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“I am in frequent talks with Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. He is fully committed to keeping the current coalition intact. He has assured me that the coalition will stay alive till elections,” divulged CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal at a public function on Dec 20. Although Dahal seems upbeat about the continuation of the five-party ruling coalition, challenges galore, say party leaders and observers.

Dahal’s statement itself indicates all is not well. The present government was not formed after an agreement on the Common Minimum Program (CMP) among its members. Instead, it was assembled as a political instrument to fight Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, and so there are divergent views. When the CMP was finalized on August 8, a month after government formation, contentious issues such as the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact were skipped.    

Baburam Bhattarai, former prime minister and leader of Janata Samajbadi Party, a coalition partner, speaking on Dec 20, minced no words in revealing that attempts are being made to undo the alliance. He pointedly said that if coalition partners fail to forge a common position on the compact, the current coalition could run into trouble.

In the coalition are Nepali Congress, CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Janata Samajbadi Party, and Rastriya Jana Morcha. Among the five, there are no disputes over the compact inside the NC; the Maoists and CPN (Unified Socialist) want some amendments before endorsement; Janata Samajbadi’s federal council chair Bhattarai is in favor of endorsing it, while its chairman Upendra Yadav has some reservations. Meanwhile, the Jana Morcha is vehemently against the compact, but with a single seat in parliament, its position is largely irrelevant.

The coalition’s future largely depends on PM Deuba. Is he committed to keeping it intact? The PM does not give a straightforward answer to this, says a senior NC leader close to Deuba requesting anonymity. “PM Deuba is in favor of continuation of this coalition. But what happens if key national agendas such as the MCC compact do not move ahead and the government is embroiled in indecision and inaction?”

Also read: Does Deuba’s victory mean early elections? 

To save the coalition, says the leader, Deuba has not pressed coalition partners to vote in favor of the compact, he just wants it tabled in parliament. NC senior leader Gopal Man Shrestha, who is also close to Deuba, says despite differences the coalition will remain intact “till the elections and differences over MCC will soon be sorted out.”

Coalition partners, however, fear that two issues—MCC and early elections—may bring Deuba and KP Sharma Oli closer, which obviously means the ruling coalition’s breakdown. Oli has hinted of his readiness of supporting the compact if coalition partners do not.

Says analyst Geja Sharma Wagle, PM Deuba is determined to get the compact endorsed by the parliament at any cost. PM Deuba’s first priority is consensus within the coalition, says Wagle. If that does not materialize, he might seek the opposition’s support.

Giving utmost priority to the coalition, PM Deuba has not directly reached out to Oli on the MCC or on parliament disruption. In fact, since the formation of his government, Deuba has not held a single one-on-one with Oli on national issues.

Many in NC believe the coalition must be kept intact in light of upcoming elections. If it fragments, leaders say, there are chances of communist parties coming together to defeat NC, as they did in 2017.

Due to the impending Nepali Congress General Convention, Deuba had been vacillating on vital decisions, including the MCC compact.  

Now that he has secured party presidency for the next five years, coalition partners CPN (Maoist Center) and CPN (Unified Socialist) want an electoral alliance with the NC.

Ruling out cracks in the coalition, newly elected NC joint general secretary Jiwan Pariyar says the party will discuss all issues once the Central Working Committee gets a full shape.

Also read: Tracing the sources of Sher Bahadur Deuba’s power 

Meanwhile, Dahal is buying time. On his proposal, a committee of Narayan Kaji Shrestha, Jalanath Khanal, and Minister for Communication and Technology Gyanendra Bahadur Karki has been formed to give advice on the compact.

A senior leader close to Deuba says, “Shrestha and Khanal have a distinctly anti-MCC position, so the committee’s formation is just a delaying tactic.”  Similarly, Dahal has told Deuba not to push the MCC till the party’s national convention next week. However, there are strong voices inside the Maoist party that the MCC should not be endorsed, now or at any time in the future. Considering the Maoist party’s jamboree next week, the parliament has also been adjourned till January 2.

