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Among Nepal’s most popular tourist destinations, Manang, which has been dubbed Himal Pariko Jilla (the District Beyond the Mountains), has always held top priority for both domestic and international travelers. Famous for Tilicho Lake and the Annapurna Circuit Trek, Manang has been attracting visitors from across the world for decades.

Yet, from a tourism perspective, there are still many beautiful corners of Manang that remain largely unnoticed. Tourists may have set foot in nearly every visible trail and valley, but there are still hidden gems that few people have even heard of.

These places, I believe, deserve to be explored not just for their scenic charm but also for the soothing tranquility they offer to travelers. That’s why two of my friends and I decided to embark on a motorbike journey through these fascinating places.

We left Kathmandu at around 1 pm. The Dashain festival rush had already begun, and as we reached Naubise, we found ourselves stuck in a three-hour traffic jam. Thousands were leaving the Valley for their hometowns to celebrate Nepal’s biggest and longest festival. Despite the slow-moving traffic, my excitement only grew. I was eager to see a different side of Manang, one I hadn’t seen before.

By 4 pm, we reached Muglin, where we stopped for some snacks before speeding up toward Besisahar, the gateway to Manang. Around 8 pm, we reached Dumre, where we had dinner and turned right toward Besisahar. Dumre, located in Tanahun district, serves as a crucial junction linking Manang with Kathmandu and other parts of the country.

At 10 pm, we finally reached Besisahar, completely worn out from a day of riding. After dinner, we went straight to bed. 

The next morning, we set off early for Manang, planning to have breakfast along the way. After crossing the Marsyangdi Hydropower Tunnel, we reached the dam side. Riding alongside the serene Marsyangdi River, with sweeping vistas of emerald hills and timeless villages, was an unforgettable experience.

At around 1 pm, we stopped at Chyamche for brunch. Most travelers pause here not only for food but to admire the majestic Boong Waterfall. Soon after, we came across another stunning cascade: the Octopus Waterfall, a favorite among travelers. We spent nearly half an hour there, soaking in its beauty.

The higher we climbed, the more breathtaking the landscape became. Yet, some stretches of the road were in a deplorable state, a reminder of the government’s negligence in developing infrastructure and promoting Manang’s tourism potential.

After several hours of challenging but rewarding riding, we reached Chame, the district headquarters of Manang, situated at 2,670 meters. Surrounded by dense pine forests, Chame is a key stop on the Annapurna Circuit and provides essential services to trekkers. We rested there for a while, enjoying the untamed beauty of the village.

Next, we headed toward Bhratang (2,900 meters)—the apple paradise—where we sampled a few varieties of apple wine, arguably the best in Nepal.

By the time we entered Pisang (3,250 meters), we were mesmerized by the surrounding beauty. The magnificent views of Annapurna II, Annapurna IV, Gangapurna, and Tilicho Peak, framed by pine forests, made us forget all our fatigue.

At around 6 pm, we finally reached Manang, our destination. The following morning, we spent time exploring the village and observing local life before setting out to visit the lakes, which was the main goal of our journey.

Green Lake

Nestled at an elevation of 3,600–3,650 meters, Green Lake is one of Manang’s hidden treasures. Known for its crystal-clear green waters and serene surroundings, it offers peace, panoramic mountain views, and refreshing alpine air. The lake’s radiant surface mirrors Annapurna II, Annapurna III, Gangapurna, and Pisang Peak, a living canvas of nature’s perfection.

The trail to the lake winds through lush forests and alpine meadows. Once revered as a sacred site, the lake has been gradually drying up. Locals say it began losing water after visitors started disrespecting its sanctity and littering the area. Authorities have since installed a notice board urging visitors not to litter or relieve themselves near the lake.

Gangapurna Lake

Gangapurna Lake, formed by glaciers from Gangapurna (7,454m), Annapurna IV (7,525m), Khangsar Kang, and Glacier Dome, sits at 3,540 meters. Its turquoise waters, framed by towering peaks, make it one of Manang’s most photogenic sites.

The lake also serves as a popular acclimatization hike for trekkers based in Manang village. In recent years, its popularity has surged among Indian tourists following the shooting of the Bollywood film Uunchai.

Blue Lake (Chindi Lake)

Locally known as Chindi Lake, the Blue Lake is a relatively new discovery in Manang. A pristine spring-fed lake, it enchants visitors with its vibrant turquoise hue and tranquil atmosphere. The trail leading to it meanders through verdant forests, and on a clear day, visitors can see the reflection of Annapurna III shimmering on its surface.
Cradled on the lap of the Annapurna range, Chindi Lake radiates an untouched beauty that makes it a must-visit destination for those seeking peace and solitude.

