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To provide the poor and genuine students access to technical education after their SEE, Pokhara Metropolitan City Office has run an educational academy as Gandaki Polytechnic Institute. It has been expanding access to higher education through a dozen of long- and short-term technical courses including civil engineering, forestry, pharmacy, geo-metrics engineering, industrial training, building construction, automobile and so on. To run this academy, Pokhara Metropolitan City Office annually invests money, labor and attention by providing its inputs in overall development of students. It aims to serve the students, communities, and the region through a quality, market-oriented and demand-based education system. The institute currently has almost 400 students from all over Nepal.

As informed by the Pokhara Metropolitan City Office, the ratio of admission has been increasing in every new educational year since the last couple of years. Smita Adhikari of ApEx talked to Director of Gandaki Polytechnic Institute Laxman Timilsina on the issues of the real value of technical education at the local level.

What do you think is the value of setting up separate educational academies at the local level?

Education is a major base of development. It is that element that supports the creation of the pillars of overall development by shaping the concept of people and making them concerned in their liability in development. So, the Schedule 8 of 2015 Constitution has ensured the local bodies have the right to set the education system in their area. While the right to shape the educational environment goes to the local leaders and stakeholders, it will add value to make the education more productive. It is because local stakeholders are quite familiar with the problems of their area and can identify what type of teaching and learning the people of the area need. Similarly, only the local stakeholders are familiar with the demand of the job market. 

Why the focus on technical education?

While we are not against non-technical education, we should understand that local development needs a large number of skilled manpower to accomplish various technical tasks. Local governments are compelled to hire people from outside countries and districts, as manpower or consultant for the works in their areas. So, Pokhara Metropolitan City aims to fulfill its need of skilled manpower in an easy and economical way. We also want to support other districts too. So, Gandaki Polytechnic Institutes takes students from all over the nation who want to take technical education at a reasonable cost.

What has been the output of the institute so far?

A batch has already passed out in all courses. Eighty percent of the students have joined the job market. The most positive aspect is that those who have not joined the  job market are self-employed. We encourage students to explore new things and identify their working areas. We manage to send them in paid or non-paid internships for jobs as part of their academic curriculum. In some courses we have got the highest score in all over the country too. The admission rate has been growing in every new academic calendar. Every year we have added new technical courses to address the numbers of students willing to work with Pokhara Metropolitan City.

How do you convince the community that an educational academy under the local government is fruitful?

We know that 60 percent of school education in Nepal is occupied by private organizations. Institutions like ours offer a high discount when it comes to the education fees. In comparison to other private institutions, we provide education at a reasonable cost. Likewise, we involve our students in extracurricular activities and inspire them to be confident to face the situations in their life. This year we are giving free education to girls who are talented and sat for their SEE from community schools.

Do you think there are any problems running a local government owned academic institution?

We feel local stakeholders and people representatives including the bureaucracy are very supportive to this endeavor. Nevertheless, the big stakeholders are more biased toward private organizations than the local government-run institutions. So, the lack of encouragement, monitoring and attention from related authorities are the problems that we have been facing.

Having grown tired of Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s power politics and the constant maneuvering for a ‘magic’ number in parliamentary politics, the chiefs of the two major parties in the country, KP Sharma Oli and Sher Bahadur Deuba, have sketched a new roadmap aimed at ensuring political stability at least until the next general election. In a rare display of parliamentary partnership, the two largest parties in the Parliament have agreed to form a government, though the formal agreement is yet to be made public officially. 

According to the agreement, the two parties will alternate leadership of the government between Oli and Deuba over a three-year period. Oli will serve as Prime Minister for the initial half of the tenure, while Deuba will lead for the remaining period until the next general election. Ministries in the federal government will be equally divided, and the positions of chief ministers in the provinces will also be equally shared. Both the parties have also agreed to amend the constitution, especially on the electoral system though it is not an easy job.  

As per the agreement, the Nepali Congress has given a vote of confidence to the Chief Minister of Madhes Province from the CK Raut-led Janamat Party has joined the government there. In other provinces, UML ministers have resigned to facilitate the formation of new governments. Following the power-sharing agreement in the federal government, both the parties have endorsed the deal in their respective central meetings. Leaders of both parties are committed to implementing the agreement sincerely, despite facing various conspiracies and pressures from different quarters. This time, people have given both the parties the benefit of the doubt, overlooking the past.  

