Getting around the ‘Nepali time’
Slow and steady loses the race because the rabbit is wide awake. Be the rabbit and make a habit—to be on time.
It is not time that is running away but you who are unable to chase it. Time has always stood still; the clocks are just an invention for humans to be reminded that they are fleeting away. It sure is philosophical until you stop questioning ‘why’ and start answering ‘what.’
Generally, people who are late blame it on their mental health, saying, “I’ve got ADHD and get distracted very easily,” and picking up mental health symptoms on Google, trying to match them all that was not there. Some genuine, and most trying their best to make it. Infuriating is when some are chronically late for any reason other than the fact that they don't care enough about the people who are waiting for them. Encountering the problem, and excuses follow with “I was going to do this, but that came up.” But of all problems.
Things take a turn when you are on time, but the lateness around swallows your productivity. Shift blame persists, and the traffic is accused. Everyone is in a hurry but rarely on time.
A New York Times article suggests that consistent lateness is driven by optimism, such as believing a 25-minute commute will only take 10 minutes. Take that commute and slam it on the Kathmandu roads; you are gifted 15 minutes more.
If you were a college student studying under the Tribhuvan University (TU) administration, it would be a miracle if your exam results came on time. I too waited and enjoyed the long holidays for them to publish. Being at the end of my second year and getting the first-year results was funny and fascinating. Honestly, everything was sadly expected from the saviours of the education system, only except in 2017, when nine faculties were given the results within three months. The World Bank had given them Rs 50m for timely publication.
Tardiness applies to not just coming on time but also when the work trusted upon is not met on time. It’s like a domino effect where you battle out each and every person’s impending procrastination, which is engraved in the Nepali personality. One would often disappear for a tea break. Astonishingly, when it comes to food, people are usually on time.
There would be two types of late people: the deadliner, who finds their peak adrenaline rush nearer to the deadline, and the egoist, who’d be smug with the work done in the littlest time possible. I place myself in the former type.
If there is a monkey on your back, call the punctually-challenged an hour before the planned time. Who knows, for I could be the monkey. Sometimes you don’t feel motivated enough to be there just to see an empty room, so you’d rather fall in with the herd.
Now imagine in the fairy tales of Kantipur that you were getting a hefty sum of money for coming in early—increased productivity, improved relationships, a better reputation, and maybe refined planning. A method of positive reinforcement. Or maybe negative punishment, to be fired or expelled after three strikes, then trickles in the timeliness. Many students at my college would return home only because they were late to avoid facing detention—props to the creatives for finding a loophole.
There used to be a time when the Kathmandu denizens would hear the current-coughing Ghantaghar bell sounds around the valley, but today you’d just snooze your blaring alarm five minutes more, thinking, “I’ll just follow the Nepali time.”
Nostalgia of gudpak
In his famous poem on Nepal’s societal and political dynamics, Bhupi Sherchan described the country as ‘hallai halla ko desh’ (land of uproar and rumors). Reflecting on that sentiment, there was a time when whispers spread about Indian sweet shop owners allegedly conspiring against Nepal’s gudpak industry. This was during a crackdown by the Department of Food Technology and Quality Control (DFTQC) on gudpak shops in Kathmandu’s New Road in September 2011.
The raids unearthed alarming levels of toxins, bacteria, and acidic elements in gudpak, which could cause food poisoning. Shop owners faced legal battles and imprisonment, leaving many to believe it marked the end of this beloved Nepali delicacy. But gudpak proved resilient, making a remarkable comeback despite the setbacks.
For me, gudpak is more than just a sweet treat. It’s a comforting slice of my childhood, infused with nostalgia. Living in the UK, I often try to replicate its taste with Indian or Pakistani sweets like habsi haluwa. But nothing quite matches the unique charm of gudpak. Every bite reminds me of Kathmandu, where it was not just food but an emotional and communal experience.
Back in the day, gudpak was a treasured gift. Whenever someone traveled from Pokhara to Kathmandu, the one repeated request was, “Bring back gudpak.” It wasn’t merely a snack but a symbol of love, capable of lighting up entire households. I recall waiting eagerly for my uncle’s visits, certain he’d bring that familiar box of gudpak. It wasn’t just our family that celebrated. Even neighbors joined in on the excitement. Gudpak, in those moments, was about more than taste—it was about shared joy and community.
