Submit your Article

During the constitution drafting process, all major parties had agreed to adopt secularism, and mentioned the same in the first draft of the constitution taken to the public to solicit their views.

As the Constituent Assembly (CA) initiated voting on every article of the draft constitution, the pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) led by Kamal Thapa registered an amendment proposal, urging the House to vote in favor of Hindu state.

But the CA overwhelmingly voted down the proposal and reaffirmed Nepal’s secular status. Of the 601 CA members, only 21 voted in the proposal’s favor. This was a rare occasion when a Nepali parliament had voted on a religious issue.

At that time, RPP was the only political force that was vocally opposed to secularism. But almost seven years on, Thapa and his party are not alone in their bid to restore Nepal’s Hindu state. Some new political forces and sections of major parties are also doing so.

What if this issue is put to a vote? Though unlikely, the call for the restoration of the Hindu state seems to have gained momentum over the past few years. Although the constitution allows a referendum on a matter of national importance, the road to one is not easy; two-thirds of members of Parliament need to back the proposal.

Article 275, which envisages referendums, says, “If a decision is made by a two-thirds majority of the total number of the members of the federal Parliament that it is necessary to hold a referendum concerning any matter of national importance, the decision on that matter may be taken by way of referendum. Matters relating to the referendum and other relevant matters shall be as provided for in the federal law.”

If the Parliament decides to conduct a referendum, the Election Commission shall organize one, according to this constitution and the prevailing federal laws.

Former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli performs a special puja at Pashupatinath Temple on 25 January 2021 | RSS

Hindu sentiments are prevalent in major political parties as well. The Nepali Congress as a party remains committed to secularism but there are demands within it for the restoration of the Hindu state. During the 2018 meeting of the Mahasamiti, the party’s second-most powerful decision-making body, over 40 percent of the delegates petitioned party leadership to amend Congress charter to address the issue.

Advocates of the cause within the party argue that people were not consulted on religion during the writing of the constitution. However, that issue never faded. Of the 1,600 party delegates assembled in Kathmandu for the meet, around 700 (over 43 percent) supported a signature campaign to press party leadership to re-establish Hindu state.

Shankar Bhandari, a central working committee member of the party who is leading its Hindu state campaign, says this agenda would be raised prominently during the close-door session of the party’s general convention set to start this week.

Bhandari says almost half of the representatives at the party’s Mahasamiti meeting in 2018 had backed a petition asking the leadership to make restoration of Hindu state an official party position. “We are fully convinced that the party will stand in favor of this proposal during the convention,” says Bhandari. 

He says there’s no need to conduct a referendum, but even if one were to be held, people would overwhelmingly vote for a Hindu state.

Also read: What if… the domestic help industry were regulated? 

Strong Hindu sentiments have also been observed inside the main opposition CPN-UML. As prime minister, from 2018 to 2021, UML chair KP Sharma Oli took a series of measures to placate Hindu sentiments, including installing a golden ‘jalhari’ at Pashupatinath temple. However, UML leaders and cadres are mostly mum on the matter. The political document endorsed by the party’s Statute Convention held in October fully backs secularism.

Says UML Chief Whip Bishal Bhattarai, even though some party leaders may raise the issue of Hindu state to seek votes, that is a non-starter. “If a referendum is held, the proposal for Hindu state will be easily shot down. Who will vote in its favor? As all parties seem committed to secularism, no amount of force can overturn this,” he says.

Inside the CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal such voices are rarer still. There is limited discussion on the issue. Says former Constituent Assembly member and Maoist leader Lucky Sherpa, “some political parties are trying to use religion as a political tool. Yet they are mistaken if they think they can get votes with this agenda.”

The Maoist leader from a marginalized community says that there is no need for a referendum as the constitution has already cemented secularism and religious harmony. “Why should we hold a referendum on an issue that’s already done and dusted with?” she pointedly asks.

On July 26, Rabindra Mishra, a veteran journalist who now leads the Bibeksheel Sajha Party, had proposed dismantling Nepal’s federal structure and holding a referendum on secularism. His proposal attracted fierce criticism from advocates of secularism, both in and outside the party.

The then Sajha Party had, through its national convention held in Lumbini in 2020, unanimously passed a resolution demanding a referendum to decide the fate of secularism. In his political document titled ‘Changing Course: Nation above Notion’ Mishra had argued that in a country with 80 percent Hindus, the result of a referendum is a foregone conclusion in favor of the Hindu state.

“Many surveys have confirmed this. Secondly, if public opinion is not honored in matters like these, there will be a silent fire of dissension ever-present in the minds of the overwhelming majority, which can explode at some point in the form of extremism or ultra-nationalism,” he says.

The RPP, which concluded its general convention recently, has been raising the issue of the Hindu state for over a decade, if without enough public support.

Now that Rajendra Lingden has been elected RPP chair, there are reports that he has strong backing of King Gyanendra. Under Lingden’s leadership, according to party leaders, the Hindu state revival campaign will gain momentum.

Kamal Thapa, who was defeated by Lingden, has publicly accused Nirmal Niwas (King Gyanendra) of orchestrating his defeat. 

Speaking after his victory, Lingden said: “There is a huge Nepali mass that wants to revive Hindu state and monarchy. I will connect them to my party. The revival of the monarchy and the Hindu state is my key priority.” There is widespread speculation that Gyanendra wants to revive the RPP to launch the Hindu state campaign.

Also read: Referendum on secularism? 10 public intellectuals weigh in 

Then there is the external factor pushing for the revival of the Hindu state in Nepal. Over the past few years, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been reportedly suggesting Nepal’s political parties to take measures to protect the Hindu religion. As BJP enhances relations with Nepali parties, the Indian Hindu nationalists have been increasingly critical of Nepal’s loss of its Hindu status.

In a meeting with some NC leaders in the first week of October, Yogi  Adityanath, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, reportedly urged the party to strengthen ‘cultural nationalism’. BJP Spokesperson Vijay Sonkar Shastri, who was in Nepal in November, predicted that Nepal would sooner or later become a Hindu state.

Speaking to media persons in Pokhara, he said Nepal was a Hindu nation and it will remain so. “BJP leaders are cautioning their Nepali counterparts to take measures to curtail religious conversions seen under the new secular dispensation,” an NC leader says on the condition of anonymity.

