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As a citizen of Nepal, I hope that under the leadership of Mahabir Pun, our newly appointed Minister of Education, Science, and Technology, we will see a positive transformation in the education sector. The younger generation, especially GenZ, has started taking a new direction for the development of the country, and this moment feels like the right time for change. Our nation faces countless problems, and corruption has become one of the biggest obstacles in every field. It continues to drag us backward, weakening the foundation of our society. Yet, with this new leadership, many of us dream of a Nepal that is more developed, fair, and free from such practices.

In the context of Nepal, education has sadly become one of the most corrupt sectors. The government of Nepal recently announced a budget of Rs 18.6trn for the fiscal year 2024/25, which is 6.2 percent more than the previous year and 21.56 percent higher than the revised budget. While the government’s increasing investment in education is positive, the reality is that these funds are rarely utilized properly. A large share of top private boarding schools and colleges in Nepal are owned or influenced by major political parties, and instead of prioritizing students, many of these institutions have turned into profit-making machines. Education, which should be a public service and a means of building the future of the country, has been treated as a business. My suggestion to Pun is clear: education must be made free from politics and corruption.

In Nepal, the cost of education has become unbearable for many parents. Fees continue to climb unchecked, while government monitoring and regulation remain weak or ineffective. The gap between private and government schools continues to widen, with very little effort to bridge it. Today, private schools and Montessori centers have appeared on almost every street corner. Children as young as two years old are being pressured into formal schooling, even though international practice clearly recommends that formal education should begin at the age of five. I have personally experienced this issue. When my son was only two, I visited some schools for future planning, and I was shocked to receive continuous calls and pressure from those institutions to admit him. This is one small example of how unregulated our education system has become.

During my visits, I once went to a government school that had good infrastructure and facilities. They told me that my child was too young and advised me to bring him back when he was older. I was impressed by this sense of responsibility and honesty, and I left that school feeling hopeful. Unfortunately, I could not admit my son there the following year because the school was too far from my home, and I did not have time to manage daily travel for pick-up and drop-off. This shows how even when government schools are good, practical challenges prevent many parents from choosing them. The government must work to promote and strengthen public schools, making them not just affordable but also accessible to families across the country. 

Another serious problem lies in the unfair fee structures of private schools and colleges. In many institutions, children within the same classroom are charged different fees based on discounts, personal connections, or family background. This practice is neither fair nor just. Although Nepal has officially declared free education at the basic level, the truth is that very few children actually benefit from it. One way to improve accountability and standards in government schools would be to make it compulsory for government employees to send their children to public schools. This would ensure that those who design education policies are equally invested in their quality and outcomes.

In our country, there is a widespread but wrong perception that choosing a government school is not a good decision. Many people believe that government schools and colleges do not provide a proper learning environment, which is a misconception. In reality, studying in government schools and colleges should be seen as a matter of pride.

Of course, in certain technical fields of higher education—such as medicine, engineering, and nursing—specialized institutions may play an important role. But overall, there is no supportive environment that encourages parents to enroll their children in government schools. Ironically, while people want government jobs, they hesitate to send their children to government schools. This contradiction reflects the urgent need to improve the quality, trust, and dignity of public education in Nepal.

Beyond cost and regulation, the physical environment of schools must also be addressed. Many government schools and colleges have large compounds and spacious buildings but suffer from poor hygiene and maintenance. Toilets are often dirty, drinking water is unsafe, and waste management is neglected. These conditions discourage regular attendance and make it especially difficult for girls to continue their education during menstruation. A safe, clean, and dignified environment is just as important as quality teaching. Without this, education cannot flourish.

Pun has long been a symbol of innovation, dedication, and social reform in Nepal. His contributions in the field of science and technology have inspired the entire nation. Now, as he takes on the responsibility of leading the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology, there is a collective hope that he will focus on making education affordable, equitable, and inclusive. If corruption and profiteering in the education sector can be reduced, if public schools can be strengthened, and if the system can be made fairer and more accountable, then Nepal can move towards becoming a knowledge-driven nation.

I dream, dream of countless parents, that our children will one day have access to quality education at an affordable cost, free from political influence and corruption. Education should never be a burden for families—it should be a tool of empowerment, an equalizer of opportunity, and the foundation for a stronger Nepal. With strong leadership and honest reforms, this dream can become a reality.