On July 12, Prime Minister Dahal is set to seek a vote of confidence in the parliament, though odds are stacked against him. Despite this, Dahal’s decision to face the parliament should be respected as a constitutional right of any Prime Minister. If Dahal had morality, he should have resigned immediately after the CPN-UML withdrew support to him. Shocked and traumatized by the Oli-Deuba alliance formed to sideline him, Dahal will again present himself as a ‘revolutionary’ and ‘progressive’ leader in revenge and might call movements from different fronts. This has been a hallmark of Dahal, who has made compromises with all parties and foreign powers to save his government. Whenever he quits government, he appears as a rebel, but such politics doesn’t work these days. While his next steps remain uncertain, he is likely to be relegated to a weaker position as the opposition leader, marking a turning point in the Maoist party’s decline.

Dahal’s failure to garner a trust vote means UML Chair Oli will become the Prime Minister of Nepal under Article 76 (2) of the Constitution. Some argue that Oli cannot be appointed Prime Minister under the same article again, but the Supreme Court has clearly ruled that the same article can be invoked multiple times if there is a possibility of government formation. Ultimately, it depends on the President under which article he calls upon the parties to form the next government. 

Let the law take its own course.

The major concerns now are political stability and the continuation of developmental works initiated during Oli’s second premiership from 15 Feb 2018 to 13 May 2021. As Oli prepares to become PM for the third time, a sense of hope has spread across the nation. Among Nepal’s contemporary politicians, Oli stands out as a leader with a vision and conviction, having earned the trust of the people. Therefore, the agreement between the two major parties to share power and have Oli lead the government has been seen as a beacon of hope as Nepali people are fed up with deceptive politics.

In the last parliamentary election, no party secured a majority to form the government, leading the third party to control the power dynamics with the so-called magic number. The leader of the third party, Dahal, alternately and deceptively led the government with support from the first and the second largest parties. However, his political maneuvering has come to an end, and he has now returned to the sidelines as a frail leader. Reflecting on this, his former colleague and now leader of a fringe party, Baburam Bhattarai, expressed his satisfaction thus: “You can’t fool all the people all the time.”

Some have speculated that external powers, particularly Western ones, played a role in uniting the two major parties, but these claims are unfounded and baseless. Certain intellectuals often suspect external interference in significant domestic developments, but this is merely a form of self-satisfaction. Neither neighboring countries nor Western nations such as the US contributed to bringing the two parties together. It was Oli and Deuba, who decided to sideline Dahal’s messy and opportunistic politics from within the domestic political landscape.

Foreign interference in Nepal’s internal affairs has significantly diminished compared to the past. Ambassadors from neighboring countries in Kathmandu have maintained diplomatic decorum, engaging with all stakeholders equally. However, political inconsistencies have negatively impacted diplomatic relations. With Oli likely to become the next PM, this temporary strain on diplomatic relations is expected to end. The government formed by the two major parties will be stronger and more stable, fostering harmonious relations with both neighboring and powerful countries while prioritizing Nepal’s national interests.

The new government will address the genuine concerns of India and China, but will also firmly warn them against any interference in Nepal’s domestic affairs. Oli’s administration will maintain a balanced foreign policy, ensuring that Nepal’s sovereignty and national interests remain paramount. Strengthening ties with both India and China, the government will work towards mutual cooperation, economic development and regional stability. Additionally, Oli’s leadership is anticipated to bring renewed focus to developmental projects and economic initiatives initiated during his previous terms. This will not only help boost domestic growth but also enhance Nepal’s strategic partnerships with neighboring countries and international allies.

But, this power alliance of Nepali Congress and CPN UML should not be limited only in form but in substance too. Cornering the CPN (Maoist Center) or Dahal shouldn’t be the sole goal of the alliance, it should inject hope and that should be seen in action, for action speaks louder than words.

Views are personal

Two-thirds of the House of Representatives members now support the agreement between the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML to form a national unity government, though the specifics of the agreement remain undisclosed. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s major coalition partners, the CPN-UML and other smaller parties, have withdrawn their support, leaving his government in the minority.