Various Hindu organizations are also pitching for the Hindu state’s revival. Last year, just before the KP Sharma Oli dissolved the Parliament, a series of protests erupted across the country demanding the revival of the monarchy and Hindu state.

Asmita Bhandari, general secretary at World Hindu Federation, is obviously in favor of the Hindu state. However, she has a different take on the referendum. Says Bhandari, Nepal was converted into a secular state through a political decision, so the same method should be applied to revive the Hindu state.

Also read: What if… the 2015 constitution had been delayed? 

“When the Constituent Assembly endorsed the first draft of the constitution, more than 85 percent people were in favor of a Hindu state. But a report saying so was hidden,” she says.  

Even if a referendum were held, says Bhandari, an overwhelming majority will stand for the Hindu state. “There is no doubt, 80 percent of people are in favor of a Hindu state,” says Bhandari.

In a public opinion poll conducted earlier this year by Sharecast Initiative Nepal, a NGO, 51.7 percent respondents—slightly down from a 15-year average of 60 percent—said Nepal should be declared a Hindu state, 40.3 percent said they are okay with secularism, while 8.1 percent respondents withheld their views. According to the survey, the support for Hindu state, at around 70 percent, is the highest in province no. 2.

As Pitambar Bhandari, Assistant Professor at the Department of Conflict, Peace and Development Studies of Tribhuvan University, sees it, the Hindu sentiment has risen somewhat in the past few years.

According to him, the biggest reason is political parties’ failure to properly manage the political system established by the new constitution.

Additionally, for many people, “advocating for a Hindu state has become a medium of expressing their dissatisfaction, which is precisely why some political leaders want to milk the agenda,” says Bhandari. 

During the constitution drafting process, all major parties had agreed to adopt secularism, and mentioned the same in the first draft of the constitution taken to the public to solicit their views.

As the Constituent Assembly (CA) initiated voting on every article of the draft constitution, the pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) led by Kamal Thapa registered an amendment proposal, urging the House to vote in favor of Hindu state.

But the CA overwhelmingly voted down the proposal and reaffirmed Nepal’s secular status. Of the 601 CA members, only 21 voted in the proposal’s favor. This was a rare occasion when a Nepali parliament had voted on a religious issue.

At that time, RPP was the only political force that was vocally opposed to secularism. But almost seven years on, Thapa and his party are not alone in their bid to restore Nepal’s Hindu state. Some new political forces and sections of major parties are also doing so.

What if this issue is put to a vote? Though unlikely, the call for the restoration of the Hindu state seems to have gained momentum over the past few years. Although the constitution allows a referendum on a matter of national importance, the road to one is not easy; two-thirds of members of Parliament need to back the proposal.

Article 275, which envisages referendums, says, “If a decision is made by a two-thirds majority of the total number of the members of the federal Parliament that it is necessary to hold a referendum concerning any matter of national importance, the decision on that matter may be taken by way of referendum. Matters relating to the referendum and other relevant matters shall be as provided for in the federal law.”

If the Parliament decides to conduct a referendum, the Election Commission shall organize one, according to this constitution and the prevailing federal laws.

Former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli performs a special puja at Pashupatinath Temple on 25 January 2021 | RSS

Hindu sentiments are prevalent in major political parties as well. The Nepali Congress as a party remains committed to secularism but there are demands within it for the restoration of the Hindu state. During the 2018 meeting of the Mahasamiti, the party’s second-most powerful decision-making body, over 40 percent of the delegates petitioned party leadership to amend Congress charter to address the issue.

Advocates of the cause within the party argue that people were not consulted on religion during the writing of the constitution. However, that issue never faded. Of the 1,600 party delegates assembled in Kathmandu for the meet, around 700 (over 43 percent) supported a signature campaign to press party leadership to re-establish Hindu state.

Shankar Bhandari, a central working committee member of the party who is leading its Hindu state campaign, says this agenda would be raised prominently during the close-door session of the party’s general convention set to start this week.

Bhandari says almost half of the representatives at the party’s Mahasamiti meeting in 2018 had backed a petition asking the leadership to make restoration of Hindu state an official party position. “We are fully convinced that the party will stand in favor of this proposal during the convention,” says Bhandari. 

He says there’s no need to conduct a referendum, but even if one were to be held, people would overwhelmingly vote for a Hindu state.

Also read: What if… the domestic help industry were regulated? 

Strong Hindu sentiments have also been observed inside the main opposition CPN-UML. As prime minister, from 2018 to 2021, UML chair KP Sharma Oli took a series of measures to placate Hindu sentiments, including installing a golden ‘jalhari’ at Pashupatinath temple. However, UML leaders and cadres are mostly mum on the matter. The political document endorsed by the party’s Statute Convention held in October fully backs secularism.

Says UML Chief Whip Bishal Bhattarai, even though some party leaders may raise the issue of Hindu state to seek votes, that is a non-starter. “If a referendum is held, the proposal for Hindu state will be easily shot down. Who will vote in its favor? As all parties seem committed to secularism, no amount of force can overturn this,” he says.

Inside the CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal such voices are rarer still. There is limited discussion on the issue. Says former Constituent Assembly member and Maoist leader Lucky Sherpa, “some political parties are trying to use religion as a political tool. Yet they are mistaken if they think they can get votes with this agenda.”

The Maoist leader from a marginalized community says that there is no need for a referendum as the constitution has already cemented secularism and religious harmony. “Why should we hold a referendum on an issue that’s already done and dusted with?” she pointedly asks.

On July 26, Rabindra Mishra, a veteran journalist who now leads the Bibeksheel Sajha Party, had proposed dismantling Nepal’s federal structure and holding a referendum on secularism. His proposal attracted fierce criticism from advocates of secularism, both in and outside the party.

The then Sajha Party had, through its national convention held in Lumbini in 2020, unanimously passed a resolution demanding a referendum to decide the fate of secularism. In his political document titled ‘Changing Course: Nation above Notion’ Mishra had argued that in a country with 80 percent Hindus, the result of a referendum is a foregone conclusion in favor of the Hindu state.

“Many surveys have confirmed this. Secondly, if public opinion is not honored in matters like these, there will be a silent fire of dissension ever-present in the minds of the overwhelming majority, which can explode at some point in the form of extremism or ultra-nationalism,” he says.

