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Nepal’s political landscape has been in a constant state of flux, and finds itself at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. Over the past three decades, Nepal has transitioned from a monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, and eventually to a federal secular republic. However, the ongoing political turbulence—punctuated by protests, dissatisfaction, and competing ideologies—has left the Nepali people disillusioned with the political system they once hoped would deliver on its promises.

Nepal’s political transitions have always been marked by external influence, particularly from India, which has had a notable role in the country’s path to democracy. So, decoding the intent and what went about in the recent one-to-one bilateral meeting between Prime Minister KP Oli and PM Narendra Modi holds further portrayal.

Legacy of political transitions

New Delhi has constantly portrayed a notable share in Nepal’s transition to democracy. The absence of a twin pillar foreign policy of a constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy in 2006 paved the way for the current federal secular republic.

On March 17 at the CPN-UML secretariat meeting chaired by PM Oli emphasized the importance of united efforts by republicans to counter the monarchist movement against the federal republic in addition to claims that India has played a role in the pro-monarchy movement. He also urged the party’s youth wing volunteers to “attack anyone trying to snatch away the rights that we fought for.”

Nepali Congress (NC) President and former PM Sher Bahadur Deba said that India does not support the royalist movement in Nepal.

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba while in Delhi raised a question about potential Indian support to the pro-monarchy protest with her Indian counterpart S Jaishankar, who denied any backing for the protests. Though PM Oli has not been officially invited to visit New Delhi, he had a bilateral meeting with Indian PM Modi on April 4 on the sidelines of the Sixth Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Bangkok. 

The 35-minute one-to-one discussion came at a time when protests were going on in Nepal demanding the restoration of monarchy and a Hindu state with a catchphrase of anti-corruption drive and end of federalism. This was a second bilateral meeting between Oli and Modi after the sidelines meeting during the 79th United Nations General Assembly in New York in Sept 2024. The difference is that the first was held with officials while the latter was one-to-one.

Complex political landscape

Nepal’s political arena is highly polarized, with three dominant ideological camps vying for influence. The first group consists of the status quoists, who advocate for the current federal secular republic. The second group is the reformists, who are pushing for structural political changes to address governance issues, corruption, and inefficiencies. Finally, the growing pro-monarchist movement that calls for the restoration of the monarchy, albeit in a symbolic role, with an elected Head of Government. These factions reflect a deep division in how the country’s future should be shaped.

This polarization, while enriching the political discourse, also makes it difficult to reconcile these opposing views. Each faction draws on different historical narratives, cultural values, and visions for Nepal’s national identity. The fundamental issue, however, is not about rejecting democracy but about the effectiveness of the system that was supposed to deliver a better future.

Governance crisis and public discontent

At the heart of the current dissatisfaction is poor governance. The public’s anger is not directed at democracy itself, but at the way it has been implemented. The promises made by the political leaders, from economic development to efficient governance, have largely gone unmet. Corruption remains rampant, institutions are weak, and political leaders are seen as more interested in maintaining their power than in serving the people.

This disillusionment is not just ideological; it is deeply pragmatic. The people are questioning whether the system can truly deliver. The notion of democracy, for many, has become synonymous with inefficiency, corruption, and political infighting. The failure to meet basic expectations has created a breeding ground for discontent, with many wondering whether the existing political framework can ever be fixed.

Global democratic backsliding

Nepal’s democratic challenges are not isolated; they are part of a global trend of democratic backsliding. Countries around the world—India, the US, Sri Lanka, Israel—are witnessing increased political polarization, the rise of populism, and the erosion of democratic norms. In this context, Nepal’s situation reflects a broader pattern of democratic disillusionment that is sweeping across many parts of the globe. This global backdrop, however, also provides an opportunity for Nepal. There is a chance to rethink democratic governance—not by retreating into authoritarianism but by rebuilding a more inclusive, accountable, and citizen-driven democracy. The key lies in re-establishing the connection between the people and their representatives, ensuring that the political system is genuinely responsive to the needs of the people.

What’s confidential about “boosting relations”? 

