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Nepal’s political landscape has been in a constant state of flux, and finds itself at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. Over the past three decades, Nepal has transitioned from a monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, and eventually to a federal secular republic. However, the ongoing political turbulence—punctuated by protests, dissatisfaction, and competing ideologies—has left the Nepali people disillusioned with the political system they once hoped would deliver on its promises.

Nepal’s political transitions have always been marked by external influence, particularly from India, which has had a notable role in the country’s path to democracy. So, decoding the intent and what went about in the recent one-to-one bilateral meeting between Prime Minister KP Oli and PM Narendra Modi holds further portrayal.

Legacy of political transitions

New Delhi has constantly portrayed a notable share in Nepal’s transition to democracy. The absence of a twin pillar foreign policy of a constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy in 2006 paved the way for the current federal secular republic.

On March 17 at the CPN-UML secretariat meeting chaired by PM Oli emphasized the importance of united efforts by republicans to counter the monarchist movement against the federal republic in addition to claims that India has played a role in the pro-monarchy movement. He also urged the party’s youth wing volunteers to “attack anyone trying to snatch away the rights that we fought for.”

Nepali Congress (NC) President and former PM Sher Bahadur Deba said that India does not support the royalist movement in Nepal.

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba while in Delhi raised a question about potential Indian support to the pro-monarchy protest with her Indian counterpart S Jaishankar, who denied any backing for the protests. Though PM Oli has not been officially invited to visit New Delhi, he had a bilateral meeting with Indian PM Modi on April 4 on the sidelines of the Sixth Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) summit in Bangkok. 

The 35-minute one-to-one discussion came at a time when protests were going on in Nepal demanding the restoration of monarchy and a Hindu state with a catchphrase of anti-corruption drive and end of federalism. This was a second bilateral meeting between Oli and Modi after the sidelines meeting during the 79th United Nations General Assembly in New York in Sept 2024. The difference is that the first was held with officials while the latter was one-to-one.

Complex political landscape

Nepal’s political arena is highly polarized, with three dominant ideological camps vying for influence. The first group consists of the status quoists, who advocate for the current federal secular republic. The second group is the reformists, who are pushing for structural political changes to address governance issues, corruption, and inefficiencies. Finally, the growing pro-monarchist movement that calls for the restoration of the monarchy, albeit in a symbolic role, with an elected Head of Government. These factions reflect a deep division in how the country’s future should be shaped.

This polarization, while enriching the political discourse, also makes it difficult to reconcile these opposing views. Each faction draws on different historical narratives, cultural values, and visions for Nepal’s national identity. The fundamental issue, however, is not about rejecting democracy but about the effectiveness of the system that was supposed to deliver a better future.

Governance crisis and public discontent

At the heart of the current dissatisfaction is poor governance. The public’s anger is not directed at democracy itself, but at the way it has been implemented. The promises made by the political leaders, from economic development to efficient governance, have largely gone unmet. Corruption remains rampant, institutions are weak, and political leaders are seen as more interested in maintaining their power than in serving the people.

This disillusionment is not just ideological; it is deeply pragmatic. The people are questioning whether the system can truly deliver. The notion of democracy, for many, has become synonymous with inefficiency, corruption, and political infighting. The failure to meet basic expectations has created a breeding ground for discontent, with many wondering whether the existing political framework can ever be fixed.

Global democratic backsliding

Nepal’s democratic challenges are not isolated; they are part of a global trend of democratic backsliding. Countries around the world—India, the US, Sri Lanka, Israel—are witnessing increased political polarization, the rise of populism, and the erosion of democratic norms. In this context, Nepal’s situation reflects a broader pattern of democratic disillusionment that is sweeping across many parts of the globe. This global backdrop, however, also provides an opportunity for Nepal. There is a chance to rethink democratic governance—not by retreating into authoritarianism but by rebuilding a more inclusive, accountable, and citizen-driven democracy. The key lies in re-establishing the connection between the people and their representatives, ensuring that the political system is genuinely responsive to the needs of the people.