Ice Lake (Kicho Tal)

Perched at 4,620 meters, Ice Lake, locally known as Kyopar Lake, is one of Manang’s crown jewels. The hike from Bhraka takes five to six hours, depending on one’s pace. The route winds through alpine pastures and rugged terrain, offering sweeping views of Annapurna II, III, IV, Gangapurna, Tilicho Peak, and the Chulu range.

At around 4,000 meters, the crisp mountain air and boundless views reveal how truly rich Nepal is in natural beauty. Before reaching Ice Lake, trekkers encounter Khicho Lake, another small but beautiful body of water. Beyond its natural allure, Ice Lake also holds religious significance for locals.

Manang needs little introduction. It is not just a trekking hub leading to Thorong La Pass and Tilicho Lake, but a place where nature, culture, and adventure converge in perfect harmony.

Photos: Achitra Thieng

The study titled ‘The immortality of too much money’, published in PNAS Nexus in June 2025 by Jackson Trager and Mohammad Atari, looks at how people around the world judge those who have far too much money. It clearly separates excessive wealth when one person holds a huge share of money from economic inequality, the overall gap between rich and poor in a society. The Gini coefficient measures this gap, with 0 meaning everyone has the same and 1 meaning one person has everything.

Across 20 countries and over 4,300 people, most do not see extreme wealth as very wrong. But views differ greatly. In rich and fair countries like Belgium and Switzerland, people are more likely to call it immoral. In poorer and less equal places like Peru and Nigeria, they accept it more, seeing it as a sign of hope or survival. The research uses Moral Foundations Theory, which says we make quick moral calls based on six basic feelings: care for others, equality, reward for effort (proportionality), loyalty to groups, respect for leaders (authority), and purity or avoiding things that feel dirty or wrong.

People who value equality and purity most strongly say too much money is bad. Those who focus on effort, loyalty and authority are more okay with it. A smaller study in the United States with 315 people showed that purity concerns go beyond money—they also make people judge too much ambition or pleasure as wrong. This explains why we call some rich people “filthy rich.” The study matters because as the world’s wealth gap grows, understanding these moral views can shape laws on taxes and fairness. In equal societies, people worry more about the harm of excess. In unequal ones, they often defend the system.

Shadow of plutocracy

The world’s richest one percent now hold more wealth than 95 percent of humanity combined. Oxfam  described this as “the shadow of global oligarchy” looming over multilateral decision-making. According to Oxfam’s report, over a third of the world’s 50 largest corporations—collectively worth $13.3trn—are now controlled by billionaires, either as CEOs or principal shareholders.The imbalance is particularly stark between the Global North and South. Countries in the Global South, which account for nearly 79 percent of the global population, own just 31 percent of total global wealth. The concentration of extreme wealth is not just an economic issue but it’s a moral and political crisis that undermines democracy and fuels inequality worldwide.

A 2014 survey in 44 countries found most people see the rich-poor gap as a big problem. It links inequality to poor health, more crime, less trust and lower happiness. Early lab tests with US students showed they prefer to share equally, even if it means less for all, and get angry at unfair sharing.

But some experts say people actually like unequal results if the process seems fair if effort and skill decide who gets more. This is procedural fairness (fair rules) versus distributional fairness (same amounts). However, Moral Foundations Theory splits fairness into equality (same for all) and proportionality (more for those who deserve it). Western studies focus on harm and justice. Other cultures add respect for leaders and purity. These ideas connect with purity, giving real meaning to“filthy rich.” Nepal’s Hindu and Buddhist roots also teach balance and clean living, stressing the need to keep the self and society clean from corruption, and treating greed as a demon.

A wave against filthy rich

At first glance, the recent GenZ protests might seem like a reaction to the Oli government’s decision to ban 26 social media platforms. But to call it just that would be missing the point entirely. What we’re seeing is not merely digital outrage—it’s a moral uprising.

For many young Nepalis, the ban was the last straw. Years of frustration over corruption, unemployment, impunity and the politicization of state institutions had already created a boiling pot. The social media ban was simply that one extra degree that made the water boil.

Let’s be honest—this anger isn’t just about losing social media. It’s about a political system that has long rewarded power over principles. It’s about leaders who preach sacrifice but live in luxury, often funded by public money. It’s about “Nepo kids” flaunting privilege while young people with talent and degrees struggle to find opportunity.