Though many renowned Gudpak shops in Kathmandu have closed, the sweet remains alive in my memories. Gudpak is a part of my identity, tying me to Kathmandu’s bustling streets and my childhood in Nepal.
The story of gudpak’s creation is as layered as the sweet itself. Some believe it emerged from Nepali confectioners’ creativity, blending leftover sweets into a harmonious new recipe. Others trace its origins to the early 20th century, crediting Panna Lal Maskey, who introduced gudpak to Kathmandu in 1933 at his Ason shop. The name itself derives from ‘gud’ (jaggery or edible gum) and ‘pak(h)’ (the process of cooking). This innovative fusion secured gudpak’s place in Nepal’s culinary heritage.
Gudpak starts with a creamy base of khuwa or khoa, made from buffalo or cow milk, renowned for its rich texture and flavor. The finest khuwa, often sourced from Banepa or Panauti, can even stand alone as a treat. Nuts, dried fruits, and spices—like almonds, cashews, dates, and watermelon seeds—are then folded into it. The result is a fragrant, caramel-colored delight, best enjoyed fresh for its gooey and soft texture.
Modern gudpak production has evolved, with gas stoves replacing traditional wood-fired methods. While techniques have changed, the essence of gudpak—a nutrient-dense, flavorful confection—remains intact.
Among gudpak varieties, sutkeri gudpak holds special significance. Made specifically for new mothers, it includes herbs like battisa powder (a blend of 32 herbs) and jesthalangwadi (another 14-herb mix). It’s believed to support postpartum recovery, providing energy, warmth, and immunity. Even today, it’s a cherished gift for new mothers, symbolizing nourishment and care.
Gudpak is a cultural emblem. A 2010 survey revealed that gudpak was particularly popular among the Newa community, often featuring in celebrations and festivals. Annually, about 579 metric tonnes of Gudpak are produced, with the industry valued at Rs 192.5 million. A kilogram of quality gudpak sells for around Rs 800, reflecting its continued importance in Nepali culture.
Despite its cultural significance, the gudpak industry faces challenges. Many iconic shops have closed due to competition from Indian sweets and Western desserts. However, stalwarts like Shree Ganesh Mithai Pasal and Best Mithai Sweet Shop continue to uphold the tradition, catering to loyal customers with authentic gudpak and pustakari.
Gudpak’s legacy endures, connecting generations and preserving its place in Nepal’s culinary and cultural landscape. In Kathmandu, gudpak remains a beloved treat, especially during festivals and as a gift for loved ones.
Whenever I long for home, I close my eyes and relive the sweet memory of gudpak—its rich flavor and emotional resonance tethering me to my roots in Nepal. It’s more than a confection. It’s an irreplaceable part of my life and identity.
A rich cultural heritage
Nepal’s geographic and ecological diversity is as vast as its topography. Within a compact territory between two big neighbors, Nepal features nearly every type of global climate and vegetation. The country is home to the world’s highest peak, Mount Everest, standing at 8,848.86 meters above sea level. At the other extreme, the landscape drops to as low as 200 feet above the sea level in Dhaijan, Jhapa, located in the easternmost part of the country bordering India. This striking contrast highlights the exceptional ecological and geographical variety that Nepal encompasses.
The topological variation has been the contributing factor in the cropping of the diversified races of people within the country. One of the squarely predominant races of people of Nepal are the Newars who had and have yet eminently sacrificed generation after generation for the making and growth of Newar heritage worthy to contribute in establishing several world heritage sites in Kathmandu valley alone.
The Newars are a community in Nepal, composed of both Mongoloid and Aryan ancestry. It is believed that those who trace their origins to the northern regions of Nepal are of Mongoloid descent, while those from the Indo-Gangetic plains are of Aryan heritage. There is also a prevailing belief that the Jyapus of the Kathmandu Valley and the Dhimals of eastern Tarai share a common origin. The Dhimals hold the belief that a branch of their community migrated from the eastern plains to the Kathmandu Valley, contributing to the formation of the Jyapu community. However, there is also a possibility that a group of Jyapus migrated eastward to the plains. The more widely accepted view, however, aligns with the Dhimal’s belief that the Mongoloid people migrated from the northern belt to the valley, shaping both communities.
The Newars, compounded with multiple casts and creeds divided into occupational groups, had established the specific identity with an enormous wealth of cultural heritage both in terms of tangible and intangible culture.