What’s confidential about “boosting relations”? 

Headlines say: PM Oli and PM Modi agree to “boost Nepal-India relations” in their meeting on the sidelines of the Sixth BIMSTEC Summit. The one-to-one meeting is a strategic win for PM Modi and a purposeful attainment for PM Oli claiming that all officials including Minister of Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba encompassed a bilateral meeting that was changed at the last minute by the Ministry of External Affairs, India (MEA). 

What’s confidential about “strengthening mutually beneficial cooperation in areas such as development partnership, energy, connectivity, and people-to-people relations”. The phrase “mutually beneficial cooperation” in public statements may obscure deeper strategic negotiations. The MEA statement said “They expressed satisfaction at the progress in enhancing physical and digital connectivity, people-to-people linkages, and in the domain of energy. They agreed to continue working towards further deepening the multifaceted partnership between our two countries and peoples”. Nepal is a priority partner of India under its Neighbourhood First Policy. This meeting continues the tradition of regular high-level exchanges between the two countries.” 

On X PM Modi posts “India attaches immense priority to relations with Nepal. We discussed different aspects of India-Nepal friendship, especially in sectors like energy, connectivity, culture and digital technology. We also talked about some of the key positive outcomes from this year’s BIMSTEC Summit, especially in areas of disaster management and maritime transport.”

In a post on X, PM Oli said that he was delighted to meet Modi, had a meaningful and positive conversation and described the meeting as intimate. “Had a warm and heartfelt meeting with my dear friend, Prime Minister Shri @narendramodi Ji. Our discussions were highly meaningful and constructive. I express my appreciation over this cordial exchange.” 

During the same stretch of the secluded meeting, there are protests in the streets which have weakened all the political powers whether democratic forces or the communists in Nepal. In addition, the political powers behind the compelling of the 2015 constitution is ineffectual and ineffective. The focus could be with cultural ties, and geopolitical manoeuvring particularly China in view and the ongoing protests in the streets of Kathmandu.

Underlying strategic motives

Limiting China’s engagement that influences Indian security concerns—India is wary of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects and growing political ties. The discrete nature of the meeting could indeed involve such discussions. Renouncing anti Indian oratory as a slogan for nationalism-Anti-Indian sentiment has been weaponized politically. India may be seeking Nepalese leaders to dial this down in return for greater cooperation.

Strengthening of Nepal and India deep cultural, religious and ethnic ties with arrangements even through constitutional reform-This would resonate with India’s soft power diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy is a core part of the “Neighbourhood First” policy. Constitutionally and not physically owned map of Nepal embracing Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh region as an impediment in relationship during Oli’s premiership that transformed ‘territorial claim’ to ‘occupied’-This remains a sticking point. Modi-Oli’s rapport might open doors for de-escalation or reinterpretation of constitutional stances to ease tensions.

Political context and transformation

Nepal may undergo a major transformation but not a principled constitutional shift. There is growing momentum for systemic reform, but not necessarily a dismantling of the ideal framework. All major parties, from NC to UML to Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) to RPP to Madhes-centric alliances with eight parties on board, seem interested in functional reform over structural revolution—more governance efficiency than ideological upheaval. The idea of a "reformed federal secular republic" is gaining quiet traction—a way to appease conservative, nationalist, and regional groups without overturning the constitutional ethos.

PM Modi and Delhi will retain substantial influence over Nepal’s political-economic direction. India remains Nepal’s largest trade partner, transit route, and a soft power heavyweight. Nepal’s fragile economy and political flux create a strategic vacuum India is eager to fill, especially amid China's growing interest.