Some coalition leaders say that MCC should be touched only after national elections. However, the Americans have time and again conveyed that they will not wait so long. The board meeting of MCC on December 14 decided to wait for the time being as the Nepal government has committed to soon endorse it. In the first week of November, Deuba revealed that he and Dahal had written to the MCC, committing to early endorsement.

A later press statement from the MCC said, “MCC’s Board of Directors received an update and discussed the progress to date of the $500 million MCC-Nepal Compact”. The board made note of the commitment by the Government of Nepal. For a long time, parties have been discussing a resolution motion certifying that the MCC is not a part of the Indo-Pacific Strategy, to be tabled alongside the compact.

Speaker Agni Sapkota’s position on the compact is also creating distance between Congress and the Maoist party. According to sources close to him, the speaker has conveyed a message to Law Minister Dilendra Badu that he would not table the compact without an all-party consensus. On Dec 20, Badu met Sapkota to ask him to table the MCC bill in parliament. But there could be no agreement. 

As we reported two weeks ago, the effects of climate change are real and already visible in various sectors. Some mitigation and adaptation programs have been initiated but there is an urgent need to ramp them up. 

As Nepal alone can’t fight the effects of climate change with its limited resources and knowledge, it needs to secure international support and cooperation. There is a need to build a wide international network through robust diplomacy, which in turn must focus on securing resources to gain access to the latest available technology, all in order to deal with climate-induced disasters.  

So, the issue of climate change should be an integral part of the country’s engagement at bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels. However, except for participating in international platforms, Nepali diplomats don’t prominently raise the issue—the Ministry of Foreign Affairs doesn’t even have a mechanism dedicated to climate diplomacy.

In addition, seldom do the Ministry of Forest and Environment, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Finance cooperate on climate change issues.

But politicians and bureaucrats are gradually starting to realize that climate should be a focal component of foreign policy.

Prabhu Budathoki, former member of the National Planning Commission (NPC) and a student of climate change, says there is a need for a nodal agency to deal with climate-related issues, both in and outside the country. “When I was an NPC member in 2017, I had lobbied for the creation of such an entity within the NPC to coordinate with all government agencies,” says Budhathoki. “Given the urgency of the matter, big countries have already started to appoint climate envoys, but we don’t even have a focal agency.”

Also read: ‘ApEx for climate’ Series | Nepal makes its case. But to what effect? 

For the first time, Nepal’s foreign policy unveiled in 2020 incorporated a separate section on climate diplomacy. The policy envisioned Nepal’s proactive role in the policy formulation process of the United Nations and other international platforms for the acquisition of resources and technology for mitigation and adaptation plans. It also says Nepal shall lead mountainous countries to implement the principle of ‘polluters-pay’.

But, a key challenge, like always, is implementation. First, the Deuba government has not owned the policy introduced by the erstwhile KP Sharma Oli administration. New Foreign Minister Narayan Khadka publicly says he has initiated consultations to draft a new foreign policy.

To highlight Nepal’s issues and build an international network, the erstwhile government had initiated the Sagarmatha Sambad, a flagship annual international program to highlight Nepal’s agenda, including climate change. The event was planned for 2020 and a separate mechanism was set up for the same purpose—before it was postponed due to the Covid-19 pandemic.

After the easing of international travel, the Oli-led government had organized a conference just before the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change COP-26 to highlight Nepal’s agenda. But then the government changed.

Bimala Rai Paudyal, member of the National Assembly, who closely worked in the preparations of Sagarmatha Sambaad, says the current government has not owned up the initiatives of the previous government. Paudyal says the key purpose of such a dialogue was to invite world leaders to discuss pressing global issues and identity Nepal’s stand. “We had planned to hold the first dialogue on climate change to highlight the global climate issues as well as their effects on Nepal,” she says. The Nepal government had already invested millions in preparations and some invitations were also sent.

At COP-26, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba committed to holding the summit, too, but to no avail.

Also read: ‘ApEx for climate’ Series | Nepal in the middle of a climate crisis 

But Nepal should step up its diplomatic efforts, most vitally in carbon trade. Nepal’s forests store over 500 million tonnes of carbon and it is eligible to sell carbon credits to developed countries that want to offset their emissions.