The tangible cultural treasures like structural designs encompassing settlements, houses, palatial structures, temples, the stupas monasteries, water spouts, dug wells both deep and shallow ones, Jibus (the platforms for performing arts), color combination in murals, frescos, paintings and Thankas, indigenously traditional skills and craftsmanship used in potteries, stone and wood carvings, metal crafts, remarkable accessories of life used in all different events of life giving moments are being accepted as invaluable human heritage.
Intangible, yet, adhered in all tangible modes of Newar heritage: the philosophy of life,
value orientation, normative conceptions, and belief systems which grossly give impetus in all domains of life have remained the basic building blocks of cultural heritage throughout the ages and for all the time to come. And the cultural heritage that has been inherited from generations to generations has turned into cultural heritage. In this sense, culture bears the phenomenon of heritage and the heritage of the culture. Under the domain of cultural heritage, Newar cultural ecstasy could well be sensed through audio instruments, visual performances, oral testing and physical being together as well.
Each mode of cultural behavior and conduct bears serious philosophical impact on the Newar lifestyle. In other words, multiple aspects of intangible heritage are profoundly engraved into the tangible norms and values attached to the beings of the Newar heritage. Early in the morning, the juniors would pay regard to the seniors by bowing down to their feet. As the juniors would do so the bride does the same to the grooms. In absence of the know-how of the philosophical values attached to the practice of bowing down, one might consider them the symbols of domestic tyranny or male domination. But the fact of the matter would remain away from truth. Neither bowing down to the feet mean male domination nor submission. The implication that the practice casts upon societal value has a serious meaning. It bears the symbolic implication to the preparedness in extending mental support over the significant steps taken either by the husband in case of wives and/or in case of the juniors to the superiors. Life is a movement needing support of many in several ways.
The feet are the organs of the human body to make the body move to a destiny. With the help of the feet, we tend to carry ourselves to a certain destiny we assert ourselves to. The feet are the bodily organic mechanism to make ourselves capable of carrying or moving toward destiny. And it is all but symbolic to pay regard to the seniors by bowing down the feet. Regards and honors are expressed in terms of bowing down to the feet of the seniors and the honorables in the form of cultural practice.
Sincere homage is also paid to the demised souls through offering of the Pinda, an oval-shaped ball of wheat flour coated in black sesame seeds quite symbolic of the embryo inside the womb of a mother or a pregnant woman. As all Hindus believe in the cyclical process of birth and rebirth, so do the Newars—in incarnation and reincarnation. The values and beliefs rooted in such a philosophy need profound and serious analysis.
Cultural heritage is adopted by the practitioners either through a process of thorough understanding of the philosophical concept and symbolic meaning attached to them or without understanding them even. Philosophy without practice and practice without philosophy may not exist in any society, yet it is hard for everybody to keep a neat sense of the concept that one might even be practicing. The need for giving expression to the underlying meaning attached in them, thus, becomes an incredibly immense task.
As is the case with most of the cultural concerns, so is with the Newar culture that the symbols play a central role in interpreting the philosophical and conceptual bearing upon them. The philosophies of life and conceptual values have mostly been reflected through the symbols or the symbolic designs. The symbolic designs have mostly remained like an exquisite piece of artifact or even as simple as a log or a stone block. It could be glanced through a symbolic prism wherein one can enjoy a connoisseur's test. In most cases, the Ganesh or the Bhairav have remained in the form of a rock, a boulder or a stone block. The insider participants can without hesitation make sense of them. Thus a boulder would remain the symbolic presentation of the Ganesh or the Bhairav.
Cultural image and symbol could thus be created upon an object of nature either through carvings, paintings, crafts or even in abstract form. And cultural objects take turn in a noble piece of craftsmanship popularly accepted and adopted by the cultural participants irrespective of insiders or outsiders. Logically convincing or convincingly logical, proven scientific or scientifically proven interpretation and reinterpretation of the cultural objects or phenomena adds lively flavor on the human heritage of a given culture. Culture changes with time, innovation and interpretations that make sense. Likewise, the ecological impact on the Nepali hat the Topi bears a deep sense of meaning that reflects the mountain ecology. The Nepali black hat, Bhadgaunle Topi which has remained a marvelous piece of Nepali costume, bears a symbolic design after the mountaintop. The hat is designed after the dark rocky mountain top so as to reflect the ecological impact on it. The multi-coloured hat worn by most of the Nepalis has been designed after the summer peaks covered with beautiful wildflowers, projecting a very beautiful image of the country internationally.