Perhaps it was not just outrage against corruption and nepotism but something that goes much deeper to the unequal structure of the system that led to the recent spate of destruction and violence in Nepal. Now youths will have a unique window to shape the future of politics of the country. Will they remain united? Will they be able to offer pragmatic proposals to change the ways politics work?

In trying to make sense of what unfolded in the past few days, I cannot help but think if corruption, nepotism and the greed driving them are the only factors to take into account in order to understand the rage that unfolded in the streets. Certainly, violence that can never be condoned nor justified was driven by a sense of revenge toward all those youths who were murdered on the streets.

While the trigger of the destruction is clear, is it worthy to reflect on the deeper causes that might have unleashed the fury and outrage we witness. Here I am not specifically focusing on the manifest acts of vandalism and looting from which the vast majority of the so-called Generation Z (Gen Z) have correctly dissociated themselves from.

I am rather focusing on the hatred toward politicians that was so intentionally violent and aggressive. It would not be incorrect to define these feelings as hatred. Yet it is one thing to profoundly despise corrupted politicians and their family members but it is a different thing altogether to use violence against them.

This is unacceptable no matter the levels of disgust felt against them. That’s why it is important to reflect if corruption and nepotism are the only elements to take into consideration while trying to comprehend the factors that led to such brutal violence. Is it perhaps that the dirtiness of politics is just the tip of the iceberg rather than the foundational elements that can explain what happened?

By watching online videos and pictures of the incidents that occurred, I feel that many young people involved in them were feeling, for the first time ever, a sense of empowerment. Perennially alienated by an elitarian political system, with their voice suppressed and without any channel through which they could express their grievances and frustrations, youths of this nation felt powerless.

Perhaps a vast majority of them also felt disrespected and completely ignored and systematically discriminated against. The youths of this nation who belong to historically marginalized groups have been shrugging off their frustrations, unable to fully speak up also because their problems and issues were never truly embraced by some of their peers.

Could also a lack of recognition together with a want of more equity and fairness have led to the outrage that suddenly materialized itself through brutal violence? Could it be that the time of reckoning for truly helping build an inclusive and equitable nation has arrived? The country has a unique window of opportunity to really press for change through unity and inclusiveness.

It is a rare occasion to try to build a new country where all the youths, including those from marginalized and historically discriminated communities, have a voice. In order to do so, unity is a must but it is also equally important to harness people’s listening skills. It is almost ironic that in an era of massive use of social media, whose defense was what brought thousands of members of Gen Z to the streets on Sept 8, people stop attempting to understand each other.

And listening carefully is a paramount skill that must be strengthened because while there are many good things in having platforms where everyone can talk and express their opinion, there is also a need to slow down, listen, analyze and reason. But what will happen onward? 

Will the youths of this nation resist the comeback attempts from the political elites? We know that it is impossible to completely sideline the traditional parties, something that would be probably unwise because it is hard to conceive a completely “tabula rasa” from which rebuilding the country, brick by brick, would be possible. But the young generations have at least the power of bargaining with the entrenched political interests and they have a considerable amount of assertive authority at the moment and this for the first time ever in their lives.

Whatever propositions they express, they will count and be taken into consideration. But will they be able to come up with a coherent plan and ideas? This is an incredible opportunity to re-write the playbook of politics, making the whole system more inclusive and just.

Let’s not forget that the violence that we saw in the streets is a symptom of a wider and much more complex condition afflicting the nation. The greed that has turbocharged the corrupted political system that, apparently, has fallen, must be contextualized and understood from the perspective of the oppressed. Only engagement, participation and unity among youths transcending their different backgrounds will offer the most effective tools for real empowerment.

Their political emancipation and freedoms will arise from there.

A series of instabilities and government changes that have recurred in Nepal’s political history have once again pushed the country toward the election path. There is a mixture of excitement and apprehension in political circles regarding the House of Representatives elections scheduled for March 5 next year. The elections will not be held as per the usual schedule, but have been announced after the dissolution of parliament as a result of the recent political crisis and youth movements. 

Background of the crisis

The government formed after the 2079 elections in Nepal did not complete its full term. In recent months, the country has been rocked by youth-led (Gen Z) protests. These protests were mainly against economic inequality, corruption, and unemployment, which claimed lives. This put pressure on the political leadership and ultimately led to the dissolution of parliament.

On Sept 13, President Ramchandra Paudel dissolved the House of Representatives on the recommendation of interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki, a retired Chief Justice. The decision paves the way for the country to hold elections within six months. The President has appealed to all parties to cooperate in making the elections a success. The elections will be held under a mixed electoral system, with 165 of the 275 seats being direct and 110 proportional.

