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The Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML have signed an agreement to amend the constitution adopted in 2015, aiming to address the nation's current crises. Achieving these ambitious goals requires substantial unity, maturity, and understanding between the parties. Leaders from both NC and UML assert that the parties have committed to cooperation at least until the next elections in 2027.

However, the critical question remains: Can these two parties maintain harmony in government? This concern arises from their historical track record. For example, in 2018, the UML and Maoist Center merged to form a new party and government, promising political stability and development. Yet, internal conflicts among top leaders—KP Sharma Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal—led to the collapse of both the government and the party, plunging the country into renewed instability.  Similarly, NC and UML failed to collaborate effectively after the 2015 constitution amendment.

The current agreement is the result of at least three months of back-channel negotiations between UML Chairperson Oli and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba, along with key facilitators. The agreement was kept secret until Monday. Oli and Deuba initially favored an additional month for thorough preparations, but a leak of the agreement necessitated prompt decisions, hence their cautious approach to forming the government.

The primary task of the new coalition government will be the critical and complex constitution amendment. This requires consensus among the major parties that supported the 2015 constitution drafting process. Consequently, NC and UML are focusing on forming a national unity government. A leader involved in the negotiations stated: “The two parties plan to amend several provisions in phases, starting with changes to the electoral system, followed by other issues.”

The NC-UML alliance also aims to counter challenges from emerging parties like the Rastriya Swatantra Party and independent candidates such as Kathmandu's Mayor Balendra Shah. Although NC and UML are principal competitors, they view these new parties as a common threat to their voter bases. 

To address these challenges, the new NC-UML coalition must tackle corruption, ensure good governance, create jobs, and initiate plans for economic recovery. Failure to address these issues will likely provoke a backlash against the coalition government. Following the agreement, both parties have expedited the process of forming a new government, with formal endorsements from their respective parties, and are now waiting for Prime Minister Dahal’s resignation. 

In the absence of a single-party majority, the government formation process will proceed under Article 76(2) of the constitution, which allows for a coalition government. NC and UML have urged Dahal to resign to facilitate the formation of a national unity government. Although they have signed a document focusing on government formation and constitutional amendments, it has not yet been made public. On Wednesday, NC endorsed the agreements, although party leaders have not yet reviewed the document.

NC has also urged Prime Minister Dahal to resign promptly. The party argues that since more than two-thirds of Parliament members oppose him, Dahal should step down on moral and political grounds. However, Dahal cites the constitutional provision granting him 30 days to seek a vote of confidence after a coalition member withdraws support. According to the agreement between NC and UML, Oli will be appointed as prime minister under Article 76(2) of the constitution. Given the agreement to form a national unity government, NC insists it is imperative for Dahal to step aside.

To achieve their objectives, NC and UML must garner broader support from other parties. By Wednesday, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party and the Mahantha Thakur-led Loktantrik Samajbadi Party had pledged their support for the NC-UML coalition. The coalition's base is expected to expand with additional parties joining the alliance.

Key contents of the agreement between NC and UML

• Promoting national interest
• Taming corruption to maintain good governance
• Maintaining political stability
• Amendment the constitution after a thorough review
• Strengthening economy
• Rotational leadership between Oli and Deuba 

UML withdraws support to government

CPN-UML has officially withdrawn its support to the government, effectively rendering the Dahal-led government into a minority. UML leader Mahesh Bartaula said: “We gave Prime Minister Dahal the opportunity to pave the way for the formation of a national government, but he didn’t do so. Hence we have decided to withdraw the support.” With the UML, the major coalition partner in the Dahal government, pulling out its support, Prime Minister Dahal now has two options: Resign on moral grounds or to take a vote of confidence. Dahal has maintained that he will go for a floor test in Parliament.

In the past, Brahmin weddings, especially daughters’ receptions and Bartabandha (sacred thread ceremonies) in Nepal were strictly vegetarian. Fried raw jackfruit was often used as a meat substitute, and guests humorously called it ‘Bahuni Masu’ or ‘Brahmin meat’ to highlight the absence of actual meat. However, times have changed, and the rise of veganism and vegetarianism has brought raw jackfruit into the mainstream.