The ‘mountain agenda’ is also not getting due attention in climate-related international negotiations. Though Nepal repeatedly urges the world to recognize specific climate vulnerabilities of high mountains, it has not been given priority in international policy frameworks.

Nepal has committed to achieving net-zero emission by 2045—a move estimated to cost $25 billion. Most targets set by Nepal are conditional: it can achieve them only with international support. But as Nepal graduates from the list of Least Developed Countries bloc, it will face additional hurdles in getting international support for its mitigation programs.

It is not only about finance. Nepal also needs to secure technological means and knowledge on capacity-building. The Green Climate Fund, Global Environment Facility, and Adaptation Fund are the potential fund sources . Similarly, there are bilateral/multilateral agencies and development partners before whom Nepal will have to display its capability to secure funds.

Issues related to loss and damage remain a key concern for Nepal. Addressing the COP26 Summit, Prime Minister Deuba said, “Loss and damage have become a key concern due to increased phenomena of climate-induced disasters. This subject must find a place under article 4.8 of the Convention. We call upon the Parties to agree on making Loss and Damage a stand-alone agenda for negotiations and support the framework of additional financing for it.”  

Also read: Nepal’s COP26 commitments 

Now, Nepal is raising this issue through the Least Developed Countries (LDC) group on climate change. The Least Developed Countries are 46 nations that are especially vulnerable to climate change but have contributed the least to the phenomena.

Similarly, Nepal is a member of the G-77 group on climate change issues. Activist Arjun Dhakal says Nepal’s climate diplomacy through the LDC group and G-77 is not yielding results. Instead of only relying on these platforms, says Dhakal, Nepal should start leading the climate change dialogue.

“For instance, we can lead the mountain agenda by bringing all mountainous countries, including India and China, on board,” says Dhakal. Dhakal also advocates for the formation of a separate entity to deal with climate diplomacy.

“We can create a separate mechanism under the Prime Minister’s Office by incorporating climate change experts and other technical manpower,” he says. Nepal needs to deal with major powers like the United States, United Kingdom, China, and other countries to secure their support. 

Regional organizations such as SAARC and BIMSTEC could also play an instrumental role in highlighting Nepal’s agenda both regionally and globally. The problem is that the two organizations are now largely dysfunctional.

During the 18th SAARC summit in Kathmandu in 2014, member countries had discussed climate change. The declaration document says, “They [top executives of member countries] directed the relevant bodies/mechanisms for effective implementation of SAARC Agreement on Rapid Response to Natural Disasters, SAARC Convention on Cooperation on Environment and Thimphu Statement on Climate Change, including taking into account the existential threats posed by climate change to some SAARC member states.” 

Yet again, the problem was in the implementation of the agreed goals.

Sagarmatha Sambaad: What and when?

The then foreign minister Pradip Gyawali inaugurating the office of Sagarmatha Sambaad on 22 November 2019 | Photo: Sagarmathasambaad.org 

Sagarmatha Sambaad is a multi-stakeholder dialogue forum envisioned by the erstwhile KP Oli government to discuss issues of global, regional, and national significance. As a platform, it aims to bring together people from across the globe to shave and drive the discourses for positive change.

The Oli government had planned to organize this flagship program every two years by inviting heads of state/government, parliamentarians, policymakers, and local government representatives, as well as leaders from intergovernmental organizations, private sector, civil society, think tanks, academia, women, youths, and media to discuss ways of cooperation, exchange of ideas and sharing of experiences on prominent global issues.

The first edition of the program, scheduled for 2-4 April 2020 on the theme of ‘Climate Change, Mountains and the Future of Humanity’, was indefinitely postponed due to the Covid-19 pandemic. After the easing of Covid-19 restrictions, the erstwhile Oli government had made preparations to organize a ‘hybrid program’ (part-online, part-live). But the government fell and the dialogue was not a priority of the new Deuba government. According to sources at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, new Foreign Minister Narayan Khadka has been mum on the event.

