Submit your Article

Our predicaments have a tendency of revealing our priorities, and an introspection on this issue leads us to confront uncomfortable realities. The entire world had braced itself when Donald Trump emerged victorious in the 2024 US presidential election, and with a popular mandate too. The US, however, had already begun growing wary of neoliberalism during the Biden presidency itself, as evident through the Inflation Reduction Act, and the CHIPS Act, which sought to bring manufacturing back home. And a second term for Trump meant policies such as tariffs and ‘America First’ movement would be intensified.

In a single day (Jan 20), Trump signed a total of 26 executive orders, two of which are crucial toward understanding the perception behind the predicaments. Namely, Executive Order 14159, ‘Protecting the American People Against Invasion’; and Executive Order 14169, ‘Reevaluating and Realigning United States Foreign Aid’, respectively. These policies enacted in a country nearly 12,000 kilometers from Nepal reflect a rift much closer to home.

A rift in the sense that each of these impacted Nepal and India—but differently, revealing our distinct forms of reliance on the superpower.

In 2023, Nepal received $145.8m in financial assistance from the US; the same year India ranked first among countries of origin for recipients of the H-1B visa with 279,386 beneficiaries. It becomes clearer with this context how the two executive orders could cause a conundrum for the two countries, with the direct challenges for Nepal appearing starker than for India.

While a knee-jerk change in immigration policy in Canada was met with far more contention, sharp criticism from the Indian media, and protests by Indian students. The Indian government, however, seemed placated and far more vocal in support of American prerogatives, than it ever was about Canadian ones, despite the far more stringent American policy of unceremoniously deporting illegal immigrants. And this, even as a Pew Research Center report mentioned that in 2022 there were 725,000 unauthorized Indian immigrants in the US. India had instead decided to cooperate, and 18,000 of such immigrants were slated to be repatriated. And the first 104 among them had landed in India in February, to the opposition’s jeers and the government’s justifications.

So, why such different responses toward two policies—both of which were more or less regressive and restrictive toward immigration. The answer lies in the nature of H-1B, specialty occupation, visas. One law review article authored during a pre-Trump controversy featuring this provision in 2009 (as two US senators had introduced a bill which would require all employers to consider qualified American candidates before resorting to H-1B visa recipients) stated, “The primary benefit to an offshore outsourcer using the H-1B visa is knowledge transfer.”

The crux of this issue lies in the fact that the H-1B visa is critical to India’s IT sector in terms of transfer of knowledge and revenue. A 2024 article in Reuters outlined how any impediment  in H-1B visa rollout could have an adverse impact on the Indian IT industry. Therefore, to avoid a battle on two fronts—the deportation and the probable H-1B oriented retaliation which would’ve come, and lose it, India seems to have prioritized what truly matters in the long run—its knowledge economy.

And, while India’s predicament is somewhat pragmatic, the situation for Nepal borders on being precarious. Not because Nepal cannot survive without US financial assistance, but in several projects, USAID is a major benefactor. And now those have been left rudderless. A flurry of articles on this issue had given the Nepali people a crash course on USAID, and the range of projects it is involved in, demonstrating the breadth and depth of aid absorption in Nepal.

Moreover, weaning off the aid cannot be abrupt, and the relevance of reliance on first world nations, in Nepal’s case, cannot be understated either. So, we as a country should take a page out of India’s book, and focus on a comparatively more productive form of dependence such as capacity building and transfer of knowledge. This way, unlike financial assistance, which is exhaustible and can be stalled, talent gained can be reproduced, and successful models and initiatives replicated.

The concept of ‘brain-circulation’ as an alternative to ‘brain-drain’ is already prevalent, introduced by AnnaLee Saxenian. In a 2002 article she posits that, “Economically speaking, it is blessed to give and to receive,” explaining that the mobility of high-skilled immigrants creates a mutually beneficial economic ecosystem, facilitating a technology transfer.

Thankfully, Nepal has an adequate initiative in place, before proceeding. The Brain Gain Center (BGC), was launched on 7 May 2019, by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for the very purpose of bridging the gap between the concerned authorities and the expatriate intelligentsia. It had gained a lot of initial traction, as within 25 days (May 7-31) of its launch, spearheaded by announcements from Nepali embassies, 450+ individuals had registered themselves on its website. However, even as we have now entered 2025, the platform only has a total of 1032 registrations.

Nevertheless, BGC remains a well-positioned asset for Nepal to jumpstart a new and far more sustainable dynamic. A dynamic that is not jeopardized as soon as a new government jettisons into office in a land far-far-away, allowing us to choose the lesser of two dilemmas.

It has been three years since the Covid-19 pandemic subsided, but more than 95,000 are still awaiting their promised insurance payouts. The government has yet to release over Rs 11.34bn in covid insurance claims, leaving many policyholders in limbo.

During the pandemic, around 1.75m policies were issued under the covid insurance scheme, with nearly 165,059 claims filed. While 69,765 policyholders have received payments totaling around Rs 6.58bn, the remaining 95,294 have received nothing. Insurance companies say that they are unable to make the payments because the government, which had promised to cover liabilities beyond a certain threshold, has not allocated the necessary funds. The Ministry of Finance, meanwhile, cites a lack of resources amid ongoing budget constraints.

“The covid insurance issue is a priority,” said Ambika Prasad Khanal, the spokesperson for the Ministry of Finance. “However, due to the pressure on resources, nothing can be said about insurance payout at the moment.” The finance ministry has failed to commit funds, despite repeated requests from both insurance companies and the Nepal Insurance Authority (NIA)—the insurance market regulator.

“Insurance companies have done what they could. The rest is up to the government,” said Nirmal Adhikari, spokesperson for the Nepal Insurance Authority. “We are mere coordinators; it is the government’s responsibility.”

Frustrated by the government's inaction, insurance companies and policyholders have taken the matter to the Supreme Court. They have filed lawsuits against both the NIA and the government.  The Nepal Insurers Association, the umbrella body of 14 non-life insurance companies, has said that the government has failed to honor its financial obligations.

“We were told the government would shoulder the burden beyond Rs 3.5bn,” said Chunky Kshetri, former chairperson of the association. “But after years of waiting, we have been left with no choice but to seek justice in court.” The lack of payment has not only affected individual policyholders but also had broader implications for the insurance sector, which is grappling with reduced credibility and operational challenges.

Complicating matters further are allegations of fraud. At least 669 cases of duplicate or fraudulent claims, amounting to Rs 63.9 million in irregular payouts, have been identified. However, insurance expert Rabindra Ghimire said this was largely due to the lack of strong oversight mechanisms and clear policy limits. “Insurance fraud is common all over the world, especially in health insurance,” Ghimire said. “Here, the government did not set timeframes or caps on covid insurance payouts, unlike Thailand and Singapore, which managed expectations and liabilities from the beginning.”

Thailand and Singapore limited their coverage to small amounts and set deadlines for claims which helped prevent excessive liabilities. Nepal, however, offered up to Rs 100,000 per person with no clear claim deadlines which led to overwhelming demand and a ballooning fiscal responsibility. The covid insurance scheme was launched in April 2020 with premium rates as low as Rs 300 for coverage of Rs 50,000.

From a distance, the Himalayas appear eternal—majestic peaks piercing the sky, shrouded in snow and silence. But beneath their postcard perfection lies a truth far more unsettling. The Himalayas are changing—rapidly, dangerously, and perhaps irreversibly.

As glaciers melt, ecosystems shift, and traditional climbing routes become unstable, Nepal’s mountaineering industry—a vital pillar of its economy and identity—now teeters at a precarious crossroads.

At the recent Sagarmatha Sambaad, the theme “Climate Change, Mountains, and the Future of Humanity” cast a grim spotlight on the rapidly evolving crisis. Nepal’s Minister for Forests and Environment, Ain Bahadur Shahi Thakuri, said,“These mountains are now on the frontline of a rapidly intensifying climate emergency.”

Often called the “Third Pole,” the Himalayas house the largest volume of ice outside the Arctic and Antarctic. This frozen reserve—Earth’s cryosphere—feeds the rivers that sustain nearly two billion people across South Asia. Yet, as global temperatures rise, this critical water source is vanishing. A recent study showed that glaciers in the eastern Himalayas are retreating at an alarming rate. 

“What begins in the mountains ripples downstream,” Thakuri warned. “The fate of humanity is intertwined with the fate of these mountains.” Every spring, hundreds of climbers descend on Nepal with one ambition: to conquer Sagarmatha, the world’s highest peak. For many, summiting Sagarmatha is the ultimate badge of honor, a feat of endurance and courage. For Nepal, it’s also a crucial economic engine. In the spring 2025 season alone, the government issued climbing permits to 456 climbers from 57 countries, generating over Rs 676m in royalties from Sagarmatha. The total revenue from 26 peaks, including Lhotse, Makalu, and Annapurna, exceeded Rs 773m.