Raw jackfruit is now recognized as a versatile and nutritious meat alternative, especially among non-meat eaters and vegans. In Nepal, where jackfruit is commonly grown and consumed, understanding its seasonality and culinary uses can help promote it as a sustainable and healthy meat substitute.

Jackfruit is typically harvested during the monsoon season, from June to September, when the warm and humid climate is ideal for its growth and ripening. Fresh jackfruit is most abundant during these months, but it can also be preserved by canning, drying, or freezing to be available year-round.

The jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus) is the largest fruit produced by any tree in the plant kingdom. Native to South and Southeast Asia, the jackfruit tree belongs to the fig, mulberry, and breadfruit family (Moraceae). Jackfruits can weigh up to 45 kilograms and grow up to 3 feet (about one meter) in length. The outer rind is green or yellow when ripe and covered in hard, knobby bumps. Inside, the jackfruit contains numerous edible seeds surrounded by fleshy, fibrous pulp. The pulp, which is typically consumed, varies in color from pale yellow to deep orange.

Jackfruit is rich in essential nutrients, including vitamins C and B6, potassium, magnesium, and calcium. It is an excellent source of dietary fiber, promoting digestive health, and has an unusually high protein content for a fruit, making it a popular meat substitute in vegan and vegetarian diets.

It can be consumed raw. The sweet, fruity flavor of ripe jackfruit is enjoyed fresh or added to desserts. Unripe jackfruit has a texture similar to pulled pork or chicken, making it a versatile ingredient in savory dishes such as curries, stir-fries, and tacos. The seeds are edible when cooked and can be roasted, boiled, or ground into flour.

Jackfruit trees thrive in tropical climates, requiring warm temperatures and high humidity. The fruit matures about three to eight months after flowering, and its large size requires careful handling during harvest. Jackfruit cultivation is relatively sustainable. The trees are hardy and can grow in poor soil conditions, making them valuable for food security in tropical regions. The entire fruit, from the flesh to the seeds, can be used, minimizing waste.

Popular Nepali dishes with raw jackfruit

Jackfruit curry (Kathal ko tarkari)

 Ingredients

Unripe jackfruit, potatoes, tomatoes, onions, garlic, ginger, and a blend of Nepali spices such as turmeric, cumin, coriander, and chili powder.

 Preparation

The jackfruit is peeled, chopped, and cooked with the spices and vegetables to create a hearty and flavorful curry.

Jackfruit pickle (Kathal ko achar)

 Ingredients

Unripe jackfruit, mustard oil, fenugreek seeds, turmeric, chili powder, and salt.

Preparation

The jackfruit is boiled, mixed with spices, and preserved in mustard oil, creating a tangy and spicy pickle that can be enjoyed with rice or roti.

Stir-fried Jackfruit (Kathal bhuteko)

Ingredients

Unripe jackfruit, garlic, ginger, onions, green chilies, and soy sauce.

 Preparation

The jackfruit is stir-fried with the aromatics and seasonings, offering a quick and delicious dish that can be served with steamed rice.

Jackfruit has a lot of nutritional benefits. It’s rich in dietary fiber, aiding digestion and promoting gut health. It’s also a low-calorie food, making it suitable for weight management. Jackfruit contains vitamins A, C, and B-complex, as well as minerals like potassium, magnesium, and iron. Although not as high in protein as meat, jackfruit provides a moderate amount of protein, which can be complemented with other protein-rich foods in a vegan diet.

Raw jackfruit offers a nutritious, sustainable, and versatile alternative to meat, particularly suitable for non-meat eaters and vegans in Nepal. With its seasonal abundance during the monsoon months, it can be incorporated into a variety of traditional and modern dishes, supporting both health and environmental sustainability. By embracing jackfruit in everyday cooking, Nepali cuisine can further evolve to meet the growing demand for plant-based foods.

The jackfruit is a remarkable fruit, not only for its size but also for its versatility and nutritional benefits. As global interest in sustainable and plant-based foods grows, the jackfruit stands out as a valuable resource in the hunt for healthier and more eco-friendly eating habits.