The RPP, which concluded its general convention recently, has been raising the issue of the Hindu state for over a decade, if without enough public support.

Now that Rajendra Lingden has been elected RPP chair, there are reports that he has strong backing of King Gyanendra. Under Lingden’s leadership, according to party leaders, the Hindu state revival campaign will gain momentum.

Kamal Thapa, who was defeated by Lingden, has publicly accused Nirmal Niwas (King Gyanendra) of orchestrating his defeat. 

Speaking after his victory, Lingden said: “There is a huge Nepali mass that wants to revive Hindu state and monarchy. I will connect them to my party. The revival of the monarchy and the Hindu state is my key priority.” There is widespread speculation that Gyanendra wants to revive the RPP to launch the Hindu state campaign.

Also read: Referendum on secularism? 10 public intellectuals weigh in 

Then there is the external factor pushing for the revival of the Hindu state in Nepal. Over the past few years, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been reportedly suggesting Nepal’s political parties to take measures to protect the Hindu religion. As BJP enhances relations with Nepali parties, the Indian Hindu nationalists have been increasingly critical of Nepal’s loss of its Hindu status.

In a meeting with some NC leaders in the first week of October, Yogi  Adityanath, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, reportedly urged the party to strengthen ‘cultural nationalism’. BJP Spokesperson Vijay Sonkar Shastri, who was in Nepal in November, predicted that Nepal would sooner or later become a Hindu state.

Speaking to media persons in Pokhara, he said Nepal was a Hindu nation and it will remain so. “BJP leaders are cautioning their Nepali counterparts to take measures to curtail religious conversions seen under the new secular dispensation,” an NC leader says on the condition of anonymity.

Various Hindu organizations are also pitching for the Hindu state’s revival. Last year, just before the KP Sharma Oli dissolved the Parliament, a series of protests erupted across the country demanding the revival of the monarchy and Hindu state.

Asmita Bhandari, general secretary at World Hindu Federation, is obviously in favor of the Hindu state. However, she has a different take on the referendum. Says Bhandari, Nepal was converted into a secular state through a political decision, so the same method should be applied to revive the Hindu state.

“When the Constituent Assembly endorsed the first draft of the constitution, more than 85 percent people were in favor of a Hindu state. But a report saying so was hidden,” she says.  

Also read: What if… the 2015 constitution had been delayed? 

Even if a referendum were held, says Bhandari, an overwhelming majority will stand for the Hindu state. “There is no doubt, 80 percent of people are in favor of a Hindu state,” says Bhandari.

In a public opinion poll conducted earlier this year by Sharecast Initiative Nepal, a NGO, 51.7 percent respondents—slightly down from a 15-year average of 60 percent—said Nepal should be declared a Hindu state, 40.3 percent said they are okay with secularism, while 8.1 percent respondents withheld their views. According to the survey, the support for Hindu state, at around 70 percent, is the highest in province no. 2.

As Pitambar Bhandari, Assistant Professor at the Department of Conflict, Peace and Development Studies of Tribhuvan University, sees it, the Hindu sentiment has risen somewhat in the past few years.

According to him, the biggest reason is political parties’ failure to properly manage the political system established by the new constitution.

Additionally, for many people, “advocating for a Hindu state has become a medium of expressing their dissatisfaction, which is precisely why some political leaders want to milk the agenda,” says Bhandari. 

Born in a middle-class family in the Dadeldhura district of the far-western region, Sher Bahadur Deuba is now a five-time prime minister. Deuba, who became party president in 2016, is bent on repeating the feat at the 14th General Convention (GC) that begins on Dec 10.

If the anti-Deuba camp fails to come up with a consensual candidate, Deuba is likely to win the race again, say party leaders. Neither does Deuba come from a political family nor does he have mass appeal. He is not a good orator and has no fixed ideology. Yet he has still been at the forefront of both party and national politics for two and a half decades.

What is the source of Deuba’s power? Many portray him as lucky. Deuba himself reckons that fortune favors him. Three years ago, Deuba publicly cited a fortune-teller as telling him that he would become prime minister seven times. Yes, fortune may have favored him but he also has some distinct merits.

According to political analyst Purushottam Dahal, the credit for Deuba’s emergence as a strong leader goes to late veteran NC leaders Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Ganesh Man Singh. After the revival of democracy in 1990, then NC leader Girija Prasad Koirala had started sidelining Bhattarai and Singh in order to embolden his position in the party.Bhattarai and Singh, according to Dahal, sought a strong leader who could challenge Koirala. They settled on Deuba, who would go on to become Home Minister (1991-1994). The Home Ministry is regarded as a strong platform from where to influence both the party as well as state mechanisms.

In a recent interview with Annapurna Post, current Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand said Deuba is today leading the same party faction that late Krishna Prasad Bhattarai did in early 1990s. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, there had been a bitter rivalry between Bhattarai and Koirala.

Even before that Deuba had demonstrated his organization skills, most notably as the president of the Nepal Student Union, the party’s sister organization, back in the 1970s.

Also read: General Conventions: Old parties, old faces 

Lokendra Bhatta, a seasoned journalist who closely tracks NC politics, says Deuba, unlike other leaders, works in a smart and strategic way and without much fanfare. “On the one hand, he highly impressed NC veterans such as BP Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Ganesh Man Singh with his organization skills. On the other hand, he also knew how to cultivate loyal cadres.”

Similarly, he emerged as a towering figure in the socially and economically backward far-western region. No leaders there dared to challenge him and so he was able to leverage his position there to his advantage. Since 1990, Deuba has won all parliamentary elections from Dadeldhura district.

He gradually cemented his position in the party and at the party’s 10th General Convention in 2001, Deuba fought for party presidency by leaving many senior leaders behind. He was eventually beaten by Girija Prasad Koirala who secured 936 of the 1,477 representative-votes, to Deuba’s 507. Though beaten, Deuba became successful in building his own powerful camp in the party. A major chunk of party leaders and cadres who were dissatisfied and disappointed with Koirala had supported Deuba.