Conclusion: Balanced, yet urgent

The PMs’ meeting on the sidelines of BIMSTEC is not just a symbolic continuation of bilateral ties but potentially a strategic recalibration. The confidentiality, the exclusion of key Nepali diplomats, and diplomatic subtleties hint at unspoken understandings on contentious topics. The expected transformation in Nepal is likely to be governance-oriented, not ideological, possibly backed or influenced by New Delhi’s geopolitical imperatives.

The Meeting and its timing with one-on-one meetings were strategic and involved a late-stage change by MEA, suggesting high confidentiality. High-level bilateral talks between PM Oli and PM Modi have always been significant due to both nations intertwining cultural, economic, and strategic ties. The MEA and both PMs’ statements reinforce the notion that the meeting, while framed in diplomatic language, likely involved deeper strategic discussions. The late-stage restructuring (excluding the Foreign Minister) raises questions of trust, exclusivity, or sensitive content, especially amidst domestic unrest in Nepal.

The national challenges are both status quo defenders and the supporters of change to rethink what democratic governance means in practice and in Nepal. It implicitly asks:

• Can Nepal create a democracy that delivers?
• Can it preserve diversity without fragmentation?
• Can it reform without losing headway?

The answer lies not in returning to past systems, but in building a new democratic consensus—inclusive, accountable, and rooted in justice. Structural flaws remain with federalism without proper devolution of power; judiciary questioned for political bias; weak checks and balances in governance and institutional corruption; economic struggle; environment vulnerability; food security; infrastructure connectivity and chain of supply and political instability. 

Thus, a call for constitutional reform seems timely—but it must avoid top-down imposition. Instead, reform should be participatory, deliberative, and aimed at creating a more functional democracy, not just changing symbols or structures.

The author is a retired major general of the Nepali Army

The economy is in shambles, the citizens are crying out, and the ones in power are stuffing their ears with wads of cash. The recession currently faced by the nation is the result of decades of corruption, inefficiency, and misplaced priorities. It is also the result of low aggregate demand and low aggregate supply. The situation is further worsened by Nepal being on the Graylist, meaning it would be hard for Nepal to get foreign aid, and as USAID has been stopped, Nepal will be seeing some tough times in the future. For a country blessed with enormous and strategic geographical locations, the current situation stands as an example of neglect. The stagnation acts as a nudge for the nation to shutter its doors and start making decisive changes before it reaches a point of no return.

Recession: The price of neglect

For the first time in a while, Nepal has “officially” stepped foot into a recession. The Covid-19 pandemic triggered a worldwide financial crisis. In Nepal’s case, political instability, bolstered by further unnecessary bureaucracy and a lack of economic insight globally, slowed down progress and entrenched the problem of economic stagnation. 

Nearly half a decade has passed since the outbreak of the pandemic, and a significant number of nations have regained their positions, with states in the Global South, including Nepal, being the exception. Supporting evidence can be found in inflation rates soaring to numbers like 5.41 percent in Jan 2025 and the value of the Nepali currency dwindling to $0.0073 per rupee. 

Tourism and agriculture: Squandered opportunities

The tourism sector, which accounts for around 6.7 percent of Nepal’s GDP, remains below pre-pandemic visitor numbers, according to the Ministry of Culture, Tourism & Civil Aviation data from 2024. According to NTB data, Nepal welcomed approximately 1,147,024 foreign tourists in 2024, marking a around 13.1 percent increase compared to the previous year. This figure is close to the pre-pandemic record of around 1,197,191 tourists in 2019, which shows that Nepal is progressing but not at a rapid pace. Dependence on tourism as the primary economic driver without a solid plan for economic diversification will lead to an inevitable catastrophe. Major tourist sites not only face inadequate connectivity issues but also lack standard facilities and insufficient global platform promotion due to ongoing infrastructure weakness.