Oli assures coalition’s stability
Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli continues to reassure his key coalition partner, the Nepali Congress (NC), that he will hand over the government leadership to its President, Sher Bahadur Deuba, after 18 months. Oli seems to be operating under a constant fear of betrayal by the NC. At the same time, a section of NC leaders doubts whether Oli will actually relinquish power, suspecting he might pivot to the CPN (Maoist Center) to revive the left alliance agenda for the upcoming elections.
Every other day, Prime Minister Oli, his ministers, and senior party leaders publicly declare that the coalition will endure until 2027 and that no external force can topple it. On Sunday, Shankar Pokharel, General Secretary of the CPN-UML, stated that the government is strong and will remain stable unless one of the coalition partners decides to break it. On Monday, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak echoed similar sentiments, asserting there are no immediate threats to the coalition. For now, Deuba appears committed to maintaining the alliance, hopeful of assuming the premiership in 18 months. Upon his return from a five-day official visit to China on December 5, Prime Minister Oli reaffirmed that there are no significant differences between the NC and UML and that Deuba would become Prime Minister with UML’s backing after the agreed period.
There was initial dissatisfaction within the NC over the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) deal with China. Some NC leaders argued the deal contradicted the party’s position that Nepal should only accept grants under the BRI framework. However, the contention subsided after Deuba strongly defended the agreement. The deal’s inclusion of “aid financing,” which encompasses both grants and loans, stirred concerns that it paves the way for Nepal to take loans. Prior to Oli’s China visit, BRI was a major point of contention between the two coalition partners. However, they managed to resolve their differences by forming a joint task force. As a compromise, both China and Nepal agreed to “aid financing” as the investment modality for infrastructure projects under the BRI.
Senior NC leaders are now defending the government to protect their positions, as any coalition reshuffle could jeopardize their roles. Deuba, too, seems reluctant to alter the coalition, as a new arrangement might not guarantee him the premiership. Meanwhile, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has reportedly been communicating through multiple channels to assure Deuba of his party’s unconditional support for an NC-led coalition until the next elections. This is contingent on NC’s willingness to forge an electoral alliance. Key NC leaders, including Vice-chairman Purna Bahadur Khadka, are said to be in constant talks with Dahal, exploring the feasibility of such a coalition.
A few weeks ago, NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa leaked information about potential coalition talks, prompting Dahal to quickly dismiss the claims, stating he had not proposed a new coalition to the NC. Sources, however, suggest that a potential coalition could include the NC, CPN (Maoist Center), Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), CPN (Unified Socialist), and Madhes-based parties. This coalition would likely function as an “election government.” Many political leaders believe abrupt changes in the coalition remain a possibility for two main reasons. First, Dahal publicly criticized the government’s “retaliatory action” against RSP Chairman Rabi Lamichhane, signaling potential collaboration. Second, Dahal appears to be consolidating his political base, raising questions about the coalition’s stability.
A section of NC leaders believes that Oli’s signing of the BRI deal with China has strained his relationship with New Delhi. They argue that the current coalition was formed against India’s preferences. Although the BRI agreement does not include sensitive provisions, New Delhi has historically opposed the initiative. While India has not officially reacted to the Nepal-China BRI agreement, its discontent remains implicit. Recognizing this, Prime Minister Oli is actively working to mend ties with New Delhi, hoping to stabilize the coalition.
Meanwhile, dissatisfaction with the government’s performance is also growing. Although the coalition appears strong in numbers, its inability to deliver on promises has drawn criticism. Both Prime Minister Oli and Deuba publicly downplay these differences, with Deuba defending the government’s performance. However, within the NC, senior leaders like Shekhar Koirala have begun voicing concerns about the government’s functioning.
Political analysts suggest that the coalition’s fate largely hinges on internal dynamics within the NC. While Deuba maintains strong control over the party’s parliamentary and central committees, efforts are underway to undermine his authority. For this to succeed, leaders like Thapa and Koirala would need to join forces. Some NC insiders predict that Deuba may eventually face pressure to reconsider his alliance with Oli. However, it remains unclear why ministers and senior leaders continue to issue reassurances about the coalition’s longevity.