Says Bimala Rai Paudyal, a member of the federal upper house who had worked in the preparations of the Sambaad, invitations were sent to dozens of heads of government and leaders. “As the new government did not follow through on our initiative, our resources have gone to waste and our international standing has been compromised,” she says.

“If I lose party presidency, attempts will be made to remove me from the prime minister’s post.”  So said Sher Bahadur Deuba ahead of the party’s election to elect its new leader. Prime Minister Deuba has been re-elected as Congress president, potentially helping him remain in power till the next elections. But what does Deuba’s victory mean for national politics? 

According to Keshav Dahal, a political analyst who is also a leader of the Janata Samajbadi Party, the implications should be evaluated from two broad perspectives. First, is Nepali politics getting something new and transformative from Deuba’s election: creating new dimensions, charting a new political culture and agenda? “Surely not,” says Dahal.

Deuba’s re-election as party president clearly indicates a continuation of the status quo, says Dahal. “The same-old faces have been elected at the helm of major parties. So, the agenda of change and transformation has been sidelined.”  KP Oli has been elected head of CPN-UML, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ is almost guaranteed to emerge as the undisputed leader of CPN (Maoist Center) again.

In the second perspective, we should evaluate the impact of Deuba’s reelection on current power politics, adds Dahal. Though things won’t drastically change on this front as well, say observers, Deuba’s handling of some key national issues could reshape power politics.

Inside the party, Deuba has emerged as a more powerful leader than before, which makes it easier for him to decide on key national issues at the party’s Central Working Committee. His traditional faction remains intact and now the party’s senior leaders Prakash Man Singh, Bimalendra Nidhi, and Krishna Prasad Sitaula are with Deuba as well. Long-time rival Ram Chandra Poudel, who did not fight for party presidency, is also likely to go soft on Deuba.  

Also read: Tracing the sources of Sher Bahadur Deuba’s power 

Deuba will have to deal with some national issues as party president and prime minister in the near future. America’s $ 500 million grant under Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) awaits parliamentary ratification. Deuba had long wanted to push this forward but waited till the party’s convention, as being pro-MCC could have affected his electoral prospects.  

Deuba believes the parliament should be allowed to settle the MCC compact. Deuba may not face any opposition within the party to push the compact but it is not an easy task for him as prime minister. Two ruling coalition partners—CPN-UML and CPN (Unified Socialist)—are not in favor of endorsing the compact without amendment. A mishandling of the issue could well lead to a split in the coalition. However, Deuba has a history of taking bold and unpleasant decisions. If there is no consensus within the coalition, Deuba and the main opposition CPN-UML may come together to pass the compact.

“As the MCC compact is a major bone of contention among coalition partners,” says political analyst Puranjan Acharya, “it is going to become a defining challenge for Deuba”.  

Deuba is believed to have won the party election after striking secret power-sharing deals with senior leaders like Krishna Prasad Sitaula, Prakash Man Singh, and Bimalendra Nidhi. Says political analyst Bishnu Dahal, as Deuba cannot accommodate all those leaders in power-sharing so he may opt for early parliamentary elections. But then his coalition partners are not in the favor of early elections.

Also read: General Conventions: Old parties, old faces 

However, Deuba may also announce elections by dissolving the parliament if the main opposition CPN-UML continues to obstruct the parliament. UML has been obstructing the House, alleging the government and the parliament of illegally validating the earlier UML split.

Analyst Bishnu Dahal predicts a dissolution of parliament and announcement of new elections if the obstruction continues. Main opposition leader KP Sharma Oli has also been batting for early polls to justify his parliament dissolution.

Political Analyst Keshav Dahal agrees with Bishnu Dahal. “After being re-elected party chair, Deuba may also come to believe that instead of managing the complex coalition, early elections would be a more comfortable option,” he says. If Deuba dissolves parliament, UML is likely to support him.

Coalition partners CPN (Maoist Center) and CPN (Unified Socialist) are seeking an electoral alliance with Nepali Congress for parliamentary elections. However, big segments in the NC are against it, including such heavyweights as Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa. However, the Maoist Center still wants to ensure an electoral alliance with Deuba, something Pushpa Kamal Dahal hinted at while addressing the inaugural session of NC’s 14th General Convention, saying that parties in coalition should stand together.  