The developments highlight Nepal's political instability. Nepal has seen 13 governments since 2008, which has affected development and stability. Youth movements have challenged traditional parties, and new political forces are likely to emerge through the upcoming vote.

Population and voter turnout

According to the 2022 census, Nepal’s total population is 29,192,480. The number of registered voters thus far is 17,988,570. This shows that about two-thirds of the population was of age to directly participate in the electoral process. But a large part of the population is still children or ineligible to vote. This fact indicates that a large part of the young generation will be decisive in building the future in a developing country like Nepal. The structure of the population is a factor that affects the election results in the long term.

Voter turnout

Altogether 61.85 percent of voters took part in the 2022 elections. Out of 17,988,570 registered voters, about 11,125,931 voted. This percentage is medium in the context of South Asian countries. This shows that the interest of Nepali citizens in the democratic process is still sufficient, but not completely satisfactory. About 38 percent of registered voters did not vote, suggesting that factors like dissatisfaction with political parties, weaknesses in the electoral system or socio-economic reasons may have kept the eligible voters away from the electoral process.

Absentee population and foreign employment

The most serious problem in the context of elections is the absentee population. It is currently estimated that about 3m-3.5m Nepali citizens work or live abroad. Most of these are youth, leaving a huge gap in the country’s productive workforce and democratic participation.

In the fiscal 2022-23 alone, 771,327 youth obtained permits for foreign employment. This figure clearly shows the intensity of the labor exodus from Nepal. These same youths, who could have played a significant role in shaping the country’s political future, were absent on the polling day. This problem is exacerbated by the fact that Nepal’s electoral system does not provide an opportunity for citizens abroad to vote. Many countries have made arrangements for their citizens who are abroad or working abroad to vote by mail, through embassies or through online systems. But because Nepal has failed to take steps in this area, the voices of about 20 percent of potential voters were not reflected in the election results.

Gap in representation

The absentee population has created a huge gap in democratic practice. Youth are the bearers of new ideas, policy reforms and long-term development. When they are excluded from the voting process, policies made in parliament cannot address their needs and priorities. In this way, it can be concluded that the 2022 election results were based on incomplete popular representation. Although the Election Commission officially showed a 61.85 percent turnout, this figure failed to include millions of citizens living abroad.

Lack of voting through reps

There was neither a system for voting from abroad in the 2022 election, nor a system for proxy voting. Therefore, the people absent from the country due to foreign employment or migration were deprived of the right to vote. This has weakened the guarantee of equal rights and participation enshrined in the Constitution of Nepal. Depriving people who have obtained citizenship but are living abroad from voting is a curtailment of civil rights.

Strategy of major parties

The major parties in the political landscape of Nepal are the Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (UML), the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Center) and other smaller parties. In the previous election, the Congress won 89 seats, the UML 78 and the Maoist Center 32 seats. But the current crisis has brought about a reshuffle in coalitions. 

Nepali Congress: This party represents democratic values ​​and could be influenced by the youth movement. Its base is strong in rural areas and the Madhesh, but corruption allegations have weakened it. The party is likely to raise economic reforms and employment as issues during the elections.

CPN-UML: Under the leadership of KP Oli, this party has emerged with a nationalist image. It has adopted a policy of balancing relations with India and China. The party has also been influenced by the youth movement, but its organizational strength is strong.

Maoist Center: Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s party emphasizes social justice, but frequent coalition changes have eroded its credibility.

Against this backdrop, coalitions will be crucial. As in the past, there is a possibility of bargaining to form a government after the elections. The interim government has claimed to make the elections fair, but the opposition calls it a plot to seize power.

Challenges and risks

The main challenges facing this election include political violence, economic crisis, ethnic and regional disparities, and election management. Violence during the youth movement could affect the vote, which could reduce voter turnout and increase the need for international observation. Nepal’s low GDP growth rate and high unemployment have led to an economic crisis, which could increase discontent if parties do not prioritize economic issues. Tensions between the Madhes and hilly regions have given rise to ethnic and regional disparities, which could raise questions about the legitimacy of the election if there is no inclusive representation. Also, the preparation of the Election Commission and the post-Covid health security situation could pose problems in election management, which could increase allegations of fraud.

These challenges have complicated the election. The interim government is trying to bring stability within six months, but the discontent of the younger generation could lead to new political changes.