If the political class still believes this movement is about social media, they’ve missed the heart of the issue. What GenZ is demanding is course correction—a cleansing of the system, not a cosmetic fix. Corruption has become so normalized that even small acts of honesty now feel revolutionary.

And here’s where a new lens becomes important. Recent research based on Moral Foundations Theory shows that people’s moral sense is grounded in six values: care, equality, proportionality, loyalty, authority and purity. The study found something fascinating—those who value equality and purity are more likely to view excessive wealth as morally wrong. The equality link is obvious. But purity? That’s usually about cleanliness or sanctity. Yet, it gives us new meaning to the phrase “filthy rich.”

This insight hits close to home in Nepal. Corruption here isn’t just a governance issue—it’s a moral one. Our failure has been to treat it purely as a legal problem, not a cultural or ethical one. Until we rebuild our moral foundation—individually and collectively—no law, commission, or anti-graft body will be enough.

The GenZ movement, in essence, is calling for that moral reset. It’s telling every political party, leader, civil society group and citizen: clean your own house first. Because real change won’t come from outside; it will come when we restore integrity as a national value.

Nepal’s youth are not just demanding better governance; they are demanding a cleaner conscience from those who lead. And that’s a revolution worth standing for. Nepal’s Gen Z revolt  isn’t just protesting a social media ban but they’re demanding a moral reckoning.

Building a cleaner future

To end corruption, Nepal should make purity a daily rule. Require all officials to show their money and spending openly online. Use digital technology to watch government buying and stop secret deals. Prosecute the big theft cases quickly and fully. Pay honest workers much more to reward real effort.

Teach school children about these six moral feelings. Help them see how too much of anything, especially stolen money, harms everyone. Give young people real roles in anti-corruption offices. Their fresh eyes can keep the system honest.

The study warns that without change, old habits return. But Nepal’s youth have shown moral fire. By treating corrupt wealth as a stain on the country’s soul, leaders can build trust, close the wealth gap and create fair rules for all. This is the path to lasting good governance.

The author is an advocate

Nepali Congress General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa has said he is ready to forgo his candidacy for any position if party leaders agree to hold the party’s general convention on schedule.

Speaking at the Central Working Committee (CWC) meeting that resumed on Tuesday, Thapa proposed holding the party’s regular convention in December-January. He also stated that he would accept the condition barring both general secretaries from contesting in the same convention if that helps move the process forward.

“If you say the two general secretaries cannot contest this time and that helps us take the party toward the convention, we are ready for that,” Thapa told fellow leaders. “Let’s make that a commitment to untie the knot.”

Thapa proposed holding the 15th general convention from Dec 31 to Jan 3, stressing that if it cannot be organized by then, the only alternative would be a special convention. “If we cannot complete it in Poush under any circumstance, then there’s no other option but a special convention,” he said, noting that the party’s statute mandates it.

Thapa argued that the Nepali Congress should not head into elections without holding its convention, as it provides a platform to connect with the public and elect new leadership. “We must go to the people with renewed legitimacy. The general convention is our bridge to the voters,” he said.

Thapa also admitted that the party, which once led political movements, is now facing protests from within. “We are being cornered in the streets by our own people. If we fail to answer the questions of our cadres and supporters now, the voters will deliver their verdict during the elections,” he warned.

Thapa questioned whether the public and party committees were still waiting for the Congress to act. “Are people eagerly waiting to vote for us? Are our committees just sitting idle?” he asked, adding that voters would not wait indefinitely for Congress to resolve its internal disputes.

He dismissed claims that the recent GenZ movement was entirely sponsored, saying such interpretations were unfair.

Meanwhile, Acting President Purna Bahadur Khadka said efforts were underway to resolve all differences through consensus. “We are trying to create an environment where all agendas can be concluded through agreement,” he said, adding that informal meetings would continue in that regard.

However, the party remains divided over whether to hold the convention before or after the upcoming elections. The establishment faction, represented by Joint General Secretary Mahendra Yadav, has proposed holding the regular convention between 8-11 May 2026, while Thapa’s camp is for holding the convention in December.

The CWC meeting, which had been repeatedly postponed over disputes regarding the convention date, resumed at the party’s central office in Sanepa on Tuesday.

Dissenting leaders have already submitted signatures from 54 percent of convention representatives demanding a special convention if a regular one is not held before the vote.

At a separate gathering in Thapagaun, dissident leader Jagadishwar Narsingh KC accused the party’s central office in Sanepa of becoming “powerless” and claimed the party was being directed from Singapore, where party president Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife, Arzu Rana Deuba, are currently undergoing treatment. “The party is being run from Singapore. Sanepa is helpless,” KC said, alleging that Deuba would return before the elections to distribute tickets in his favor.