Recent statistics show that agriculture employs about 67 percent of the workforce and contributes approximately 24.5 percent to the GDP. It is still primitive, as 75 percent of farmers use traditional farming. It is almost impossible to think of a nation that lacks food products and imports said products worth over Rs. 340bn annually, but Nepal does (Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry, 2024). The situation with climate change is affecting productivity, but prospering in harsh conditions leads to not having an adequate policy focused on it. The sponsorship in mechanization and the latest techniques of farming is not up to mark, and thus the farmers suffer due to the unpredicted rainfall, the high cost of energy, and so forth. 

Remittance dependency: A national shame

Nepal’s economy depends on remittance. Remittance inflows increased 16.5 percent to Rs 1445.32bn during 2023/24 compared to an increase of 23.2 percent in the previous year. In US dollar terms, remittance inflows increased 14.5 percent to $10.86bn in the review year compared to an increase of 13.9 percent in the previous year, as stated by Nepal Rastra Bank. This stream of money keeps Nepal running but causes high social and economic costs. The country does not create enough local jobs, and thus, the dependence on remittance leaves Nepal vulnerable to changes in other countries, as shown during the pandemic when remittance inflows dropped by 4.2 percent (Nepal Rastra Bank, 2024). The slow global economy in the Middle East and Malaysia—two main places for Nepalese workers—brings real risks to remittance flows in the coming years (International Monetary Fund, 2024). These statistics are not up to par, as this does not include India, where we have an open border system and who has the highest number of Nepali workers.

The recovery illusion

International organizations together with the government present GDP predictions for 2024 at 3.9 percent, but this information remains deceptive, as the Asian Development Bank notes in 2024. The growth rates of 5.8 percent in Bangladesh and 8.2 percent in India exceed Nepal’s tepid performance in 2023, where Nepal had a growth rate of two percent. Developing nations must view minimal economic growth as unsuccessful efforts that society perceives as advancement. Financial stability remains threatened because non-performing loans (NPLs) within the banking sector have reached around 5.8 percent, according to Nepal Rastra Bank (2024).

The clock is ticking

Nepal faces an important choice that will determine whether it will adopt bold economic reforms that lead to growth or continue its decline towards insignificance. All attempts at implementing fragile or shallow changes have become outdated. The country needs complete systematic changes such as:

• The government must reform its governance system to eradicate corruption while enhancing bureaucracies’ performance quality.
• We should promote industrial incentives to cut down the nation's dependence on foreign imports and migrant worker money transfers.
• We should work to establish modern agricultural methods that will bring Nepal to food production autonomy.
• There must be economic expansion past tourism and remittance by making substantial investments in manufacturing alongside adopting new technology.
• Education improvement initiatives will lower youth employment rates while stopping professionals from migrating abroad.
• Financial institution stability increases through enhanced banking rules and better credit mechanisms, which benefit small organizations and startup ventures.

All citizens of Nepal share responsibility for securing the future because this battle will determine what Nepal becomes in the coming years. Our leaders need to push for increased performance in our country. The current situation requires immediate action because the potential consequences bear too much weight. The future of Nepal demands change as time presents itself to create a positive transformation.

Ujain Shrestha

A Levels

Islington College, Kamalpokhari

What do you do immediately after buying a bottle of water from a store?  

You drink the water and then throw the empty bottle into the dustbin without giving it a second thought. But have you ever considered that this very piece of discarded plastic can become a source of livelihood for some people?  

In developing countries like Nepal, growing urbanization and increased plastic usage lead to a significant rise in plastic waste accumulation, becoming one of the pressing environmental challenges. Nepal produces approximately 4,900 tonnes of solid waste daily, with plastic comprising 13-16 percent. In Kathmandu alone, over 1,200 metric tonnes of waste is generated every day, a major portion of which is plastic. The extensive use of single-use plastics and insufficient management infrastructure causes river contamination, clogged drainage systems and overflowing landfills with non-biodegradable waste. While plastic waste accumulation continues to grow, informal waste workers (IWWs) serve as the backbone of an unstructured yet essential recycling system. Collecting, sorting and selling recyclables by IWWs contributes to a circular economy where plastic waste is reintroduced into production cycles rather than being discarded.  