A sense of the future

This election could take Nepal in two directions: on the one hand, a stable government and a leap forward in development, on the other, a return to instability. If the major parties address youth issues (employment, education, environment), they can gain support from the new generation. If new parties win more than 50 percent of the seats, a nationalist wave could emerge in Nepali politics. Ultimately, this election is a test of Nepal’s democracy. If all parties cooperate as the President has called for, it can succeed. But parties must be accountable to the people to break the cycle of corruption and instability. Nepal must seize this opportunity to chart a course toward stability and prosperity.

Talking about Dashain in 1969, a woman from Bhaktapur recalls her childhood experience. She remembers her local Guthi (community-based trust) sacrificing buffaloes for the festival, families wearing new clothes—mostly stitched at home and sent to Chipa (cloth dyer)—and receiving 25 paisa from her parents as Dashain dakshina (offering). Her parents saved money for the festival by selling chilies and potatoes.

She also remembers children flying handmade kites and buying colorful ribbons for herself. To earn a little extra, she and her friends would work at night under the light of a tuki (oil lamp) to design Dhaka topi (traditional Nepali hat).

By 1991, when she was 30 and living in Satdobato, Lalitpur, with her husband and three children, Dashain celebrations had begun to change. Meat cost around Rs 80 per kilogram, and although kite flying remained a part of the festival, kites were now bought from shops, and the family’s excitement revolved around new clothes and festivities.

Now at 63, she feels the meaning of Dashain has evolved into something else. In the past, people eagerly waited for the festival just for the chance to eat meat and wear new clothes. These days, children are absorbed in their mobile phones, and the spirit of festivity and family gatherings have been lost in time.

“I have celebrated Dashain throughout my life, and it is still my favorite festival. But now, things have changed. Back then, even though we had vacation homework, I used to feel completely free during Dashain. Those nine days of festival holidays carried excitement and joy. I especially loved putting on tika and jamara, and the blessings offered by our elders felt pure and heartfelt,” she says. 

Today, Dashain has become a perfunctory affair. Rather than enjoying the company of their loved ones, most people are busy posting their festival photos and videos on their social media.

Kristina Shrestha, a college student, agrees that the Dashain celebrations have changed over time, especially after the rise of social media.

“Dashain once felt like a festival of peace and unity. Now the atmosphere has shifted. The recent Gen Z protests showed that most of the youths are deeply involved in activism and social media, and for them, scrolling through their phones for news updates and putting up social media posts are more important.”

Shrestha’s friend Nanzana Sunuwar says busy schedules have reduced the time for rituals and family gatherings. “People often prioritize convenience over tradition. Social media glamorizes Dashain, often turning it into a show of appearances. Digital validation has become more important than real-life experiences.”

Sunuwar believes social media platforms should be used to preserve tradition through education, storytelling, and organizing celebratory events. 

Sayan Shakya, 20, maintains a positive view on Dashain celebrations. “I enjoy the overall vibe of Dashain and I haven’t noticed much difference in how the festival is celebrated,” he says. “Although I’m not fond of posting on social media platforms, I still think social media has allowed us to connect with others and to see how the people from different communities celebrate Dashain.”

Shakya’s sister, Sanjita, 22, offers a different view. “While a barrage of social media posts may not directly harm our traditions, I do believe that the essence of enjoying the moment and having genuine fun with your loved ones is gradually getting lost.”

Rachana Magar, a student, says as many people today are busy with jobs and studies, they can’t travel back to their villages or spend much time with their families even during the festival season. 

“Dashain feels shorter and less traditional these days. Photos and outfits often take center stage, making Dashain more like a fashion show than a family tradition,” she adds.

She suggests balance as a way forward. “Families can organize fun activities and games together, teach younger members the meaning behind rituals, and blend tradition with modern fun through cooking, decorating, or storytelling. At the same time, limiting screen time during gatherings can help everyone focus on real interactions and create more meaningful memories.”

Dashain, once a festival defined by simple joys and family gatherings, is undergoing a profound transformation. From handmade kites and tika worn with pride to the modern preoccupation with social media, urbanization, and consumerism, the ways people celebrate have shifted across generations. While some find that technology can broaden understanding of traditions, others worry that the essence of fun, connection, and cultural ritual is gradually being lost.

Yet, amid these changes, the memories and stories of past Dashains remind us of the festival’s enduring spirit, a spirit that can survive when we consciously balance modern life with the heartfelt celebration of tradition.