Incidents of violence and murder against women in Nepal are on the rise, revealing the persistent and systemic nature of gender-based violence (GBV) deeply rooted in patriarchal structures. According to a recent report published by the WOREC Nepal, a total of 308 cases of gender-based violence were recorded between April and June 2025 across the country.

Of these, 41 cases were documented through media monitoring, while 267 cases were directly collected from WOREC’s working areas through its primary sources. The data shows that 21 were cases of murder, and three of attempted murders.

Globally, the trend mirrors a grim picture. Reports by UN Women and UNODC show that in 2022, around 48,800 women and girls were killed by their partners or family members worldwide. The number rose to 51,100 in 2023, meaning an average of 140 women and girls were murdered every day by someone within their own family. Alarmingly, 60 percent of these killings were linked to domestic violence, deaths that occurred because the victims were women.

The WOREC report shows that most of the victims of murder were young women in their most productive years. Among the 21 murder cases recorded between April and June 2025, 29 percent (six women) were between 18 and 25 years old, while 24 percent (six women) were aged 26 to 35. Another 19 percent (four victims) were girls under 18.

These statistics underscore that women aged 18–35, who are often socially and economically active, are at the highest risk of violence. According to WOREC, this reflects a control-oriented mindset born of patriarchy, which seeks to restrict women’s autonomy over their bodies, decisions, and freedoms. 

When women assert their rights or make independent choices, patriarchal structures often respond with resistance—sometimes culminating in brutal crimes like murder.

In most cases, the perpetrators are not strangers but husbands or family members. The report reveals that 43 percent (nine women) were murdered by their husbands, and 24 percent (five women) were killed by other family members. Additionally, 10 percent were murdered by neighbors, five percent by trusted friends, and 14 percent by former husbands.

This pattern aligns with global findings that intimate partner violence remains one of the deadliest forms of gender-based violence.

Among the victims, 82 percent (17 women) were married, while 10 percent (two women) were unmarried. The marital status of nine percent of victims remains unverified. These figures highlight how domestic and intimate settings, which should provide safety and support, often turn into spaces of danger and violence for women.

On June 20, in Kailashpur, Gauriganga Municipality-7 of Kailali, a 16-year-old girl, identified as Rita (name changed), was murdered by her 20-year-old brother-in-law. Rita, who had given birth just 16 days earlier, was living with her family while her husband worked in India due to financial hardship.

According to police and family accounts, Rita returned from a health post after vaccinating her newborn and found no food prepared for her. An argument followed, and her brother-in-law, angered by her complaint, strangled her to death in the middle of the night. He later dumped her body near a drain close to the house. The next morning, neighbors discovered the body. The accused has confessed to the murder, and legal proceedings are underway.

On July 7, in Belka Municipality, Udayapur, a 27-year-old man attacked his wife, Supriya (name changed), with a knife in a public area after a domestic dispute. The couple had gone to a nearby hotel for reconciliation talks, accompanied by relatives. During the discussion, the husband suddenly stabbed his wife in the chest and fled. Supriya survived and the police are pursuing the suspect.

Similarly, on 8 Oct 2024, in Belka Municipality-8, Manju (name changed), was burned to death by her 48-year-old husband, who poured petrol on her during a domestic quarrel. Despite efforts by neighbors to save her, she succumbed to her injuries. The accused was arrested and faces murder charges.

These are not isolated incidents but symptoms of a deeply entrenched patriarchal system that values control over compassion and silence over justice. The report stresses that domestic violence is often normalized within Nepali society—seen as a “private matter” that should be settled within the home. This culture of silence and reconciliation not only emboldens perpetrators but also weakens legal enforcement, leaving survivors unprotected.

Institutional tendencies to encourage reconciliation rather than legal action further exacerbate the problem. Many survivors are pressured into withdrawing complaints or “settling” cases, allowing offenders to repeat their crimes. This fosters impunity and reinforces structural inequalities that sustain gender-based violence.

According to the Nepal Police’s 2024–25 annual report, 38 women were murdered due to domestic violence, four following rape, and two due to dowry-related disputes. These numbers underline that femicide in Nepal is not merely a result of personal disputes but a grave violation of human rights arising from persistent gender inequality.

WOREC emphasizes that zero tolerance must be maintained for all forms of gender-based violence. It calls for an environment where women can report abuse without fear or stigma, and where law enforcement ensures swift investigation and prosecution.