In 2002 Deuba split the party due to the differences with Koirala. Around 40 percent of leaders and cadres joined the Deuba-led Nepali Congress (Democratic) which clearly showed Deuba’s hold in the party. In 2006, Deuba returned to NC, taking 40 percent share in all party organizations. But Deuba’s dream of becoming Party President materialized only in 2016. At the 13th General Convention in 2016, Deuba had failed to garner 51 percent votes to win the presidency outright. In the second round of voting he needed Krishna Prasad Sitaula’s support, to eventually get 58 percent votes and become party president.

Deuba’s marriage to Arzoo Rana also helped him strengthen his position in national politics as well as in the party. Arzoo helped Deuba connect with the monarchy. In the late 1990s, when the monarchy had a powerful influence in politics, Deuba became prime minister two times: 2004-2005, and 2001-2002.

Except in 2001, Deuba has always led diverse coalition governments, which also hints at his organization skills. Arzoo also helped Deuba build good rapport with the international community; it is widely believed that Deuba is close with western powers.

Also read: Delhi undecided as Deuba seeks its blessings 

As prime minister and party president, Deuba introduced some progressive policies that also enhanced his profile. For instance, when he led Nepali Congress (Democratic) in 2002, he formed an inclusive Central Committee by accommodating Dalit, Janajati and other marginalized communities, says journalist Bhatta. Even today, according to Bhatta, influential leaders from marginalized communities who have a strong hold in party organizations are with Deuba. Deuba also won the support of state’s key institutions such as army, police, judiciary and bureaucracy due to his hands-off nature of functioning.

At the same time, Deuba is charged with misusing state powers to strengthen his position in power. Even now, Deuba is accused of accommodating businessmen, traders and brokers in the party, while sidelining honest and committed leaders and cadres. This strategy, according to Deuba’s critics, has helped him amass money which in turn is being used to buy patronage. 

An NC leader requesting anonymity says Deuba is adept at applying the power of money and muscle to strengthen his hold in the party.

After Girija Prasad Koirala’s demise in 2010, Deuba became even more powerful because GPK’s successor Sushil Koirala failed to keep the anti-Deuba faction intact. For instance, Krishna Prasad Sitaula did not join the faction led by Sushil Koirala and or the one by Ram Chandra Poudel. Similarly, there was a tussle within this camp and the Koirala dynasty tried to make their own camp.

After 2017, when Nepali Congress faced a humiliating defeat in parliamentary elections, Deuba has been under pressure to retire from active politics. Yet, as luck would have it, just when his clout in the party was waning, he got to become prime minister again, right on the eve of the 14th General Convention.

Most recently, Deuba has strengthened his hold on the party after Bijaya Kumar Gachhadar, a top Tharu leader who left NC in 2008 to form Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, returned to the mother party in 2017. Gachhadar and his team strongly back Deuba. In 2020, Sunil Bahadur Thapa, the son of veteran Rastriya Prajatantra Party leader Surya Bahadur Thapa, also joined NC and sided with Deuba.

The fortune-teller’s prediction that Deuba will go on to become prime minister seven times appears unlikely. But who knows. He is one person who has always defied the odds.  

Deuba’s political journey

13 June 1946: Birth

1965 to 1968: Chairman, Far-Western Students’ Committee

1971 to 1980: Founder member and President of the Nepal Students’ Union.

1985: Played a leading role in the civil disobedience movement.

Dec 1991-Sept 1994: Minister of Home Affairs

1991: Party’s political in-charge of far-western region

Nov 1994-Sept 1995: Member of Parliament and Nepali Congress parliamentary party leader.

Sept 1995-March 1997: Prime Minister

Aug 2001-Oct 2002: Prime Minister

Sept 2002-Jan 2006: President, Nepali Congress (Democratic)

June 2004-Feb 2005: Prime Minister

June 2017-Feb 2018: Prime Minister

March 2016-present: President of Nepali Congress

July 2021-present: Prime Minister

Nepal is a low carbon-emitting country but bears a disproportionate brunt of its impacts.   

The mountains are gradually going dark due to the fast melting of snow caused by increasing temperatures, and the frequency and intensity of landslides, floods, and avalanches are increasing. Parts of the country have been under long bouts of drought and water springs are drying up.

With rising temperatures, climate-induced disasters are likely to get worse. Disasters can’t be completely avoided but adequate measures can still be taken, say experts.

Over the past few months, Nepal has experienced unprecedented disasters, prompting authorities to take the climate crisis more seriously and urgently than before. Many disasters that took place over the past few months could be linked to climate change.  

For instance, on 15 June, Melamchi Bazar of Sindupalchowk district was ravaged by a flash-flood that claimed five lives—and 20 are still missing. It damaged private and public property and wreaked havoc on the newly-completed Melamchi water supply project.   

Says Anil Pokhrel, chief executive at National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority, there is usually no heavy rainfall during the onset of monsoon, but this June, Sindhupalchowk experienced unprecedented amounts of rain.  

Rising temperature is intensifying the earth’s water cycle and increasing evaporation, also resulting in more precipitation. Heavy rainfall across small areas is leading to large-scale floods and landslides.  

On June 14, a debris flow in the Upra valley of Jomoson ravaged many villages and disrupted road access to the  area. The Himalayas too have been badly hit by the effects of climate change.

On 15 November, an avalanche in the forest of Thasan Rural Municipality-2 of Mustang district swept away more than 125 yaks and injured some people.

Also read: ‘ApEx for climate’ Series | Nepal makes its case. But to what effect? 

According to a report titled ‘Disaster Risk Reduction and Management, 2021’ prepared by the Ministry of Forest and Environment, about eight percent of Nepal is flood-prone and about 59 percent of its land area is landslide-prone.

On average, says the report, about 56 percent of Nepal is affected by droughts, with an average drought lasting 3.4 months (102 days) a year. The report says, “Based on the available data on losses and damage from different climate-induced disastrous events between 1971 and 2019, about 647 people on average die from climate-induced disasters in Nepal each year.”

A report prepared by Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), a UN body in 2021, projected extreme precipitation to increase in major mountainous regions, with potential cascading consequences of floods, landslides, and lake outbursts.

Still another report ‘Climate Change Scenarios in Nepal’ prepared by the Nepal government, says annual precipitation is likely to increase in both the medium- and long-term: by 2-6 percent in the medium-term and by 8-12 percent in the long-term.