This situation puts pressure on Dahal to resign, which is being pushed by his own party and other political factions. However, Dahal has decided to seek a vote of confidence on July 12. According to cross-party leaders, Dahal is offering the premiership to NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba to disrupt the NC-UML agreement. He has indicated that the Maoists are willing to support Deuba for a full term until the next elections in 2027. This offer was made the day after Deuba and UML leader Oli signed their agreement, but Deuba dismissed it.

Despite Deuba’s rejection, Dahal continues to reach out to NC leaders. Two days ago, he invited senior NC leader Shekhar Koirala to his residence for discussions. Koirala attended the meeting with the consent of Deuba. Sources say Koirala told Dahal that reversing the current situation is almost impossible. Even senior leaders within Dahal’s own CPN (Maoist Center) are advising him to resign, but Dahal insists there is still room for political maneuvering. After the NC-UML agreement, the Rastriya Swatantra Party decided to leave the government, but Dahal asked them to stay until the confidence vote.

There is some dissatisfaction within NC and UML ranks regarding the opaque agreement between Oli and Deuba, but no leader has openly criticized it. Both parties have unanimously endorsed the agreement. NC leaders believe Dahal’s efforts to form an alliance with UML are unlikely to succeed, despite his attempts. Some ambiguous provisions in the agreement might be exploited to prevent Oli from becoming prime minister, but it is almost certain that Oli will ascend to the position under Article 76(2) of the Constitution, which mandates a coalition government since no single party has a majority under Article 76(1).

Dahal and his allied constitutional experts argue that if Dahal’s government, formed under Article 76(2), fails to secure a vote of confidence, the President should initiate government formation under Article 76(3). This would mean appointing the parliamentary party leader of the largest party, likely Deuba. Neutral constitutional experts, however, assert that the government formation process should start under Article 76(2) again after July 12. If the government is formed under either Article 76(2) or 76(3), it is likely to face legal challenges, much like the 2021 Supreme Court verdict on Oli's dissolution of the House before its term ended. The verdict emphasized that all provisions of Article 76 should be tested to form a government.

The unexpected agreement between NC and UML has left Dahal, who had maintained power by striking a balance between NC and UML, in shock. He was confident that the rival NC and UML would not join forces. Additionally, Maoist leaders believed external forces would prevent Oli from coming to power. Dahal had been frequently changing coalition partners and was recently preparing to align with NC leaders again in the guise of forming a national unity government.

NC and UML were growing weary of Dahal's tactics, and there had been long-standing support within both parties for a coalition. The deteriorating economic conditions, frequent government changes, growing communal tensions and problematic constitutional provisions compelled the first and second largest parties to unite to address the country's challenges. The rise of new political parties also gave impetus to this unconventional alliance.

In this context, Dahal’s attempts to reverse the situation are unlikely to succeed. NC leaders state that Deuba is not willing to accept Dahal’s offer of the premiership. After nearly a decade, NC and UML are joining forces again, reminiscent of their successful collaboration in 2014 to deliver the Constitution in 2015. Now, they aim to form a strong government to resolve the current problems facing the country.

Nepali students have emerged as the fastest-growing student population in the United Kingdom, according to a recent report by ApplyBoard, an international student mobility platform, based on data from the UK Home Office.

For the year ending March 2024, the UK Home Office granted over 446,000 study visas to main applicants, a 6.2 percent decrease from the previous year. However, the number of visas issued to Nepali students increased dramatically. A total of 9,003 visas were issued to Nepali students, marking a 70.1 percent rise compared to the same period in 2023. This surge propels Nepal to the forefront of the UK’s international student market, surpassing several major countries and moving from the seventh fastest-growing country in 2023 to the fastest-growing source country in 2024.

Unlike many other countries, Nepal’s growth appears unaffected by recent UK policy changes concerning dependents or postgraduate work programs. This stability is a significant factor contributing to the increasing number of Nepali students choosing the UK for their higher education.

Nepal’s student-age population (16-25 years old) is over 6.5m, representing 21 percent of its total population. “This demographic presents a high growth potential, making Nepal an exciting prospect for the UK’s international education sector,” says ApplyBoard. “The report sheds light on the dynamic nature of international student mobility and emphasizes the significance of Nepal in the global education landscape. With ongoing stability and high growth potential, Nepal is undoubtedly a market to watch closely in the coming years.”