The author is UK-based research and development chef

“Ek din Narad satyalok pugigaya lokko garun hit bhani.”

Thus begins Bhanubhakta Acharya’s Ramayan, the Nepali translation of Brahmarshi Balmiki’s epic, the Adhyatma Ramayan.  

The purpose of the pioneer poet of the Nepali language is lucidly clear in the above-mentioned line: Lokko hit (the good of the public, the worlds). Bhanubhakta’s Ramayan begins with Brahmarshi Narad visiting Satyalok (the realm of truth) for doing the good of the Lok (the people, the worlds); the purpose of Bhanubhakta’s labor is also to serve the people by translating the Ramayan from Sanskrit into a poetic Nepali. In the course of time, Bhanubhakta’s Ramayan has become immensely popular in Nepal and India, especially among Nepali-speaking communities.

Bhanubhakta was well-versed in Sanskrit, a language mainly of rich and well-educated people like scholars, priests and teachers of those times, but most of the Nepali society was not even familiar with Sanskrit. So, Bhanubhakta took it upon himself to translate the epic into simple and lyrical Nepali, making it hugely popular in Nepali households, both in Nepal and parts of India.

Ahead of his times and aware of the public pulse, Bhanubhakta has well-established himself in the literary firmament and earned himself a place in the hearts and minds of the Nepali Lok based in Nepal and abroad.

Apart from the Ramayan, his works including Badhushiksha Prashnottari, Bhaktamala and Ram Geeta have also sought to serve the public by reforming society through moral education.

The work titled Badhushiksha Prasnottari, for example, is Bhanubhakta’s attempt to teach good manners to daughters-in-law, to teach them how to behave with their mothers-in-law. 

Bhanubhakta was a devotee of Lord Ram and his lyrical Ramayan made him popular far and wide.

There’s a vast scope for a comparative study of Bhanubhakta’s contributions vis-à-vis other contemporary poets, but the sad fact is that there is no comparative study department in any universities of Nepal for such an undertaking.

Nonetheless, he is comparable to the great poet of Sanskrit, Balmiki, the prominent Awadhi poet Tulasi Das and the celebrated Maithili poet Chanda Jha.

A long time ago, Prof Surdeo Singh Prabhakar earned his PhD for his thesis titled ‘Comparative study of Bhanubhakta and Tulasi Das’ from the University of Allahabad, India. But his dissertation remains unpublished till date, somehow obscuring Bhanubhakta’s contribution.

The then Royal Nepal Academy (Nepal Academy now) has published Prof Dhundhiraj Bhandari’s article titled ‘A comparative study of Bhanubhakta and Tulasi Das’ in its research magazine named ‘Pragya’. This writer’s article on a comparative study of Bhanubhakta and Tulasi Das also got published in the same magazine.

In the World Sanskrit Seminar held in Kathmandu under the aegis of the Embassy of India in Kathmandu two years ago, this writer had made a presentation on a comparative study of the Ram Katha (story of Ram) of Bhanubhakta and Ram Katha of Tulasi Das.

Scholar Ram Chandra Poudel has also done research on the comparative study of Bhanubhakta and Balmiki whereas Prof Jayaraj Acharya has written a book titled ‘Bhanubhakta Acharya: His life and selected poems (2011), highlighting Bhanubhakta’s valuable contribution to Nepali language and literature.

Acharya has touched upon the need for a comparative study on Bhanubhakta and some other poets, especially Tulsidas from India. Notably, though well-versed in Sanskrit, Tulsidas also chose to write his ‘Ramcharit Manas’ in Awadhi, to reach and serve a wider audience.

Bhanubhakta was from the times when a clique consisting of teachers, preachers, scholars and priests from the elite class had a kind of monopoly over knowledge, given their command of Sanskrit in which most of the literature of those times was written.   

Yet he caught the pulse of the commoners of those times and had the foresight to translate the Ramayan into Nepali, which earned him immense fame, thanks to its lyrical and simple language.