Similarly, the average annual mean temperature is likely to rise: it could increase by 0.9-1.1degrees Celsius in the medium term and 1.3-1.8 C in the long term. The temperature rise would directly affect the Himalayan region.

A 2020 joint study of the International Center for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) and the United National Development Programme (UNDP) identified 47 potentially dangerous glacial lakes (PDGLs) within the Koshi, Gandaki, and Karnali river basins of Nepal, the Tibet Autonomous Region of China, and India. The study found 3,624 glacial lakes in the three basins, of which 2,070 lakes are in Nepal, 1,509 lakes in the TAR, China, and 45 lakes in India.

The June 15 flood that ravaged the Melamchi Bazar, Sindupalchowk / ApEx Archives 

The final report says: “As many as 1,410 lakes are larger than or equal to 0.02 km, which are considered large enough to cause a glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF). Lakes associated with a large, retreating glacier and steeply sloping landforms in their surroundings are susceptible to a GLOF.”

Effects of climate change are also proving economically costly. Nepal’s gross domestic product (GDP) is highly dependent on climate-sensitive sectors such as agriculture, water, and tourism. With accelerating climate change, GDP is likely to take a hit, says the aforementioned report of the Ministry of Forest and Environment.

The report projects huge societal impacts like extreme climatic events are water scarcity-driven migration, loss of employment opportunities, and decline in production.

Further, it leads to an increase in the workload of women (who have to travel longer distances to fetch water), school dropouts, and forced resettlement. The concurrent male migration also increases the number of female-headed households, further burdening women, the report says. It adds that climate change disproportionately impacts women—especially those who are pregnant, household heads, illiterate, and belong to ethnic and poor communities—as well as the elderly, children, and infants with health issues.

Water sources in hilly areas are fast drying up

Madhukar Upadhyay, Climate and watershed management expert

The debate on climate change in Nepal gathered momentum after 2010 when the government prepared the National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) to address the immediate threats of climate change.

The key change is on rainfall patterns. We are also gradually experiencing the impacts of climate change in various sectors.

One adverse impact is on water-sources. In the past, mainly in hilly districts, small sources of water used to spring up in June-July, providing water to households. These sources are also used to provide water in winter. However, such water sources have dried up over the past few decades. This means villages are facing many problems. The total volume of rainfall remains the same but the window period is shortening.

As the temperature increases, serious effects can be seen on humans and plants. There are changes in the characters of plants and their diseases. There are reports that in the Koshi basin black stains are being seen on oranges and apples, and paddy crops in Jumla are also getting affected by warmer climates. In Syangja district, the pests are increasing in size.

There are some changes in the Himalayan region as well. The high-altitude areas of our Himalayas are becoming dry, which calls for our close attention.

We experienced the kind of extreme events we hadn’t seen in the past 40-50 years

Anil Pokhrel, Chief Executive, National Disaster Risk Reduction & Management Authority

There are mainly two types of climate-induced disasters. The first ones are water-related hazards such as floods and landslides, and the second ones are climatological hazards such as droughts, lightning, and gale-force winds. Climate change itself does not create new disasters, rather it amplifies them to extreme levels. Climate change increases the volume, impact, and effects of disasters.

Take what happened in Melamchi this June, even before the monsoon’s onset. Not only Melamchi, we also see such disasters in Manang.

We were told by concerned agencies that this year’s monsoon would be above average. But the monsoon became active on the first day of its onset.

We experienced extreme events of a kind we hadn’t experienced in the past 40-50 years. There has been high rainfall in places where there used to be average or below-average rainfall in the past 100 years. Such rainfall triggers extreme events. Similarly, we are witnessing unprecedented droughts in parts of the country, and the pattern of wildfires is also fast-changing.

Such disasters badly affect our agriculture, infrastructure and hit our livelihood, as well as destroying our water system, eventually hitting the production of food grains. It may also trigger climate migration and lead us into a conflict. 

On our part, we are doing our best to adapt to climate change. Once a disaster occurs, we rush to provide relief to the victims. Reconstruction of damaged houses and resettlement of human habitats is next on our priority. 

In the past one year alone, close to 5,000 houses were damaged due to floods and landslides. We are thus expanding early-warning systems for both.

In his first term as CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli had unprecedented powers both as party chief and prime minister. For one, no leader in the country’s democratic history, except Nepali Congress leader BP Koirala following 1959 elections, had gotten to lead a powerful government with a two-thirds parliamentary majority.  

There is already much speculation over his second term, which started with his reelection as chairman at the 10th UML General Convention that ended on November 30. The convention concluded with the UML vowing to return to the government as the single-largest party.  

Says Lokraj Baral, a political analyst, Oli failed to capitalize on his immense power and opportunity in his first term. Oli’s undemocratic character and his intention of capturing all powers were the main reasons for this failure, says Baral.

In the party’s ninth General Convention in 2014, there had been a tight competition between Oli and Madhav Kumar Nepal for party chair. Oli was elected with 1,002 votes, while his rival Nepal secured 963 votes. The voting pattern of the ninth GC clearly demonstrated that Oli and Nepal had almost equal hold in party structures.

Soon after becoming party chair, Oli’s primary goal was to weaken Nepal’s position in the party and emerge as the indubitable leader. He went to the extent of stripping Nepal of his ‘senior leader’ position.  Due to Oli’s “continuous humiliation and harassment,” Nepal decided to part ways and form a breakaway CPN (Unified Socialist). 

Also read: Editorial: Exclusionary UML 

After the party split, observers say, Oli has lost his charm and strength. Says veteran communist leader Radha Krishna Mainali, Oli may have become strong in terms of amassing resources but his political stature is declining. “The powerful Nepal Communist Party suffered a three-way split and Oli is now leading one faction of the three. His strength has substantially decreased,” he says.  

In 2018, Oli had merged UML with CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal to form a political juggernaut: Nepal Communist Party (NCP). But then he refused to share party and state power with Dahal, his co-chair, and he continued to sideline the Nepal faction, which had secured almost equal votes in the ninth General Convention. To fight Oli’s unilateral ways, the Dahal-Nepal alliance took shape. But with the Supreme Court’s decision to recognize NCP, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center) were revived. Oli then failed to keep CPN-UML intact.