Headlines say: PM Oli and PM Modi agree to “boost Nepal-India relations” in their meeting on the sidelines of the Sixth BIMSTEC Summit. The one-to-one meeting is a strategic win for PM Modi and a purposeful attainment for PM Oli claiming that all officials including Minister of Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba encompassed a bilateral meeting that was changed at the last minute by the Ministry of External Affairs, India (MEA). 

What’s confidential about “strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation in areas such as development partnership, energy, connectivity, and people-to-people relations”. The phrase “mutually beneficial cooperation” in public statements may obscure deeper strategic negotiations. The MEA statement said “They expressed satisfaction at the progress in enhancing physical and digital connectivity, people-to-people linkages, and in the domain of energy. They agreed to continue working towards further deepening the multifaceted partnership between our two countries and peoples”. Nepal is a priority partner of India under its Neighbourhood First Policy. This meeting continues the tradition of regular high-level exchanges between the two countries.” 

On X PM Modi posts “India attaches immense priority to relations with Nepal. We discussed different aspects of India-Nepal friendship, especially in sectors like energy, connectivity, culture and digital technology. We also talked about some of the key positive outcomes from this year’s BIMSTEC Summit, especially in areas of disaster management and maritime transport.”

In a post on X, PM Oli said that he was delighted to meet Modi, had a meaningful and positive conversation and described the meeting as intimate. “Had a warm and heartfelt meeting with my dear friend, Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi Ji. Our discussions were highly meaningful and constructive. I express my appreciation over this cordial exchange.” 

During the same stretch of the secluded meeting, there are protests in the streets which have weakened all the political powers whether democratic forces or the communists in Nepal. In addition, the political powers behind the compelling of the 2015 constitution is ineffectual and ineffective. The focus could be with cultural ties, and geopolitical manoeuvring particularly China in view and the ongoing protests in the streets of Kathmandu.

Underlying strategic motives

Limiting China’s engagement that influences Indian security concerns—India is wary of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects and growing political ties. The discrete nature of the meeting could indeed involve such discussions. Renouncing anti Indian oratory as a slogan for nationalism-Anti-Indian sentiment has been weaponized politically. India may be seeking Nepalese leaders to dial this down in return for greater cooperation.

Strengthening of Nepal and India deep cultural, religious and ethnic ties with arrangements even through constitutional reform-This would resonate with India’s soft power diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a core part of the “Neighbourhood First” policy. Constitutionally and not physically owned map of Nepal embracing Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh region as an impediment in relationship during Oli’s premiership that transformed ‘territorial claim’ to ‘occupied’-This remains a sticking point. Modi-Oli’s rapport might open doors for de-escalation or reinterpretation of constitutional stances to ease tensions.

Political context and transformation

Nepal may undergo a major transformation but not a principled constitutional shift. There is growing momentum for systemic reform, but not necessarily a dismantling of the ideal framework. All major parties, from NC to UML to Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to RPP to Madhes-centric alliances with eight parties on board, seem interested in functional reform over structural revolution—more governance efficiency than ideological upheaval. The idea of a "reformed federal secular republic" is gaining quiet traction—a way to appease conservative, nationalist, and regional groups without overturning the constitutional ethos.

PM Modi and Delhi will retain substantial influence over Nepal’s political-economic direction. India remains Nepal’s largest trade partner, transit route, and a soft power heavyweight. Nepal’s fragile economy and political flux create a strategic vacuum India is eager to fill, especially amid China's growing interest.

Conclusion: Balanced, yet urgent

The PMs’ meeting on the sidelines of BIMSTEC is not just a symbolic continuation of bilateral ties but potentially a strategic recalibration. The confidentiality, the exclusion of key Nepali diplomats, and diplomatic subtleties hint at unspoken understandings on contentious topics. The expected transformation in Nepal is likely to be governance-oriented, not ideological, possibly backed or influenced by New Delhi’s geopolitical imperatives.

The Meeting and its timing with one-on-one meetings were strategic and involved a late-stage change by MEA, suggesting high confidentiality. High-level bilateral talks between PM Oli and PM Modi have always been significant due to both nations intertwining cultural, economic, and strategic ties. The MEA and both PMs’ statements reinforce the notion that the meeting, while framed in diplomatic language, likely involved deeper strategic discussions. The late-stage restructuring (excluding the Foreign Minister) raises questions of trust, exclusivity, or sensitive content, especially amidst domestic unrest in Nepal.

The national challenges are both status quo defenders and the supporters of change to rethink what democratic governance means in practice and in Nepal. It implicitly asks:

• Can Nepal create a democracy that delivers?
• Can it preserve diversity without fragmentation?
• Can it reform without losing headway?

The answer lies not in returning to past systems, but in building a new democratic consensus—inclusive, accountable, and rooted in justice. Structural flaws remain with federalism without proper devolution of power; judiciary questioned for political bias; weak checks and balances in governance and institutional corruption; economic struggle; environment vulnerability; food security; infrastructure connectivity and chain of supply and political instability. 

Thus, a call for constitutional reform seems timely—but it must avoid top-down imposition. Instead, reform should be participatory, deliberative, and aimed at creating a more functional democracy, not just changing symbols or structures.

The author is a retired major general of the Nepali Army

Chairperson of the High-Level Economic Reforms Commission, Rameshwor Khanal, recently submitted the commission’s report to the Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister, suggesting a number of measures to boost the economy. 

The measures include suggestions like making the economy borderless to benefit from the global economy, a radical suggestion in a country like ours where the government does not admit that anything is wrong and the central bank paints a rosy picture even when there’s a 3-4 percent economic growth.
In our case, most economic forecasts are as reliable as weather forecasts, if not more.

What steps does a weak economy need to achieve a healthy growth? Before jumping into the report, let’s take some lessons: 

Investing in human capital

First, smaller countries like ours should identify what they have. If a country is small, it would be appropriate to increase human capital just like what Singapore did.

Having a good leader makes a great difference. Singapore is a shining example. The former prime minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan Yew, transformed a poor country into the world’s second richest in terms of GDP per capita in six decades by prioritizing education, infrastructure, services and industry.

Rwanda is another example. It spends 22 percent of its entire GDP on education, while Singapore spends up to 24 percent of its entire GDP.

Increased infra investment 

Take the example of China, whose public transport infrastructure is one of the best. Japan cannot match China's numbers but the quality of its public transportation, roads and high-speed rail makes it the best in the whole world!

Rails and roads should be a priority for poor countries too. The Covid-19 pandemic not only challenged human health, but also dealt the global economy a serious blow.

Emphasis on policy reforms

The above-mentioned report has presented a roadmap for economic reforms by suggesting steps for the creation of a private sector-friendly environment.

Economic policies should be formulated to create economic opportunities and build an economy where all sectors can compete equally, the report goes. In terms of monetary policy, the report recommends reducing the band of the interest rate corridor, reducing interest rate fluctuations by making liquidity management more active, confining inflation to a single digit by keeping it in a range of 4-6 percent. It has called for discussions, research and preparations on alternatives to a fixed exchange regime with the Indian currency. 

The report suggests radical changes aimed at institutional reforms. In particular, it suggests that every ministry, department and central-level body should formulate and implement a periodic improvement strategy by determining indicators to promote business-friendly and investment-friendly nature of its work and to provide services to citizens.

In the light of these suggestions, is it possible to not transfer secretaries deputed at federal ministries for at least two years in an unstable political situation?

Is it also possible to not transfer employees deputed at ministries for five years and let teams undertaking development projects work for five years?

Citing increased expenditure on social security, training and pensions, the report has recommended increasing the age for mandatory retirement of government employees to 60 from 58 years. This suggestion makes sense, given that the current average life expectancy is 73 years.

Against old and regressive acts

What’s more, the report recommends repealing 15 old and regressive acts, a demand that the private sector, especially the Confederation of Nepalese Industries (CNI), has been raising for a long time. They include Income Stamp Duty Act (2019), Black Market and Certain Other Social Offenses and Punishment Act ( 2032), Private Forest Nationalization Act ( 2013), Administrative Procedure (Regulation) Act (2013), Revenue Leakage (Investigation and Control) Act (2052), Foreign Investment Prohibition Act (2021), Nepal Agency Act (2014), Provincial Development Plans (Implementation) Act (2013), Import and Export (Control) Act (2013) and Social Behaviour Reform Act.  

The report is against increasing social security allowances for the next five years, recommending that the allowances should be reviewed every two years after that, on the basis of price inflation. The government is currently providing senior citizens a monthly old-age allowance of Rs 4,000, among others. Although this is a good suggestion in terms of treasury, it is difficult to implement before the elections.

On BFIs, derivatives market

The report recommends amending Banks and Financial Institutions Act to allow the operation of peer-to-peer lending institutions, allowing crowdfunding through the Securities Act and putting in place a licensing policy and regulatory arrangement for the same. It has suggested that the Securities and Exchange Board of Nepal (SEBON) should create necessary infrastructure for the development of the derivatives market. Legal and regulatory arrangements should be made for angel financing and arrangements made for registering potential angel investors, the report suggests: Since such investors invest in start-ups and bear the risk, only 10 percent income tax should be levied on the income received from such investments, it states. 

Furthermore, the report has suggested reducing transaction fees for large-scale share transactions while standing against the opening of a new stock exchange. It has recommended restructuring Nepal Stock Exchange and increasing its capital with the participation of the private sector.

The commission has expressed belief that the suggestions proposed in the report will be helpful in creating economic opportunities and expanding entrepreneurs’ access to available economic opportunities, expanding employment within the country, and achieving high and sustainable economic growth.

To what extent will the government be able to implement the suggestions given through the report? Let’s wait and watch.  

In the past couple of years, Kathmandu has been steadily climbing the charts of the world’s most polluted places. Recently, it topped the list with an AQI of over 280, beating India’s New Delhi which has frequently been the most polluted city in the world. Blame the forest fires, vehicle emissions, or scattered to little rainfall, the fact remains that our air quality is declining and our health is suffering. The effects of air pollution can be immediate, from runny nose, itchy eyes, sore throat etc., to long-term problems like chronic respiratory illnesses or heart diseases. Though tackling air pollution needs policy level intervention, it doesn’t mean we can’t take some important steps to reduce its impact on a personal level. Here are some ways you can improve air quality at home.

Bring in the greens

Add plants to your space as these look good and work to trap pollutants and dust as well. Keep a couple of large foliage by the door and windows. Snake plants and Peace Lily are great indoor air purifiers. Aloe Vera also works really well to neutralize odor. You might not have much space to have a full-fledged indoor garden but some big pots and planters will do the job just as well. You can also hang pothos and ivy from little jars kept on shelves.

Keep it clean

Vacuuming the carpets and rugs at least once a week can help tackle dust that has settled in the house. You can also opt for hard-surface flooring like tiles and laminates instead of wall-to-wall carpeting to cut down on allergens. It’s also a good idea to regularly clean the drapes and bedding which are items that attract dust and allergens. Indoor hygiene can cut down dust and dander and reduce pollutants. And while you are at it, it would be a good idea to clear clutter as that also traps dust.

Ventilate your space

Most of us keep the windows closed to keep dust away but that’s a bad idea as stale air circulates in closed spaces and that can potentially lead to mold and dampness. Open the windows from time to time to allow fresh air to circulate. Use an exhaust fan in the kitchen while cooking to remove fumes and other vapors that could contaminate the air. If you are concerned about direct breeze, opt for light sheer curtains to have a layer of filtering on the windows.

Invest in an air purifier

Bringing an air purifier into your home is perhaps the most effective way to combat indoor air pollution. These come equipped with HEPA filters that remove as much as 99 percent of harmful particles from the air. There are many kinds available in the market these days, from small ones you can use in the car or a bedroom to larger ones that can purify the air in an entire flat. HEPA filters can even remove flu virus particles from the air making it a great investment for your overall health.

In a startling discovery last year, an Ichthyological survey documented the presence of Pterygoplichthys disjunctivus—a species of Sailfin Catfish native to the Amazon—in the Lohandra river of Eastern Nepal. Known for its hardiness and invasive potential, the species has already disrupted ecosystems in India and Bangladesh. Due to the significant ecological impact of Loricariids species, Bangladesh has imposed a ban on any species of the suckermouth catfish group. 

