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The Election Commission (EC) has stated that a trustworthy security environment for the upcoming House of Representatives (HoR) polls will be created for the political parties, candidates, and voters alike.

EC Spokesperson Narayan Prasad Bhattarai said that a robust security situation would be ensured for the political parties and candidates to visit the voters for the election campaigns and for the voters to cast their votes.

Spokesperson Bhattarai made it clear that all four security agencies were working in a coordinated fashion as per the integrated security planning and the government was also providing resources for the polls. 

The political parties, candidates, and campaigners enjoy the situation to visit the voters and take their views to the people in a fearless manner, he added.

The Election Commission has brought activities in the social networking platforms under the purview of the code of conduct with the aim of making the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives free and fair.

According to the Commission, the code of conduct prohibits anyone from operating an account in social networking platforms or opening a fake site with the intention of adversely affecting the elections. 

The code of conduct prohibits any act of belittling or spreading misinformation in social networking platforms with or without the use of Artificial Intelligence (AI). Similarly, the code of conduct prohibits the dissemination of misleading information, insults, and hate speech, or the making misleading comments.

Similarly, information or material published or broadcast for any purpose may not be modified or posted, reposted, commented on, live-streamed, tagged or mentioned in social media, with or without the use of artificial intelligence, with the intention of influencing the election.

The code of conduct prohibits any act that adversely affects the credibility of the elections or the reputation of the Commission, Commissioner or its employees. 

It also prohibits character assassination, personal defamation, or the production of similar materials in any form, and the publication or broadcast of such materials by any means.

It also prohibits the violation of the confidentiality of voters or any other act that affects the integrity or impartiality of the election. 

The Commission is preparing to implement the code of conduct from January 17.

Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest democratic party, is witnessing one of its most consequential internal challenges. Youth leaders Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwo Prakash Sharma have launched an open revolt against the party’s entrenched leadership by calling a special general convention—a move that could fundamentally reshape the party’s future.

The convention, scheduled for January 11–12 in Kathmandu, comes at a politically sensitive moment, when the country is immersed in election preparations. For decades, the party’s senior leadership—many of whom have alternated between power and opposition since 1990—has dominated decision-making and is often accused of organizational inertia, factionalism, and resistance to reform. Thapa and Sharma argue that without urgent structural and leadership change, the Nepali Congress risks irrelevance, particularly among young voters.

The immediate trigger for this assertive move lies in the September 8–9 Gen Z–led protests, which exposed a deepening generational disconnect between political parties and Nepal’s youth. Since those protests, Thapa has consistently argued that contesting elections under the same leadership and organizational framework would amount to political self-sabotage. According to him, symbolic gestures are no longer sufficient; only radical internal reform can restore public confidence.

Unsurprisingly, the party establishment—led by Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba—has strongly opposed the convention, even though he has already stated that he will not contest the party leadership again. Deuba appears to have forgotten that, as a youth leader, he himself had revolted against the party leadership two decades ago. Deuba and his allies, who have steered the party through multiple governments and internal power struggles, view the move as destabilizing and ill-timed, arguing that this is a moment to focus on election preparations rather than internal conventions.

However, the youth faction remains defiant, framing the convention as a legitimate intra-party democratic exercise rather than a futile gathering. Whether the convention will immediately displace Deuba and other senior office-bearers remains uncertain. Leaders close to Thapa suggest that if the establishment faction engages constructively, the youth leaders may defer leadership change until the party’s regular general convention after the elections. If resistance continues, however, the special convention could be empowered to take decisions even on leadership restructuring.

Crucially, the youth faction holds a strong legal footing. According to the Nepali Congress statute, a special general convention must be convened if 40 percent of elected general convention representatives demand it. Thapa’s camp has already secured the signatures of 54 percent of representatives—a figure expected to rise further before January 11—making the convention difficult to block without risking internal rupture.

If the convention proceeds and the party remains united, the Nepali Congress could experience its most significant generational shift in decades. Such a transformation could also help the party reconnect with Gen Z voters, many of whom are openly demanding leadership change across major political parties. Party insiders say the convention could mark the birth of a “new Nepali Congress”—more responsive, inclusive, and future-oriented.

Interestingly, cracks are already appearing within the establishment camp. Several senior leaders aligned with Deuba have begun expressing support for the special general convention, sensing the changing political mood. However, Shekhar Koirala, another senior leader and a declared contender for the party presidency, finds himself in an awkward position. While positioning himself as an alternative to Deuba, Koirala has yet to clarify his stance on the special general convention—an ambiguity that could weaken his claim to lead a reformist charge. As Nepal heads toward elections, the unfolding struggle within the Nepali Congress is no longer merely an internal power contest. It has become a broader test of whether one of the country’s most influential parties can reinvent itself—or remain captive to its past.

Five days after the United States captured Venezuelan leader Nicolas Maduro, the Government of Nepal has formally reacted, stating that it has been closely following recent developments in Venezuela.

Maduro was captured in a joint US military extraction operation in the country’s capital, Caracas.

Issuing a press statement, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said that Nepal calls upon all parties concerned to exercise maximum restraint and to avoid actions that may further escalate tensions.

“Nepal underscores the importance of fully respecting the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence of states, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations,” the statement said. Nepal emphasized that disputes should be resolved peacefully through dialogue, diplomacy, and mutual understanding.

Earlier this week, youth and student wings affiliated with communist political parties staged demonstrations in front of the US Embassy in Maharajgunj, protesting the US military action in Venezuela. Similarly, major communist parties such as the CPN-UML, led by KP Sharma Oli, and the Nepali Communist Party, led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal, issued separate press statements criticizing the US intervention. However, the Nepali Congress party and its leaders have not made any remarks regarding the US action.

Other South Asian countries have also reacted to the development. India said the situation in Venezuela is a matter of deep concern. In a statement, India reaffirmed its support for the well-being and safety of the Venezuelan people and called on all concerned to address issues peacefully through dialogue, ensuring peace and stability in the region.

Bangladesh also emphasized the need for diplomacy and dialogue. “Bangladesh believes that diplomacy and dialogue should prevail to resolve all disputes between countries and reaffirms its steadfast commitment to the fundamental principles of the UN Charter and international law,” Bangladesh’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement.