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The kindness and compassion instilled in Prince Mahasattva was transformative. Once a hunter intent on taking life, he went on to become a protector. He sacrificed himself to protect the very creature he once pursued. His noble deed earned profound reverence, and his funeral was conducted with great honor. Queen Satyawati, together with Princes Mahadeva and Mahapranab, remained at Prince Mahasattva’s burial site in mourning for a month. 

In remembrance of Avayadan Day, an annual tradition of lighting ghee and oil lamps at his tomb is observed from the night of Chaturdashi (the 14th day of the lunar calendar) until mid-day of Purnima (the full moon). This enduring practice, regarded as a symbol of enlightenment, continues to this day. It is believed that Maha Mang Manju Sri paid homage to the tomb of Prince Mahasattva while visiting Kali Daha (Kathmandu Valley). The tomb of Prince Mahasattva has been revered since Gautama Buddha paid homage with the sacred words Na:Ma Buddha nearly 2,500 years ago, making it a timeless symbol of selfless sacrifice and a source of inspiration in the teachings of compassion and lifesaving for others.

There are limited historical records and minimal archaeological evidence from the Kirat regime. However, some historical records and artifacts trace back to the reign of King Manadev I of the Licchavi period, who promoted the teachings of Avadāna. It is believed that the stone sculpture depicting Queen Satyawati with Princes Mahadeva and Mahapranab in her lap was made in his time and placed atop the tomb of Na:Ma Buddha. 

A priest from the Bajracharya caste was appointed to conduct daily puja, chanting, and ceremonial rituals at this sacred site. To ensure the sustainability of religious practices, King Manadev I established a Guthi—a traditional socio-economic institution—to provide resources for the livelihood of the priest’s family and to support the regular and occasional functions at Na:Ma Buddha. He also commissioned the construction of Chivadyo (small chaityas) at four corners of the tomb. These sacred structures have been preserved and remain visible to this day. 

In the Dunhuang Valley of Gansu Province, the starting point of the Silk Road in China, the Thousand Buddha Caves, featuring Buddhist art, began to take form in 366 under the patronage of the Wei Dynasty. It is said that 15 percent of the work was completed in the 12th century. Interestingly, during the reign of Emperor Kublai Khan of the Yuan Dynasty, around 1274, a team of Nepali artisans led by Balabahu Pahari from Khopasi, Nepal, known in China as Araniko, reached Mongolia, and the Thousand Buddha Caves were completed. In Cave Number 254, a Na:Ma Buddha Temple (Chaitya) includes wall paintings depicting a royal hunting scene around the temple. Similarly ancient artworks i.e., life cycle of Namo Buddha in thangkas, have been discovered in monasteries across Southeast Asia. These depict the story of Takmo Lüjin in China, Wyl stag mo Lus Sbyin in Tibet, the self-sacrifice to the hungry tigress in Sri Lanka, and related themes in other countries. Whether consciously or unconsciously, the awareness of Avadāna continued to grow and flourish over time, carried across regions through the Silk Road.

About 400 years ago, Himetanjen Dharke, Top Ten Syakiya, and Sri, three incarnated lamas, sat meditating at the place where Prince Mahasattva attained Bodhisattva. At the same time they made five bigger stupas on the tomb behind the main temple. Centuries later, in 1973, a merchant from Ason in Kathmandu renovated the main Na:Ma Buddha Temple and its statue to sustain the teachings of Avayadan for future generations.

In addition to daily rituals such as puja, chanting, and the weekly ghee lighting every Wednesday, several special observances are held throughout the year. On every Purne (full moon day), devotees come together for a sacred celebration. Mahasattva Enlightenment Day, the most significant annual event, is observed on the night of Chaturdashi and the day of Purne in the month of Kartik. This occasion is marked by grand ceremonies and spiritual gatherings. Likewise, a metal idol of Mahasattva was crafted during the Malla period, around three hundred years ago to honor his mercy and educate people on benevolent compassion. This idol has since been featured in various local carnivals. Mahasattva’s birth anniversary is joyfully celebrated in his birthplace, Panauti, with a vibrant carnival held three days before Kuse Aunsi (Father’s Day). Every 12 years, a grand month-long celebration takes place in Kathmandu, drawing pilgrims and visitors from near and far to honor his legacy of unconditional and selfless compassion.

Buddhist families and their friends visit Na:Ma Buddha to pay homage and offer ghee lamps, praying for peace for the souls of their departed loved ones as part of sacred rituals. It is believed that making this pilgrimage at least once in a lifetime is a vital act of spiritual fulfillment. These ongoing rituals and observances not only preserve sacred traditions but also serve as a living testament to the story of Na:Ma Buddha, nurturing a deeper sense of peace and harmony within families and communities around the world.

Cradled in the arms of digitalization, today's world has undoubtedly made rapid progress in every possible field imaginable. These giant leaps from mankind, however, have left them vulnerable to the consequences of their own creations. The looming threat of nuclear wars, alarming rate of pollution, increasing isolation, and a pandemic. Not the biological epidemic occurring worldwide, no. Instead, a new kind of pandemic has now terrorized the world on a global scale: sleep deprivation. Today’s globally digitalized world with startling data of surge in social media use and screen time, along with its capitalist society that places quantity above quality, has driven people to extreme limits of productivity, rendering them almost chronically deficient in sleep. This disease has universally persecuted the citizens, leaving them at risk of severe repercussions, such as cardiovascular failure, as well as deteriorating mental health.

One prominent cause of lack of sleep in today’s people is their prioritization of productivity. Unlike the ancients, today’s modern people are extremely ambitious, as since the world has been moving at a swift pace, its people feel obligated to keep up with it. Long hours of work with little to no sleep, body functioning on caffeine, no moments of rest for the body: these have become common occurrences. The corporate world itself is like a giant leech that sucks off blood from the people who work for it. Here sleep is associated with laziness and unproductivity. Even extremely influential people such as Bill Gates subtly advocate for working and yielding results, seeming almost proud of their ‘productive’ selves, that in actuality is tormented by insufficient rest. Not only the adults, the students too feel they have miles to go before they sleep. I say so as I write this essay at one  in the morning, anxious of missing the deadline. 

Another indistinct yet important contributing factor to the majority’s sleep-deprivation is stress. Stress impairs one’s sleep, by fragmenting it. As one wakes up lacking adequate sleep, their body swells with more stress hormones, once again disrupting their sleep. This leaves them in a vicious cycle, a battle with one’s own mind. There is a surge in mood disorders among people nowadays, attributed to stress of accumulating enough resources for survival, emotional problems, and substance abuse. Furthermore, there is also a psychological aspect to this issue. Many people today, especially the teens, prefer the solitude of the night time. They feel their body to be more active and productive at night. But this is just an illusion. The number of hours slept isn't the only thing that matters, the time at which one sleeps does too. 

However, the most important cause to this issue still remains to be the excess use of social media and escalating screen time. Companies such as Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter are not our allies: their whole policy revolves on making their apps more addictive. Behind their brand logo, they have thousands of employees lined up working on making social media more appealing to us. Moreover, use of social sites makes our brain release dopamines, the ‘feel-good’ hormones, keeping us hooked. Hence, one must rethink twice on browsing their favorite social site before going to bed. It leaves your mind engaged, tricking it into thinking that it isn’t tired. With the gears of our mind turning so quickly, sleep naturally is impossible. 

As a result of inadequate sleep, our body suffers from numerous consequences, such as cardiovascular diseases, diabetes, rise in blood pressure, depression, and ultimately premature mortality. A research by Kochanek and Murphy on sleep deprivation states “Reduced sleep duration has been linked to seven of the 15 leading causes of death in the US, including cardiovascular disease, malignant neoplasm, cerebrovascular disease, accidents, diabetes, septicemia, and hypertension.” These data displayed are not statistics of insomniacs, but people like you and me. We who neglect a few hours of sleep for less-important tasks. People immerse themselves in their works so deeply, that they eventually forget who they themselves are. 

Literally. Yes, insufficient sleep can increase the possibility of dementia. Besides physical harm to the body mentioned above, sleep deprivation can also ruin our mental sanity. It disrupts the cognitive functioning of one’s body, impairing their creativity, memory, and productivity. It is ironic how people sacrifice sleep in the name of productivity, yet all it results in is an even more reduced scale of productivity. Besides the obsession on overworking, the momentary pleasure received from social media is also an illusion. A person with more than four hours of screen time in social media is exposed to seeds for sowing future problems, such as body dysmorphia, insecurities, and reduced confidence.  

Hence, it is thoroughly not worthwhile to sacrifice sleep for the present milestones, as it is sure to cause trouble for our future selves. This great pandemic emerging in our world, will plague your body with numerous illnesses: both physical and mental. However, despite statistics displaying alarming data, the number of chronically sleep-deprived people is only rising. It is a severe issue requiring immediate attention and mitigation. The most effective one would be people themselves realizing the slow poison they are soaking in, and putting an end to this mad culture of self-destruction.   

Samikshya Bhatta

BA 3rd Year

St Xavier’s College, Maitighar

“I just wanted to become a mechanic,” said Uma Shankar Rayabhar, a 24-year-old man from Bara district. Instead, he spent nearly a year in jail for a crime he didn’t understand—and likely didn’t commit. Rayabhar was detained for 11 months after being falsely implicated in a massive tax fraud. Unable to afford Rs 7.5m bail set by the Patan High Court, he sat in prison while the real masterminds disappeared. Only after legal activists and the Supreme Court intervened did he secure his freedom—on a drastically reduced bail of Rs 25,000.

In a justice system built on the principle of “innocent until proven guilty,” stories like Rayabhar’s should not exist—yet they do, and in alarming numbers. His story is not an exception but a mirror reflecting Nepal’s deeper crisis: pretrial detention that punishes poverty, not guilt. Nepal’s pretrial detention regime has quietly become one of the most underrated human rights crises of our time. It’s time to ask: Is our justice system choosing jail when bail would suffice?

Nepal’s prisons are bursting not with convicted criminals but with pre-trial detainees. Over 50 percent of inmates in Nepal’s prison system are in pretrial detention—awaiting trial, without a conviction, presumed innocent by law but treated otherwise in practice.

Pretrial detention refers to the practice of holding individuals in custody before their trial, often due to the inability to secure bail. Nepal faces this issue because of inadequate legal representation, excessive cases and socio-economic disparities. In a country like ours, pretrial detention has become a tool of punishment even before any proof, especially for backward, poor and marginalized groups. 

Despite Nepal’s constitutional guarantees and various international obligations, this issue has been rising. Many of these detainees suffer for years without any formal charges, adequate legal aid and in some cases without a court hearing. While pretrial detention was intended as a temporary measure to ensure the appearance of accused individuals at trial, the practice has become a significant human rights concern, disproportionately affecting marginalized communities and undermining the principles of justice. 

What the law says?

Pretrial detention in Nepal is primarily regulated under a combination of constitutional guarantees, criminal procedural laws, and judicial discretion. Article 16 and 17 (Right to live with dignity and Right to freedom) of Constitution of Nepal (2015) has mentioned that ‘every person has right to live with dignity and personal freedom. No one shall be deprived of liberty except in accordance with the law. Also, Article 20 (Rights relating to justice) has mentioned about ‘presumption of innocence until proven guilty’, right to fair trial, right to consult a legal practitioner and right to legal aid. The Criminal Procedure Code, 2074 governs arrest, investigation, bail, and trial proceedings. Section 67 (To hold the accused in detention) states ‘A court can order the release of the accused on bail, guarantee, or personal recognizance, also the law gives judges broad discretion in setting bail conditions based on gravity of the offence, possibility of the accused fleeing or tampering with evidence and the economic status of the accused. 

Also, Section 68 (Conditions for Pretrial Detention) states, ‘If the court finds the accused likely to abscond, commit another offense, or destroy evidence, it can order detention. And Judges may also deny bail in offenses punishable by more than 3 years. The Criminal Code, 2074 has mentioned that ‘serious charges like murder, rape, organized crime, tax fraud usually lead to denial of bail. Legal Aid Act, 2054, provides for free legal counsel to indigent defendants.

While various laws regulate Pretrial detention in Nepal, the execution is poor. It’s still limited only in the letters of law.  

Detained without trial—When time becomes the sentence

In Nepal, laws often collapse in practice. The practice of holding individuals in custody for extended periods without charging them with a crime or giving them a trial makes it miserable to the people. Thousands of individuals—many of them poor, illiterate, or from indigenous or marginalized communities are held behind bars for months or even years without a single day in court. For these detainees, the very act of being arrested can result in long-term imprisonment before any formal conviction, turning time itself into an unofficial sentence. This is often done to neglect formal legal proceedings.  

According to the social or economic background of the accused, the legal system of Nepal is determined. There can be delays, discretionary decisions just based on individual status. The time spent detained itself becomes the punishment, violating fundamental rights to due process and a fair trial. The consequences are severe: people lose jobs, families are disrupted, mental health collapse, and reputations are destroyed—all before a judge has decided. In this system, time becomes the sentence, and the mere accusation, rather than evidence, is enough to lock someone away.