As a non-edible species, its presence in natural waters points towards potential source—pet trade. The record of this species has raised serious concerns among conservationists. “The numbers suggest they have already adapted to natural water bodies and monitoring is necessary to determine whether they have become fully invasive or not,” said Jash Hang Limbu, lead researcher of the study.

The aquarium trade link

The Loricariids species, including Pterygoplichthys and Hypostomus, are popular aquarium fish for their ability to clean aquaria by feeding on algae. Sold as “plecos” or “sucker fish”, they are easily available in aquarium stores across the country. When small, they remain mostly at the bottom of aquariums, feeding on algae and detritus. However, these species can escape or are released into natural waters, once they outgrow aquariums. They have the capacity to adapt, which can result in disruption of native aquatic biodiversity. 

While the precise route of introduction into the Lohandra River remains unclear, researchers suspect a combination of accidental releases from aquariums and migration from Indian rivers as a potential cause.

Back in 2018, a specimen was recorded at a commercial fish farm in Dhanushadham municipality, and was released into Dhanush pond, a natural pond within Dhanushadham protected forest. “We failed to identify the species. However, it had an eye-catching body structure, so we rescued and released it in the pond,” said Dev Narayan Mandal of Mithila Wildlife Trust. 

Recently, two additional sightings were reported, both in commercial fish farms from the same locality. Despite the potential risk of invasion, the fish was released into nearby rivers. “To my information one farmer killed the fish but the other released it in a nearby river,” said Mandal. 

The presence of these fish in remote villages far from aquarium shops hints at the possibility of alternative introduction pathways, such as migration from India or accidental release via fish stock imports. In 2024, a specimen was also captured from the Narayani irrigation canal in Bara district. 

According to Limbu sailfin catfish have been recorded in irrigation canals and other water bodies in Morang and Jhapa districts in recent surveys as well. He suspects the presence of two species of sailfin catfish (Pterygoplichthys disjunctivus and Pterygoplichthys pardali) in eastern Nepal, although taxonomical identification is difficult.

In both India and Bangladesh—where the fish has invaded ecosystems, the primary source of introduction is the aquarium trade. Limbu suspects that the fish might have migrated from India through inter-connected river systems. As Nepal’s rivers are linked to those in India, the possibility can’t be dismissed. 

However, experts like Kripal Datt Joshi, retired principal scientist at Indian Council of Agricultural Research, are sceptical of the migration theory. “Nepal’s rivers are less polluted and fast flowing - conditions that are not congenial for this species,” he said. 

Likewise, Loricariids (both Pterygoplichthys and Hypostomus) are known for their ability to breathe air and even show terrestrial locomotion. Experts say considering this adaptive behaviour, the fish may have found alternative dispersal methods.

Growing threat of invasion in Nepal

The pet fish trade is not the only pathway for exotic invasive species in Nepal. Despite the tremendous native fish diversity - 236 indigenous fish species, introduction of exotic fish species started during the 1950s. A 2015 study by Prem Budha, Professor of Zoology, Tribhuvan University, documented 19 exotic fish species in Nepal. However, the list doesn’t include fish species reared in aquariums. 

Many were introduced for aquaculture without proper risk assessments. “If such exotic species escape or are released to natural ecosystems they might adapt to the environment, breed, and can become invasive,” said Budha. Species like Tilapia, has already outcompeted native fish in lakes of Pokhara. Recently, rainbow trout—a species listed under “100 of the World's Worst Invasive Alien Species”—has escaped and are recorded in natural waters, said Bharat Babu Shrestha, professor at Tribhuvan University. “It’s time to regulate exotic species, including Tilapia,” said Professor Shrestha.

Ornamental fish industry in Nepal

Nepal’s ornamental fish industry has grown rapidly, with aquarium shops flourishing in Kathmandu, Pokhara and other major cities. “The number of people buying fish has increased in recent years,” said the owner of Hobby Aquarium, one of Nepal’s oldest shops. 

However, the customs import data depicts a different story, showing a sharp decline in ornamental fish imports—an ironic contrast to the booming domestic market. 

Currently, imports are processed through the Nepal National Single Window (NNSW), where importers must list species name and quantities. “Based on that online application, import permissions are granted,” said Sumitra Laudari, Senior Fisheries Development Officer at Central Fisheries Promotion and Conservation Center (CFPCC).