Oli has been reelected UML chair after seven years, with a huge margin of victory over his only rival Bhim Rawal. Party leaders say although the 10th convention has strengthened Oli it has weakened the party, something which was also evident during the convention. Rawal challenged his ambition of being elected unopposed from the convention floor.  “Oli’s intent was to become Nepal’s version of China’s Xi Jinping. His goal was foiled when some rebel leaders decided to stand against him,” says Baral.  

Instead of encouraging aspirants for party posts to contest elections, Oli tried to block their path and handpicked a team that was favorable to him, annoying a large chunk of leaders and cadres. In the past, Oli had been a fierce champion of intra-party democracy.

Party leaders such as Ghanashyam Bhusal, Bhim Rawal, and Bhim Acharya, among others, have been sidelined. Even after the UML split, Oli has shown no sign of mending his ways. Addressing the convention’s concluding ceremony, Oli said that he was against party unification. Instead, efforts would be made to lure cadres from other parties.

Also read: General Conventions: Old parties, old faces 

According to a UML leader who spoke on the condition of anonymity, from this convention Oli wanted to prevent the emergence of any faction to challenge him. “The convention ended up sowing the seeds of intra-party rifts. Many leaders from Oli’s own camp such as Subas Nembang, Bishnu Poudel, and others are unhappy. The intra-party disputes will come to the fore once Oli forms a politburo and a standing committee,” says the leader.

Analysts Baral says Oli’s revival as a powerful leader is unlikely. “Oli’s downward-journey has already begun, and he will have a tough time reviving the party,” he says. 

Leader Mainlai paints a gloomy picture of Oli’s performance during his first tenure as party chairman and he is not very optimistic about the future either. “CPN-UML has been weakened. Oli may also have sufficient financial resources but politically, he has weakened,” says Mainali. “The 10th General Convention should have come up with a new political vision for the party but Oli has failed in that bid.”

The 10th GC of the party concluded on November 30 by electing a 301-member Central Committee and the party formed a 19-member team of office-bearers. UML has become the first major party to hold its convention after the promulgation of new constitution in 2015. Oli will remain at the party’s helm till 2026.   

The United States, over the past couple of years, has stepped up its engagement with South Asian, including in Nepal, promoted by  China’s growing military, economic and political footprints in these countries. Mainly after the promulgation of the new constitution in 2015—a period also marked by growing US-China tensions—Washington has substantially increased its presence in Nepal, say observers.

America was the second country, after the United Kingdom, to establish diplomatic ties with Nepal. Given its strategic location, Nepal has always been on the US radar. For a long time, there was an impression in Kathmandu that Washington sees Nepal through Indian eyes and it lacked an ‘independent Nepal policy.’ Indeed, during the Maoist insurgency and the subsequent signing of the peace deal between the Maoists and the Seven Party alliance, the US closely worked with India on Nepal-related issues.

But over the past few years there have been visible changes in US policy towards South Asia, including Nepal, as US officials seem to increasingly separate India from the rest of South Asia in their policy engagements. A series of high-level visits in the recent past suggest that the US wants deeper engagement with Nepal.   

Kelly Keiderling, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Public Diplomacy who oversees South Asia (except India), minced no words in saying that other South Asian countries get overshadowed as America’s political leadership naturally gives more attention to India.

Keiderling, who was in Nepal last week, said: “… We divided India from Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, and other South Asian countries because India naturally gets too much attention from our political leadership. We want to boost our relation with India but if we keep India with other countries including Nepal, they are going to be lost bureaucratically.”

She said that the US wants closer engagement on several issues. “There is much potential in a country like Nepal, and we want to be a part of that potential. We pay close attention to that potential,” she said. 

What then are the key American strategic interests in Nepal?

Also read: The many Indias in Nepal 

Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs, Donald Lu, who visited Nepal last week, broadly highlighted three key interests. The biggest interest is collaborating with Nepal on its economic development to eradicate poverty. Second, he said, America would like to increase trade and investment. He then said America would also like to see Nepal as an independent and sovereign country.

“Nepal is a big country but you are between two bigger countries [India and China]. It is really important for the US that Nepal remains an independent and sovereign country,” he added.

A series of recent unprecedented visits also demonstrate the US’s growing interest in Nepal. Suresh Chalise, former Nepali Ambassador to Washington, says the US has increased its engagements not only in Nepal but in the entire region.

“There are several issues between the two countries,” says Chalise. “The US is supporting Nepal’s social and economic development. The MCC remains unsettled and there are engagements relating to the environment, mountains, among others.”

In the past couple of years, a $500 million grant under Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), has become a contentious issue in bilateral relations, overshadowing others.  

In 2017, the two countries signed the compact to spur economic growth and reduce poverty in Nepal. The MCC Nepal compact, the first in South Asia, purportedly aims to strengthen Nepal’s energy sector, improve regional energy connectivity, and control transport costs to encourage growth and the private sector.

As per the agreement, the compact should have come into effect in 2019—yet it remains to be endorsed by the Nepali parliament.

America is pressing Nepali political parties for its early parliamentary ratification, without which implementation can’t move ahead. Over the past few weeks, a series of meetings between Nepal and American officials have focused on the MCC compact, with Nepali leaders assuring that the compact would be ratified by political consensus.

In the second week of September, Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Vice President of Compact Operations Fatema Z Sumar visited Nepal, again to press Nepal’s parties on early ratification.

Sumar and Jonathan Brooks, MCC’s Deputy Vice President for Europe, Asia, the Pacific, and Latin America, met community, business, and political leaders to discuss the economic opportunities provided by the compact and to offer any needed clarifications.

But whether or not the MCC compact is endorsed, say US officials, bilateral ties will continue to be on sound footing. Stating that it is up to Nepal political parties and parliament to settle the MCC, America wants the MCC debate done and dusted with soon. Though there are no specific deadlines, the MCC board convenes on February 14, and it is likely to take a final call on the compact. 

Amid growing Chinese influence, the US also wants to work closely with Nepal on democracy-promotion. America has invited Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to the ‘Summit of Democracy’ which President Joe Biden is organizing in December.

Climate change is another area where the US plans to work closely with Nepal. Former foreign minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali says Nepal can benefit from the US leadership on climate change. The US Embassy in Kathmandu consistently says that the US wants to work closely with Nepal on climate change.