But Sagarmatha is changing, and not just in popularity. The Khumbu Glacier—home to the iconic base camp—is retreating by more than a meter every year. A 2022 scientific assessment even recommended relocating the base camp due to the increasing instability of the ice. Crevasses now open earlier in the season. The “death zone,” already perilous, is now compounded by unpredictable weather patterns and melting permafrost. The mountain is no longer what it once was—neither in form nor in spirit.

For many climbers, Sagarmatha no longer symbolizes adventure, but excess. The commercialization of the climb has led to an influx of “tourist climbers”—individuals who may lack adequate experience or preparation but are eager to reach the summit, often at any cost.

Nepal’s current mountaineering policy allows anyone to climb Sagarmatha analyzing their physical or technical ability. The only formal requirement is that climbers must climb 7,000 meters mountain before climbing Sagarmatha. However, in practice, enforcement is often lax, and underprepared climbers continue to receive permits.

In spring 2025, over 1,100 climbing permits were issued. The infamous 2019 photo of a human queue snaking toward the summit remains etched in public memory. “The mountain is littered with garbage, human waste, and even the bodies of those who never made it down,” says Purnima Shrestha, a renowned Nepali climber and photojournalist. “Not all the people there are physically and emotionally ready to climb the peak. That is being disrespectful to Sagarmatha.”

From 1950 to 2023, at least 353 climbers died on Sagarmatha. The deadliest years—2023 (18 deaths), 2014 (17), and 1996 (15)—were marked by avalanches, collapsing icefalls, and extreme weather events. All are exacerbated by climate change, according to Himalayan Database.

Avalanches have claimed 78 lives, falls have taken 75, and altitude sickness has led to 46 deaths. The cost of rescue missions is escalating. So are insurance premiums and operational logistics. Many Sherpas now refuse certain routes that were once considered routine. “We are playing roulette with nature,” says Pasang Sherpa, a senior guide who has summited Sagarmatha nine times. “There are places we used to trust that we now fear.”

Renowned mountaineer and Guinness World Record holder Mingma David Sherpa stressed the urgent need for better regulation and preparedness in high-altitude climbing. “Climbers must have technical knowledge before attempting any major ascent,” he said. “Only those with prior high-altitude experience should be granted permission to climb.”

While the risks are growing, so are the innovations to address them. One notable development this season is the use of xenon gas treatments to aid climbers in coping with altitude sickness. Furtenbach Adventures, a high-end expedition company, introduced the method after months of training and hypoxia acclimatization in Europe.

“The only reason why we are working with xenon is to make climbing safer, to protect climbers from high altitude sickness,” said company founder Lukas Furtenbach upon his return to Kathmandu. “This may be one step to improve the situation to make climbing high altitude mountains safer.” While the treatment was administered in Germany before the expedition, Nepal’s mountaineering authorities have launched an inquiry into its use to ensure climber safety and ethical standards.

“We are committed to protecting the natural beauty of our peaks and helping local communities grow alongside the spirit of adventure,” said Nepal’s Tourism Minister Badri Prasad Pandey. But he added that regulation must evolve alongside the industry.

Meanwhile, initiatives to improve mountain sustainability have struggled to move beyond discussion. One such proposal, presented by ICIMOD, suggested that each major mountain be given a “one-year rest” period to recover from the environmental toll of human activity—including waste, overuse, and trail degradation. But despite its strong focus on pollution control and garbage management, the idea remains stalled at the discussion level, with no concrete implementation to date.

Dipendra Gurung, communication officer at the Nepal Mountaineering Association (NMA), shared concerns about the current state of mountain waste management. “Garbage management was previously handled entirely by the NMA,” he said. “But over the past two years, Nepal Army has taken responsibility.” However, this year, their involvement hasn’t been visible either.”

Gurung explained the logistical and financial challenges involved. “It takes a significant amount of funding to carry out proper cleanup operations. We are doing what we can with limited resources, but bringing all the waste—and in some cases, even dead bodies—down to lower altitudes is extremely difficult.”

Sagarmatha Pollution Control Committee (SPCC), a local organization based in the Khumbu region, plays a key role in managing waste generated by climbers. The SPCC monitors how much garbage each expedition team takes up the mountain and ensures that an equivalent amount is brought back down. If climbers return with less waste than they were registered to carry, they are fined according to the committee’s waste management policy. This system is designed to discourage dumping and promote accountability on the mountain.