Notably, this poet, born with a silver spoon in his mouth, in Ramgha of Tanahun district, drew inspiration for doing something good for the society from a grass-cutter, who, in the course of a conversation, said he was saving his hard-earned money to dig a well for fellow villagers.  

The rest, as they say, is history.

By taking the Ramayan, considered a fountainhead of peace and spiritual bliss for the religious minded people, to Nepali households, Bhanubhakta has helped spread the glory of Ram further and also immortalized the grass-cutter.

Bhanubhakta has become a national icon because of his contributions. He will shine in the firmament of Nepali language and literature forever.

The Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, the first and second largest parties in Parliament, have agreed to form a national unity government. This coalition aims to amend the constitution adopted in 2015. 

According to the agreement, UML chair KP Sharma Oli will lead the government initially to push for constitutional amendments and then hand over power to NC leader Sher Bahadur Deuba to conduct the 2027 elections. Cross-party leaders acknowledge that amending key provisions of the constitution will be challenging. The NC-UML alliance anticipates strong opposition from the CPN (Maoist Center), Madhes-based parties, and other groups that support federalism, secularism, and identity-based federalism.

The new alliance needs to muster a two-thirds majority in Parliament for any constitutional amendment which seems feasible. The tentative agreement between NC and UML includes changes to the current electoral system, which many believe is one of the main causes of political instability and frequent government changes.

The two parties are of the view that the current mixed system of first-past-the-post and proportional representation makes it difficult to achieve a single-party majority. While leaders of the two major parties say that frequent coalition changes since the 2022 election highlight this issue, the electoral system is not solely to blame for instability. The new government also plans to remove the provision of secularism from the constitution, leaving the space blank. Additionally, NC and UML have agreed to revisit the current three-tier federal structure, considering it a significant burden onto the state. 

Despite their push for a national unity government, it is unlikely to materialize fully, as the Maoist party and the Rastriya Swatantra Party have decided not to join the future Oli-led government. However, the NC-UML coalition expects to achieve two-thirds support in Parliament with the help of fringe parties. NC and UML are reaching out to fringe parties in order to increase the strength of the government. 

It remains to be seen whether the fringe parties would wholly buy into the propositions put forward by NC and UML. Former prime minister Madhav Kumar Nepal’s party, CPN (Unified Socialist), criticized the latest coalition, likening it to tyranny. 

Notably, the leadership of both NC and UML have not yet held intra-party consultations about the content of the constitutional amendments. Shankar Pokharel, UML general secretary of the NC-UML coalition, emphasized their primary agenda is constitutional amendment and called on all parties to join the national unity government.

The CPN (Maoist Center) has expressed strong opposition to changing the electoral system, viewing it as a regressive step. The Rastriya Prajatantra Party, however, views the agreement between NC and UML positively, believing that the current constitution cannot address the country’s problems.

Background of NC-UML coalition 

In 2015, during the constitution-making process, NC and UML formed a coalition government that successfully delivered the constitution. Initially, NC was supposed to support UML for the coalition government, but it backtracked on its commitment, straining the relationship between the two parties. This tension peaked when UML chair Oli dissolved Parliament in 2020.

Over the past two years, NC leader Deuba was reluctant to engage with Oli, fearing it might affect NC’s relationship with the Maoist Center. When the Maoists sided with UML in March, NC leaders including Shekhar Koirala began reaching out to UML, but results were slow. There were voices within both parties advocating for a coalition to ensure government stability, though some were against it due to the competitive nature of the parties and concerns about weakening the opposition.

At the same time, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Home Affairs Rabi Lamichhane was digging the files of some NC leaders accused in various corruption cases. Lately, with the surfacing of various corruption scandals, it was natural for the ranks of NC-UML to be fearful. As more scandals like the Giribandhu Tea Estate began to unravel, the situation became increasingly uncertain. Lamichhane had told Parliament on Monday that preparations were underway to form a powerful commission to investigate 25 corruption scandals.