Over the past seven decades, Nepal has been blipping more and more on the US radar. In 1950, the principal aim of US policy was to minimize the influences of communist China and other powers. The year 1960 thus saw a huge surge in American aid.

In the 1970s, America’s aid decreased slightly; in the 1980s, America focused on human rights and in the 1990s, its priority was democratic governance and free markets.  

After 9\11, America’s interest and engagement with Nepal increased substantially. After 2015, Washington has set new priorities and it now seems more and more concerned over growing Chinese economic and military influences in Nepal.

US interests in Nepal have increased

Pradeep Gyawali, Former Foreign Minister

Nepal-US relations are over seven decades old and the ties are going from strength to strength due to our special geopolitical location in South Asia.

After 9/11, America’s interest in Nepal increased substantially—as suggested by the visit of then-Secretary of State Colin Powell. At that time, America wanted to collaborate with Nepal in its global war against terrorism. This was a new issue in our bilateral ties.

America has always given high priority to Nepal. Most recently, during the Nepal visit of its officials, it has been trying to cover two bases: development projects such as the MCC and Nepal’s involvement in key events such as the Summit of Democracy.

Another of America’s concerns, from which we can benefit, is climate change. The US is trying to lead the fight against climate change. We should utilize such an interest, keeping our national interest at the center and without compromising on our foreign policy basics.

Not only America, the whole world’s concerns and interest has grown in Nepal after we promulgated the new constitution. Before that, Nepal was not much of a priority for global powers. But with the new constitution, we changed our whole identity on the global stage.

Nepal is headed towards political stability and it has finally become a safe place for investment. In the past three years, there have been substantial changes in Nepal’s identity before the world.

Recent high-level US visits to Nepal 

17 November 2021: Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs, Donald Lu, along with Deputy Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs Kelly Keiderling

9 September 2021: Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Vice President of Compact Operations, Fatema Z. Sumar

20 February 2020: Chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee’s (HFAC) Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, and Nonproliferation, Representative Ami Bera  

7 February 2020: Millennium Challenge Corporation’s Deputy Vice President for Europe, Asia, Pacific, and Latin America Jonathan Brooks

1 November 2019: Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom Sam Brownback

24 Feb 2019: Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for South and Southeast Asia Dr Joe Felter

11 January 2019: Commander of the US Indo-Pacific Command Admiral Phil Davidson

25 May 2018: A delegation from the US Government’s Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) led by Jonathan Brooks, Deputy Vice President for Europe, Asia, the Pacific, and Latin America

3 March 2017: The US Pacific Commander Admiral Harry B Harris Jr

Recent high-level Nepal visits to US

18 December 2018: Minister for Foreign Affairs Pradeep Kumar Gyawali on 18-20 December 2018 for delegation-level talks with Secretary of State Michael Pompeo.

14 February 2017: Finance Minister Gyanendra Bahadur Karki

2017: Chief of the Army Staff General Rajendra Chhetri to take part in Global Chiefs of Defense Conference on Countering-Violent Extremist Organization.

The main opposition CPN-UML is holding its 10th General Convention (GC) in Chitwan from November 26-28 to elect a new set of leaders.

Having concluded its Statute Convention in the first week of October, the sole purpose of this convention is to come up with a new set of party leaders for the next five years. Incumbent Chairman KP Sharma Oli is sure to be chosen party chair for another term but he is unlikely to be elected unopposed as leader Bhim Rawal has also announced his candidacy for the same post.

Via this conference, Oli intends to give a message of strength following the UML’s vertical split, with senior leader Madhav Kumar Nepal forming a breakaway party. Oli wants to give a psychological message that the Nepal-led faction’s exit has not damaged the party much. That is why PM Oli did not invite anyone from Nepal’s CPN (Unified Socialist) at the GC’s inaugural session even as leaders of other parties were invited.

Addressing a press conference in Kathmandu on November 23 that was organized to inform about the GC, Oli said that as Nepal had been expelled from the party a few months ago, there was no question of extending an invite. By not extending an invitation, the party is symbolically denying the existence of Nepal’s new outfit. Says a leader, if Nepal is invited to the inaugural session, it will cement the message of party-split among the rank and file as he would be addressing in the capacity of the head of a separate party.

For the same purpose, the party is desperate to bring a large number of cadres to Chitwan from across the country in order to show its strength. “We aim to gather at least half a million cadres in the inaugural session. Some party leaders and cadres have left but thousands of other cadres are joining,” said Oli, highlighting the mother party’s continued strength.

Also read: General Conventions: Old parties, old faces 

According to party leaders, attempts are being made to gather more cadres than in the previous general convention. There is no good data on how much damage CPN-UML suffered from the split. The only clear indicator is that about 10 percent of local representatives from CPN-UML have deserted to Nepal’s party.

Political analysts say though PM Oli is trying to downplay the effects of the party split considering the impending three-tier elections, the reality is different. Says political analyst Vijaya Kant Karna, it is the tendency of left leaders not to accept the existence of a breakaway party. “Though PM Oli is trying to give an impression that the party has not suffered, effects of the split are already visible. UML leaders are saying that around 30 percent of cadres have switched to the Nepal faction, which is going to hit the party hard in the upcoming elections,” he says. After the party split, UML lost its share in all six provincial governments.

Oli is all set to become chairman either unopposed or after an election. Leaders close to Oli have already started consultations with Rawal, asking him to withdraw his candidacy to elect Oli unopposed. Speaking to media persons, Oli, however, said that he welcomes the democratic process and would not object if any leader chose to contest him.

Then there is the question of the election of second-rung leaders. For instance the race for party vice-chair is heating up between Subash Nembang, Ishwar Pokhrel, Shanker Pokhrel, Bishnu Poudel, and Ram Bahadur Thapa. They are all seeking Oli’s blessings.

However, Oli made it clear that he would not choose some leaders over others. His message was clear enough: “I would not take the side of any leader. There should either be consensus among the aspirants or you have to contest intra-party elections.” The bottom-line is that Oli wants to go into the three-tier elections with his party intact after the general convention. 

The 26th conference of the parties (COP) to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) opened with the event’s President Alok Sharma putting Nepal on the spotlight.