What needs to change?

Nepal’s jails are operating at nearly 200 percent more than its capacity. Inmates lack proper food, hygiene, or medical care—violating basic human dignity. If Nepal can increase the use of bail, especially for non-violent offenses, and simplify the bail process, there’s a high chance of maintaining the prison system and fulfilling basic rights of prisoners. Moreover, there is lack of adequate legal representation for defendants which makes pretrial detention more complex. The judicial body should provide free and effective legal representation to the needy ones regardless of their socio-economic background. Legal aid programs could be expanded to ensure that all individuals who are facing charges know or understand about their rights, to have free legal aids. This would help ensure effective advocacy for their rights. 

On the other hand, public awareness is crucial for addressing stigma surrounding pretrial detention and bail. Different campaigns and programs should be conducted to advocate about rights of defendants, to foster a more compassionate society. This shift in public perception could lead to greater support for reforms aimed at reducing pretrial detention and promoting justice. Furthermore, we should explore different alternative measures to incarceration. Measures like electronic or digital monitoring or regular check-ins should be in cooperation. These measures would help both individuals and the governmental bodies to reduce the burden on the prison system.

The demand for reform is clear as Nepal continues to negotiate the complexity of its legal system: it is time to reconsider pretrial detention and give justice for all top priority.

Muskan Karmacharya

BA LLB 4th Year

Kathmandu School of Law

Getting rid of the final remnants of a decadent political culture was unquestionably and unequivocally the greatest accomplishment of the GenZ movement (2025) in Nepal—at par with the abolishment of Rana rule in 1951, Panchayat in 1990, and the monarchy in 2006. Though triggered by a social media ban, the movement espoused anti-corruption as its primary agenda. This protest of GenZ youth (born 1997-2012) has irreversibly cemented the fate of three prominent Baby Boom Generation (born 1946-1964) leaders of Nepal, namely KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Puspa Kamal Dahal. Regrettably, GenZ’s historic uprising, being not a monolith, has been unmistakably hijacked by what appear to be mobs divorced completely from the national interest.

From protest to chaos

The dissatisfied, frustrated, and agitated GenZ generation movement unfolded peacefully in Kathmandu on Sept 8. The mood shifted as some protestors breached the restricted area close to parliament, climbing over the wall. Tension escalated, and clashes erupted following the protesters’ attempt to forcefully enter the parliament building and set fire to the gate. Against the mass antigovernment protests, the security forces responded with indiscriminate force, leaving 19 people dead by Sept 9.

The movement came to fruition with the resignation of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli by Tuesday afternoon. However, the feeling of triumph over his downfall was short-lived, as the protest descended into complete wreckage—unbridled anarchism. What started as a non-violent protest, “rooted in the principles of peaceful civic engagement,” against corruption soon spiraled into vandalism, violence, and arson attacks on government offices and buildings by the end of September 9. A wide array of private properties, including media outlets, supermarkets, banks, hotels, and whatnot, witnessed collateral damage. 

On three GenZ protesters’ accounts, the tens of thousands of followers on social media were warned of acting violently, irrespective of the death of 19 protesters on the first day. In a meeting with the Army chief, Ashok Raj Sigdel, on Tuesday evening, the GenZ protesters denied involvement in the pervasive arson attacks in the capital city. The protestors were left crestfallen and shocked by the scale of destruction. To them, the movement was hijacked by opportunists and co-opted by infiltrators. In fact, the hijackers took over, controlled, and steered the leaderless and disorganized movement into a direction of their interest—from instigation of violence on the first day to the widespread rampage on the second day.

The sight of smoke belching out of the burnt-out buildings, particularly Singh Durbar (Nepal’s central headquarters), the Supreme Court, and the House of Parliament in Kathmandu, left everyone utterly perplexed, appalled, and petrified. Who hijacked the GenZ protest and torched down the three government complexes or buildings of national significance—and why? Considering the analysis of social media posts, statements, and political commentaries—discourses on corruption—in the past 5 years, the destruction does not appear to be merely a result of youth’s impulse or performative rage.

From discourses to destruction

Pro-monarchy forces have struggled in their sporadic attempts to mobilize a huge mass against the system, despite their ardent efforts in the last 18/19 years. As luck would have it, Sept 8 afforded these elements an unorganized mass to exploit. The pro-monarchy protest that was miscarried in March 2025 with Durga Prasai’s arrest, opportunistically piggybacking on the GenZ movement, has reached its desired climax.