Aquarium owners reported that importers import fish based on market demand and international availability. Most imports come from India and Thailand, with occasional imports from China, Indonesia, and other east-Asia-pacific countries.

Nepal lacks comprehensive research and a centralized database on aquarium fish imports. Limited studies exist, mostly in Kathmandu and Pokhara. A 2024 study published in International Journal of Biological Innovations journal reported 53 exotic and four native ornamental fish species sold in Kathmandu aquarium shops. Arowana was the most expensive, while Guppy the cheapest.  

Professor Budha noted that international trade is a major pathway for invasive alien species globally. “With growing demand, more non-native species are imported, increasing risk of introduction into ecosystems,” he added.

Another concern is “fish liberation”—religious practice where believers release captive live fish into water bodies.  “With exotic fish easily available, there’s a high chance non-native species are being released,” added Professor Shrestha.

Weak regulations, invasion risk and conservation concerns

The Nepal Fish Fry Standard 2061 (amended in 2077) lists 144 ornamental fish species allowed for import. However, many unlisted and high-risk exotic species such as Arapaima, Alligator Gar, Redtail Catfish, Pacu, Iridescent Sharks, Giant Snakehead, Red Devil and Peacock Bass are openly sold in the market. Known for their predatory behaviour and rapid growth, these species have caused severe ecological damage in other countries after escaping captivity. 

The aquarium trade also threatens conservation efforts. Some IUCN Red List endangered species like Reticulated Hillstream Loach and Bala Shark (Vulnerable) and Red-Tailed Black Shark (Critically Endangered) are easily available in the market, though they are not listed under the Nepal Fish Fry Standard 2061. 

Some of these are smuggled from India, often hidden among frozen fish shipments. “The mortality rate is high with such fish, so we avoid purchasing from those sources,” said a Kathmandu-based shop owner. Nepal’s open border and weak import inspection further increases the possibility of such illegal imports. 

Officials acknowledge enforcement challenges, citing a lack of technical officers at quarantine checkpoints. “Due to the lack of fishery experts at quarantine centres/posts, these fish species are often not identified correctly,” said Laudari. Ashok Adhikari from the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock echoed a similar challenge, “Veterinary officers manage quarantine posts, but they often lack the expertise to identify fish species”.

A potential solution: Breeding native ornamental fish

Nepal has significant potential to develop a local ornamental fish industry. The CFPCC and Pokhara’s Fishery Research Station have begun breeding programs.

Though 15 native species with ornamental potential have been identified, only one is currently being bred. “Identifying and developing technologies for breeding native fish species for aquariums could be an important step in reducing import dependency” said Md Akbal Husen, Senior Scientist at Pokhara’s Fishery Research Station. For instance, River stone carp (Psilorhynchus sucatio)—a native algae eater known as “sucatio”, is being imported despite its local presence. Such species, if bred domestically, could serve as an alternative to invasive plecos or sucker fish. 

While the domestic production has increased slightly over the past five years, it still doesn’t meet the market demand, said Husen. According to Laudari, efforts are underway to expand breeding programs at CFPCC. 

Officials also reported even private breeders are starting to breed exotic species, but their operations remain unregulated.

The way forward

As the spread of invasive exotic fish species accelerates, Nepal must take proactive measures. Nepal has also adopted Kunming Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), Target 6 of which aims to reduce the rate of introduction and establishment of invasive alien species by 50 percent, and to reduce/mitigate the impacts of invasive alien species on biodiversity and in ecosystem services. Nepal is currently drafting the National Biodiversity Strategy Action Plan (NBSAP)—a document that translates the global targets into national actions.

The approval of Invasive Alien Species Management Strategy and Implementation Plan 2081 has raised new hope. “This now provides us with a regulatory foundation,” said Professor Shrestha who was involved in drafting the strategy. “Conducting thorough risk assessment—both pre-border and post-border, is crucial in mitigating the risk of invasion” added Professor Shrestha.  

“Strengthening technical capacity at quarantine checkpoints is also essential to prevent the entry of invasive exotic species”, emphasized Professor Budha.