Talks between NC and UML progressed three months ago  through a facilitator when Oli was in Jhapa for a week-long visit.  But the contents of the meetings were kept highly secret. On Saturday, Deuba and Oli held a candid and open discussion at Balkot, Oli’s residence. On Monday night, two top leaders signed in a document of agreement which remains top secret. Before the Balkot meeting, two secret meetings happened in Kathmandu. 

Despite initial distrust, several rounds of talks led Oli and Deuba to agree that the country faced a crisis due to constitutional flaws and the Dahal government’s mishandling of the situation. Oli was particularly frustrated with the Dahal-led government’s monopoly on decision-making, especially regarding the budget. As a result, UML withdrew its support from the government, requiring the prime minister to take a vote of confidence within 30 days. The formation of a new Oli-led government now depends on Prime Minister Dahal’s actions. Actually, Oli was in favor of keeping the agreement in secret with a plan to complete the entire process within a month but it was leaked in the media, that is why there was slow progress on Tuesday. 

Was Dahal kept in the dark?

Increased meetings between Oli and Dahal had raised concerns in Baluwatar. The prime minister was briefed by the Home Minister about these informal meetings. 

A recent meeting in Balkot prompted Prime Minister Dahal to invite Oli for talks, where Dahal asked Oli if he was forming a government with NC. Oli dismissed the reports, focusing on left unity until the general elections. However, after NC and UML agreed to form a new government, Dahal invited Oli again, urging transparency about the agreement with NC. 

Let’s briefly talk about the coalition of politics mainly after 2022. In the 2022 national elections, Dahal’s CPN (Maoist Center) emerged as the third-largest party with 32 seats. Despite an initial proposal from UML to form a coalition government, NC claimed the leadership and did not support the Maoists, despite an electoral alliance. 

Eventually, UML supported Dahal for the premiership, but he switched alliances multiple times between NC and UML. Dahal believed he could remain in power by playing between the first and second largest parties and was confident that external forces would not allow Oli to become prime minister.

Meanwhile, the leaders of both major parties were tired of the ‘opportunism’ and ‘turncoat’ character shown by Dahal, the third power in the parliament. Lately, Prime Minister Dahal had even started publicly speaking about the ‘magic number’. He began expressing the sentiment that he could remain prime minister for the entire five years by playing between UML and Congress.

Dahal’s expressions certainly unsettled Oli, eager to climb the chair of power, and Deuba, who wanted to become prime minister once again, sooner or later. Dahal’s statements violated the ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ of rotation with Oli. Oli had not taken Dahal from the alliance with NC to let him be prime minister alone for five years.

Had he understood the situation, Dahal could have found it easier to ally with NC. Even in an alliance with NC, Dahal would have had to give up the prime minister’s position to Deuba after two and a half years. Possibly, Dahal chose the difficult and survival path post-election? However, even after collaborating with UML, the ongoing dialogue with NC did not create an environment of trust. Meanwhile, Dahal also signaled a change in strategy. He began demanding that Oli allow him to run the entire period with the condition of unifying the party until the next election and stepping down from active politics to become the president. Oli clearly did not like this proposal.

In a political environment where betrayal has become a competition, Oli took the initiative this time. He went to Baluwatar, whispered sweet assurances in Dahal’s ear, and gave form to the new relationship. Dahal’s practice of betrayal with the magical number has become a strong fear of turning into a political culture, of which today’s players of the betrayal game could also become victims someday.

Future course

It seems likely that Oli will become prime minister. Dahal might attempt to break the agreement by offering the prime ministership position to Deuba, but this is unlikely to succeed. The constitutional amendment process will be challenging, potentially unleashing tensions. It remains to be seen how NC and UML will convince all stakeholders to support the amendments.

The UML has requested Prime Minister Dahal to resign by Wednesday. A leader revealed that the UML Secretariat meeting on Tuesday decided to ask Prime Minister Dahal to step down. 

This would pave the way for the formation of a new government under Article 76 (2) of the Constitution, according to the agreement between the UML and the Congress.

The UML has also invited other parties to join in forming a national consensus government led by Oli. According to sources, some parties including CPN (Maoist Center) could suffer a split in the run-up to the constitution amendment process.