The House of Parliament (people’s representatives) reminds the pro-monarchy supporters of their old wounds and scars from the lost battle in 2006. It appears that their long-standing resentment and agitation finally found an outlet, expressed in Parliament House’s destruction. The renewed attacks (first attempt in March 2025) against its old nemesis—Nepal’s biggest media group, Kantipur, and Nepal’s largest supermarket retail chain, Bhatbhateni—suggest an extension of this wrath rooted in that unhealed wound. A narrative that Kantipur media shaped public opinion in favor of the republic and against the monarchy around 2006 has been pushed in recent years. The symbolic nature of the attacks implies the radical pro-monarchy forces have finally settled their scores with all these entities. 

Pull out the interviews or public speech videos by Durga Prasai, including far-right pro-monarchy opinion makers, published in the last five years. This new recruit in the pro-monarchy camp endlessly rattled, crafting a discourse formed through a progression of debatable assertions (Nepal Police are thieves, industrialists destroyed Nepal), incendiary rhetoric (bury the leaders, hang them on Damak tower), self-serving exaggerated claims (political leaders’ 10 Kharba money abroad), and ultimately, deliberate disinformation. Discourse targeting the symbols of “corruption”—major political parties or leaders, major media houses (Kantipur, Annapurna and Nagarik are blackmailers), and wealthy businessmen (Marwaris and Chaudhary Group) in Nepal. 

Enmeshed and implicated in the cooperative fraud or corruption case, Rabi Lamichhane’s (chairman of Rastriya Swotantra Party, RSP, and former home minister) multiple trials and subsequent guilty verdict likely have paved a path for a discourse of a failed judiciary system. Lamichhane’s endless trials served as a tipping point, particularly for his staunch followers. Social media analysis of Lamichhane’s supporters reveals a prevalent discourse of a ‘captured and corrupted justice system (the Supreme Court being the highest).’ Even though Lamichhane’s integrity has been questioned in Nepal’s cyberspace, the leaders close to three major political parties are equally perceived as corrupt. 

Furthermore, in this discourse the judicial system is framed as the puppet of three corrupted political parties. This discourse revolves around a delayed justice system, a party-dependent judiciary, unfair trials, biased and intransparent courts being selective, and political appointment of judges. A narrative that the parties or government ganged up to conspire against the public’s rising star (“innocent leader” victim of political revenge), like Lamichhane, and hounded him out with legal instruments. 

In the context of his wife being stopped by a traffic police officer, the mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC), Balendra Shah, vented his anger on his official Facebook page. "It is okay for today, but if any vehicle of the KMC is stopped by traffic police in the future, I will set Singha Durbar ablaze. Mind it, thief government!” Did that statement in 2023, if not shaped, spark or seed a discourse implying a ‘corrupted Singha Durbar’ deserves to be burnt down? After all, his post was well-received (viral) by his thousands of well-wishers, a green signal to his aspiration, and a symbolic abetment by the public to act. A few months before his Facebook post, already in April 2023, over the garbage collection dispute, the mayor asked the government to move Singhadurbar to another city. 

The rising public faces (Prasai, Lamichhane, and Shah, to name a few) and their supporters, particularly in the last five years, played a catalytic role in the discursive formation of corruption. To be sure, social media apps such as TikTok, Facebook, and Instagram fueled the amplification and circulation of the discourse against state instruments. While spontaneous anger might explain some vandalism, the destruction of the Parliament House, Singha Durbar, and Supreme Court could be interpreted as a reflection of the discourses. Discourses shape and control the actions. Although reality is complex and it is tempting to assign blame on a single actor or faction, the infiltration of opportunistic groups targeting previously untouchable institutions aligns too closely with the popular discourses to be easily dismissed as mere coincidence.

End of history

The GenZ movement deserved to be remembered as a youth-led successful anti-corruption movement—not a tragic example of winning at enormous cost. Thus, it is a clarion call to the mainstream organic GenZ movement to reclaim their narrative of ‘hijacked,’ officially announcing its non-involvement or non-association with the hijackers’ abysmal destructive actions that were not in favor of national interest. Ignoring the smear campaign against the movement, the international community should extend moral and financial support in the upcoming days to rebuild Nepal. If Francis Fukuyama marked 1990 as the end of history with the victory of liberal democracy, perhaps 2025 could be seen as Nepal’s own ‘end of history’—the end of decadent politics and the dawn of youth-driven governance.