In Nepal, the Solid Waste Management (SWM) Act and Rules, enacted in 2013, aimed to improve the management of municipal solid waste generated by households and industries. With an emphasis on the 3 Rs (reduce, reuse and recycle), the Act mandates municipal governments to encourage waste separation at the source. Enacted prior to the formation of a three-tier government structure, the SWM Act falls short in addressing important waste types, including plastic, electronic, demolition and disaster waste. Despite making up 16 percent of all waste, plastic has not been adequately addressed by current regulations. The Plastic Bag Regulation and Control Directive of 2011 banned the production of bags smaller than 20 microns,  addressing the challenges in recycling ultra-thin plastic. Furthermore, plastic flowers were prohibited from being imported, sold, distributed and stored in 2022.

Waste management in Nepal encompasses collection, classification, and disposal as prime responsibilities of local authorities. Once waste is separated, non-recyclables are transported to landfills, and recyclables are funnelled to both formal and informal markets. Collection methods differ across municipalities, with distinct practices in the urban cities within Kathmandu Valley. Kathmandu Metropolitan City manages waste through door-to-door services, vehicle collection, and roadside pickups, with 10 percent of the municipal budget allocated for waste management activities: street cleaning, transportation, and disposal. Municipalities regulate the transit of waste from authorized collection points to dump sites with a public-private partnership. Complementing this formal system, informal waste workers operate beyond municipal reach to recover recyclables and channel them back to the recycling stream.

Behind the scenes of our everyday consumption exists an entire ecosystem, sustained by those who survive on the disregarded materials. Informal waste workers, often unnoticed but essential, are key players in urban waste management. From scavenging through landfills to sorting waste from streets, they form a chain in the recycling process. Armed with sacks and carts, these workers recover recyclables from outside the scope of formal services and deliver them to scrap dealers, ‘Kawadi’, giving them a second life. Despite their crucial role in the circular economy, informal waste workers remain invisible to the formal system. With no formal recognition, legal protections or social security, they are vulnerable to financial instability and unsafe working conditions.

Every day, an estimated 19,000 informal waste workers navigate the streets, landfills, and scrap centres of Kathmandu Valley, acting as a catalyst for the recycling ecosystem. Hired through verbal agreements and operating within informal networks, with bare hands and little to no safety gear, they handle piles of contaminated waste, risking exposure to sharp objects, toxic chemicals and infectious diseases. Extended hours in harsh weather with inadequate hygiene facilities push their physical limit. While wandering in the local streets, they frequently encounter harassment and prejudicial views. Many young people are forced into this labour despite the risk of serious health hazards and lack of educational prospects.

“While the world shut down during the Covid-19 pandemic, we never did. We risked our lives collecting waste from every household, but people in my community cordoned off my house with ropes, assuming I would transmit Covid-19 because of my work,” shared a door-to-door waste collector.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, while the world stayed indoors, informal waste workers continued their work, ensuring that cities remained clean. Despite putting their health at risk by collecting waste from households, they received neither recognition nor support; instead, they faced rejection and stigma. Fear and misinformation of virus transmission led to their social isolation, worsening their already vulnerable situation. No healthcare support from the government left them to fend for themselves amid the global crisis. 

Societal prejudices and discrimination undermine the dignity of waste workers and restrict their access to better opportunities. Their occupation is unfairly stigmatised as low-status and dirty, perpetuating a negative stereotype. This misconception wrongly associates waste workers with being uneducated or unworthy of respect. Society equates their labour with poverty, further deepening their marginalization. Consequently, waste workers are subjected to disrespect and isolation, with their families also bearing the weight of discrimination. These deeply entrenched biases not only diminish their dignity but also trap them in a cycle of poverty. 

In the shadows of an unstructured waste management system, the circular economy offers a path forward—reintroduces waste into resources. Behind every rescued piece of plastic holds an untold story of informal waste workers who keep recyclables in motion—from landfills to the economy.