Nepal’s economy leans heavily on tourism, particularly mountaineering and trekking. Thousands of porters, guides, hoteliers, and service workers depend on seasonal climbing income. But with increasing climate volatility, the very bedrock of this industry is cracking.

Glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs) pose a catastrophic threat. One such flood could wipe out entire villages, bridges, and key trekking routes. The infrastructure built over decades could vanish in minutes. And yet, Nepal remains one of the world’s lowest carbon emitters—contributing just 0.57 tons of CO₂ per capita in 2023, far below the global average of 6.76. Despite this, it bears a disproportionate brunt of climate impacts.

Nepal is not watching this disaster unfold passively. Through frameworks like the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) and Local Adaptation Plans of Action (LAPAs), the government is empowering grassroots efforts—especially among women and Indigenous groups who have long been custodians of mountain ecology.

Community forestry programs have flourished. Women’s cooperatives are promoting climate-smart agriculture. Young entrepreneurs are designing eco-lodges, clean trekking initiatives, and sustainable tourism models that merge tradition with innovation.

One such effort is “Clean Himalaya,” a Sherpa-led waste collection campaign that retrieves several tons of garbage from Sagarmatha each year. Another is “Green Peak,” a startup that offers biodegradable gear to reduce mountaineering’s environmental footprint.

The Himalayas have long been more than just a geographic landmark. They are the spine of Asia, the source of sacred rivers, the abode of gods, and the mirror of our planetary health. The melting of these mountains is not a distant problem. It demands global cooperation, corporate responsibility, and individual restraint. The mountain economy must be reimagined—not just for profit, but for preservation.

Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak is under pressure from opposition parties to resign, taking moral responsibility for last week’s reported visit visa scam. Though no concrete evidence of Lekhak’s involvement has emerged, opposition parties are demanding his resignation and the formation of a high-level judicial commission to investigate the issue.

Opposition parties, particularly the CPN (Maoist Center), Rastriya Swatantra Party, and CPN (Unified Socialist), obstructed Parliament on Tuesday and Wednesday over the matter. Within his party, the Nepali Congress (NC), Lekhak is known as a politician with a clean image and integrity, having played a pivotal role in Nepal’s peace and constitution-drafting process. A key architect of the current NC-UML coalition, Lekhak is a close confidant of NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The NC insists he should be allowed to speak in Parliament to clarify the accusations, but opposition parties remain adamant about his resignation.

The parliamentary obstruction comes at a critical time—the government is set to present its budget on May 29, the constitutionally mandated deadline. Opposition parties have hinted they may allow the budget presentation, acknowledging that failure to do so could trigger a constitutional crisis.

Lekhak faces pressure not only from opposition parties but also from within his own party. Senior NC leader Shekhar Koirala publicly suggested he resign to facilitate an independent probe into the scam. On Wednesday, NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa stated that the home minister should step down, calling it a “political and moral issue.” Despite internal dissent, the NC’s official stance is that Lekhak will not resign, nor will a judicial commission be formed. NC Chief Whip Shyam Ghimire said that since only some officials have been implicated so far, seeking home minister’s resignation is unjustified.

On May 21, Tirtha Raj Bhattarai, chief of the Tribhuvan International Airport (TIA) Immigration Office, was interrogated by the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) for allegedly facilitating illegal foreign travel on visit visas. Officials describe the scam as potentially involving billions, with suspicions of senior home ministry officials’ involvement. Bhattarai’s abrupt transfer from the airport to the home ministry—followed by his arrest the next day—has raised questions. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and the NC continue to support Lekhak, citing a lack of direct evidence linking him to the case. However, prolonged parliamentary disruption could intensify pressure for his resignation.

The Home Ministry’s reputation has suffered in recent years due to successive corruption scandals. Former Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand faces charges in the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal, alongside the home secretary and other high-level officials. Former Home Minister Rabi Lamichhane is also embroiled in cases involving cooperative fraud and passport misuse. After being denied the chance to speak in Parliament, Lekhak held a press conference to defend his position on Wednesday.

"It is unjust to drag leadership into controversy before the CIAA completes its investigation," he said. "I will not resign based on media and social media reports. No complaints have been filed against me. I deserve justice like any ordinary citizen." He also argued that past investigations into senior Home Ministry officials and the chief secretary did not prompt calls for political leadership to step down. Lekhak assured the Home Ministry would fully cooperate with the CIAA’s probe.