“On a visit to Jomsom in Nepal, in the Hindu-Kush region, I spoke to communities literally displaced from their homes from a combination of droughts and floods,” he said.

Sharma was in Nepal in February this year to understand the effects of global warming on mountainous communities first-hand. Sharma’s mention of Nepal, according to officials, put the Himalayas at the center of the global climate agenda, and set the tone for the conference to ratchet up ambition to limit global temperature rise.

Negotiators were also made aware of the dire situation of the planet ahead of the global conference in Glasgow by the UN’s environment agency, UNEP. Its annual Emissions Gap Report suggested that the world was on course to a warming of around 2.7 C with potentially highly destructive impacts.

Research has shown that a one-degree rise in average global temperature translates to a much higher increment in temperatures in the mountains, triggering various natural disasters in mountainous countries like Nepal.

Addressing the summit, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba urged world leaders to recognize specific climate vulnerability of the high mountains and prioritize the mountain agenda in all climate-related negotiations. PM Deuba said keeping global temperature rise to below 1.5° Celsius was vital for the mountain people.

Maheshwar Dhakal, fromer UNFCCC focal person for Nepal and head of the climate change division at the Ministry of Forest and Environment, says more effort is needed to highlight the mountain agenda in the international forum. “We have been raising this issue for long but it has never been heeded,” says Dhakal, who is now member-secretary at the President Chure Tarai-Madhes Conservation Fund. In comparison, the likes of Bhutan and Bangladesh have been much more effective in highlighting their plight in international climate forums.  

Though the government is raising the issue of the impact of climate change in the Himalayas, there is a shortfall of research in the area, says former member of the National Planning Commission Krishna Prasad Oli.  “Due to climate change, there is a danger of glacier outbursts and avalanches in the Himalayan region,” he says. “But do we have proper research to back that up to show the international community? No.”

Climate finance was another vital issue raised by Nepal at the summit. PM Deuba said, “We have mechanisms to ensure that international climate finance is channeled to support transformational approaches in implementing adaptation, mitigation, and disaster management actions together.”

In 2009, developed countries had agreed to give $100 billion a year by 2020 to help poorer countries fight climate change. But the developed countries are yet to fulfill their promise. The Glasgow pact now pushes the deadline to 2023.

Loss and damage caused by climate change was another agenda that Nepal, along with other Least Developed Countries, raised. PM Deuba called upon the parties to make loss and damage a stand-alone agenda for negotiations and to support the framework of additional financing for it. Nepal is of the view that there should be adequate support for adaptation in the most vulnerable countries by scaling up financial, technological, and capacity-building resources.

In the meeting of the Least Developing Countries (LDC) held prior to the summit, Sonam Wangdi, chair of the LDC group, said, “Dealing with the loss and damage caused by the climate crisis is a top priority for vulnerable countries. Years of inadequate action on climate change means that it is no longer possible to mitigate or adapt to wholly avoid irrevocable harms, costs, and losses from climate change.”  Wangdi said finance and technical support to address loss and damage are urgently needed.

However, the Glasgow pact makes no mention of funds to deal with the loss and damage due to climate change. Critics say there was not even a promise to set up a financial mechanism to deal with the issue as developed countries feared incalculable fines if the UN accepted financial compensation for historical emissions.

The politics of ‘net-zero’

Ahead of COP26, many countries jumped on the bandwagon to announce dates to achieve ‘net-zero’ (absorb more greenhouse gases from the atmosphere than they emit). While the UK and the US set net zero target for 2050, India set its for 2070. Critics argue that big emitters are just shifting the responsibility of taking urgent action by coming up with net-zero dates. Deadlines of decades don’t make sense when the world is faced with extreme impacts of climate change in the present.

Nepal, meanwhile, committed to net-zero by 2045. Earlier, Nepal had promised the milestone by 2050. A senior government official at the Ministry of Forest and Environment requesting anonymity says the target is not pragmatic. “We are in the process of establishing new industries, urbanization is gaining pace and the number of vehicles is increasing, which means we are going to emit more,” says the official. “We should have set the target of 2050 or 2055 at the earliest.”

Following the summit’s conclusion, even UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres expressed his disappointment. 

He said in a statement, “The approved texts are a compromise. They reflect the interests, the conditions, the contradictions and the state of political will in the world today. They take important steps, but unfortunately the collective political will was not enough to overcome some deep contradictions… Our fragile planet is hanging by a thread. We are still knocking on the door of climate catastrophe.”

He spelled out what should have happened at the summit, “I reaffirm my conviction that we must end fossil fuels subsidies. Phase out coal. Put a price on carbon. Build resilience of vulnerable communities against the here and now impacts of climate change. And make good on the USD 100 billion climate finance commitment to support developing countries…”

When the conference concluded, COP President Sharma described the pact as an “incredibly delicate balance—if any of us tug at that, it will unravel all too easily”.

The people of Jomsom, if they could understand what this means for them, would be disappointed.

Ringside view from COP 26

Dr. Radha Wagle, Joint Secretary, Climate Change Management Division, Ministry of Forest and Environment

This time we had made comprehensive preparations by working on various thematic areas. There was sufficient time to prepare as there was no COP summit last year due to Covid-19. We had worked on 10 thematic areas.

We raised our climate change agenda through the Least Developed Countries (LDC) group, G-77, and other multilateral and bilateral platforms. Just before COP26, Nepal witnessed two extreme events—flooding in Melamchi and extreme rainfall in October—causing immense damage to lives and livelihoods. So we presented these examples of how climate change is affecting us. We took a firm stand that global temperature rise should be kept under 1.5 C, as targeted by the Paris Climate Agreement 2015.

Another major agenda that Nepal and other LDC countries raised is that of climate finance. Let us say a foundation has been laid on this. Without enough funds, we cannot implement the programs that we have chosen for adaptation and mitigation. In the coming years, we expect developed countries to meet their monetary commitments to poor countries.

Loss and damage were other issues we flagged at the UN Summit. Some progress has been made in this issue but a lot still needs to be done. Similarly, we have said that there should be a clear demarcation between regular aid and climate finance that countries provide us. Mountains are obviously another prominent issue that we raised.

In a nutshell, from our perspective, COP26 has been very successful. As there was participation from the prime minister’s level, a lot of bilateral meetings were also held. We also signed some climate change-related agreements.