Their contribution remains invisible in policy discussions, with their labour erased from the prospect of sustainability. These workers are more than collectors; they safeguard our environment while enduring hazardous conditions. Beyond policy reforms, social biases must evolve. Informal waste workers are not the symbol of poverty but an agent for environmental conservation.  The essence of a circular economy lies not only in the 3R principles of recovering, reusing, and recycling materials but also in valuing the people who make this possible.

Acne is a skin condition that most of us face in our lifetime. Acne can be caused due to various internal or external causes like hormonal changes, excess oil production in the skin, bacterial growth or infection, dietary factors (oily, spicy, high protein diet, excessive dairy consumption, etc), genetics, environmental factors (humidity, pollution, hygiene and sanitation), stress, comedogenic skin care products or due to certain medications.

 Some people claim that acne comes and goes on its own at a particular age. But does it really go away on its own? Well, in my case, I would say “no.” After hearing a lot of suggestions and comments—from well-known skin specialists to lesser-known practitioners to beauty influencers—I finally decided to go to a dermatologist.  My dermatologist recommended that I take “Isotretinoin,” the so-called ultimate acne healer.

Isotretinoin is also known as Accutane—classified as a retinoid, a derivative of vitamin A—that can only be prescribed by a doctor. It is an effective medication for many acne patients. When the acne doesn't go away on its own or doesn't respond to any medications or treatments, Isotretinoin is the medication that is introduced to patients. It cannot be taken by patients without a clinical prescription.

As everything has its good and bad sides, Isotretinoin has benefits and side effects too. It works by significantly reducing oil production in the skin and addressing multiple factors that contribute to acne. Isotretinoin makes the oil glands present in the skin smaller, reduces oil production, and stops pores from getting clogged. It changes how the skin cells grow in hair follicles and reduces swelling, which helps to minimize pimples and small bumps.

According to multiple studies, Isotretinoin can reduce acne in 80-90 percent of people. The treatment usually lasts five to eight months but may last longer for some patients, depending on the severity of acne, and the doses vary from patient to patient. Patients with mild to moderate acne are usually given lower doses and for patients with severe acne higher doses may be prescribed. The acne might get worse when starting the medication but improves with time. 

I was prescribed 20 mg of Isotretinoin for seven months by my dermatologist. It reduced my acne over time but also triggered multiple side effects on my body. I had dry lips and skin, so the skin would peel due to dryness. I had dry eyes, which were reduced with the use of eye drops, and then there were occasional nosebleeds, joint and muscle pain, hair fall, headaches, menstrual irregularities, gastrointestinal issues, and mood swings. 

Pregnant women are strictly prohibited from taking Isotretinoin, as it can cause birth defects in a child. The severe side effects include severe depression, increased suicidal thoughts, triggered anxiety, and mood swings in patients. It can also cause liver damage or abnormalities, darker urine, and excessive abdominal pain. There is a risk of permanent vision loss, too. Some even experience skin blisters and infections. Some people also experience joint pain, bone problems, and fractures. Some report severe cases that include swelling of the face, lips, tongue, and throat. It may also cause difficulty in breathing and severe gastrointestinal issues.

In our society, there are specific beauty standards set for girls, and we often feel pressured to meet them, sometimes even at the cost of our well-being. People with acne face constant remarks about their appearance and are bombarded with various skin advice. Living with acne is a difficult experience. While makeup can temporarily conceal acne scars, it’s not a long-term solution, as it isn’t something we can rely on forever. 

Isotretinoin should not be taken without a doctor’s prescription or under medical supervision.  As a patient myself, I accepted all the side effects of healing my acne and getting better skin. Isotretinoin may be known as an “acne healer,” but it also carries the label of a “body killer,” as we can’t unsee its results and side effects. 

Anushma Dhungel 

St Xavier’s College, Maitighar