministerial candidates by major parties—Shah for RSP, KP Sharma Oli for UML, Gagan Kumar Thapa for Nepali Congress, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal for the Nepali Communist Party—has personalized the election to an unprecedented degree. Shah’s direct contest with Oli in Jhapa-5 has further nationalized the race, transforming a constituency battle into a symbolic clash between old power and political disruption.

Shah’s nationwide campaign and the public enthusiasm it has generated have clearly unsettled traditional parties. This unease is reflected in the rhetoric of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who has shifted from cautious sympathy toward Shah to open criticism. Dahal’s claim that domestic and foreign forces are investing heavily in promoting leaders who gain popularity through “stunts” reveals an anxiety shared by established parties: the erosion of ideological politics and organizational discipline in favor of personality-driven movements. His assertion that GenZ movements and new political parties are backed by foreign forces echoes a familiar tactic in Nepali politics—delegitimizing dissent by externalizing it.

The Nepali Congress has attempted to distance itself from this polarizing debate. By refusing to take sides on either Sept 8 or Sept 9 and instead invoking “Sept 10,” the party appears to be pursuing a strategy of calculated ambiguity. While this may help avoid immediate controversy, it risks making the party appear evasive at a moment when public demand for accountability is high.

Taken together, the emerging electoral landscape suggests a far more confrontational and emotionally charged campaign than in previous elections. The struggle to define Sept 8 and Sept 9 is not merely about dates or events; it is about controlling the narrative of state violence, civic responsibility, and political legitimacy. As these narratives harden, the risk of heightened polarization—and even election-related violence in certain constituencies—cannot be dismissed. Ultimately, this election may hinge less on policy debates and more on which version of recent history voters choose to believe.

The Election Commission (EC) has unveiled sample ballot papers for various districts and electoral constituencies for the House of Representatives (HoR) elections scheduled for March 5. 

The Commission made public sample ballot papers for the districts under all seven provinces. 

The sample ballot paper is of one type for districts with a sole electoral constituency and of another type for districts with more than a single constituency. 

The sample ballot papers, according to the EC, have been designed based on the number of candidates. 

The ballot size for constituencies with more candidates will be relatively larger while it will be smaller for constituencies with fewer candidates. 

For having the highest number of constituencies, Kathmandu will have the ballot paper with larger size. 

There is only one electoral constituency in Salyan, Dolpa, Mugu, Jumla, Kalikot, Humla, Jajarkot and Rukum West in Karnali Province, the EC informed. 

Dailekh and Surkhet have two electoral constituencies. The Commission has also made public the sample of the actual ballot papers of these districts. 

In Sudurpashchim Province, districts with single constituency are Bajura, Bajhang, Doti, Darchula, Baitadi and Dadeldhura. Achham has two while Kanchanpur has three and Kailali five electoral constituencies. 

The Commission has also made public the sample of actual ballot papers for all these electoral constituencies. 

It will gradually make public the actual ballot papers for other districts as well, the EC shared. 

Printing of ballot papers is going on at the Janak Education Materials Center. 

The Commission has stated that the printing of ballot papers for the proportional representation electoral system has been completed. 

With the preparation of sample ballot papers of various districts, the Commission has also advanced the election awareness drive. 

The outreach of the sample ballot papers prepared for voter awareness programs is also underway, it is shared. 

The Election Commission has adopted a policy of using locally produced materials as much as possible for the elections to the House of Representatives slated for March 5.

To make the election economical, transparent and to use and encourage local products, the Commission has adopted a policy of using locally produced materials as much as possible. 

A total of 51 materials will be used for the elections and currently 37 types of materials are being procured from the provinces and districts in a decentralized manner, shared the Commission's spokesperson Narayan Prasad Bhattarai.

Among them, 14 types of materials are being procured from the central level and the responsibility for most of the purchases has been given to Salt Trading Company. He said that only new materials worth Rs 67.5 million have been procured for the elections and other materials have been reused.