Deuba is in favor of an alliance with coalition partners, at least in some electoral constituencies. A senior leader close to Deuba also says that the party should be ready for some sort of electoral alliance with the Dahal- and Nepal-led parties to forestall the kind of broad leftist alliance last seen in 2017.

“As our politics is devoid of norms and values, it is hard to predict the kind of coalitions and alliances that could yet be formed,” says analyst Keshav Dahal. 

During the constitution drafting process, all major parties had agreed to adopt secularism, and mentioned the same in the first draft of the constitution taken to the public to solicit their views.

As the Constituent Assembly (CA) initiated voting on every article of the draft constitution, the pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) led by Kamal Thapa registered an amendment proposal, urging the House to vote in favor of Hindu state.

But the CA overwhelmingly voted down the proposal and reaffirmed Nepal’s secular status. Of the 601 CA members, only 21 voted in the proposal’s favor. This was a rare occasion when a Nepali parliament had voted on a religious issue.

At that time, RPP was the only political force that was vocally opposed to secularism. But almost seven years on, Thapa and his party are not alone in their bid to restore Nepal’s Hindu state. Some new political forces and sections of major parties are also doing so.

What if this issue is put to a vote? Though unlikely, the call for the restoration of the Hindu state seems to have gained momentum over the past few years. Although the constitution allows a referendum on a matter of national importance, the road to one is not easy; two-thirds of members of Parliament need to back the proposal.

Article 275, which envisages referendums, says, “If a decision is made by a two-thirds majority of the total number of the members of the federal Parliament that it is necessary to hold a referendum concerning any matter of national importance, the decision on that matter may be taken by way of referendum. Matters relating to the referendum and other relevant matters shall be as provided for in the federal law.”

If the Parliament decides to conduct a referendum, the Election Commission shall organize one, according to this constitution and the prevailing federal laws.

Former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli performs a special puja at Pashupatinath Temple on 25 January 2021 | RSS

Hindu sentiments are prevalent in major political parties as well. The Nepali Congress as a party remains committed to secularism but there are demands within it for the restoration of the Hindu state. During the 2018 meeting of the Mahasamiti, the party’s second-most powerful decision-making body, over 40 percent of the delegates petitioned party leadership to amend Congress charter to address the issue.

Advocates of the cause within the party argue that people were not consulted on religion during the writing of the constitution. However, that issue never faded. Of the 1,600 party delegates assembled in Kathmandu for the meet, around 700 (over 43 percent) supported a signature campaign to press party leadership to re-establish Hindu state.

Shankar Bhandari, a central working committee member of the party who is leading its Hindu state campaign, says this agenda would be raised prominently during the close-door session of the party’s general convention set to start this week.

Bhandari says almost half of the representatives at the party’s Mahasamiti meeting in 2018 had backed a petition asking the leadership to make restoration of Hindu state an official party position. “We are fully convinced that the party will stand in favor of this proposal during the convention,” says Bhandari. 

He says there’s no need to conduct a referendum, but even if one were to be held, people would overwhelmingly vote for a Hindu state.

Also read: What if… the domestic help industry were regulated? 

Strong Hindu sentiments have also been observed inside the main opposition CPN-UML. As prime minister, from 2018 to 2021, UML chair KP Sharma Oli took a series of measures to placate Hindu sentiments, including installing a golden ‘jalhari’ at Pashupatinath temple. However, UML leaders and cadres are mostly mum on the matter. The political document endorsed by the party’s Statute Convention held in October fully backs secularism.

Says UML Chief Whip Bishal Bhattarai, even though some party leaders may raise the issue of Hindu state to seek votes, that is a non-starter. “If a referendum is held, the proposal for Hindu state will be easily shot down. Who will vote in its favor? As all parties seem committed to secularism, no amount of force can overturn this,” he says.

Inside the CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal such voices are rarer still. There is limited discussion on the issue. Says former Constituent Assembly member and Maoist leader Lucky Sherpa, “some political parties are trying to use religion as a political tool. Yet they are mistaken if they think they can get votes with this agenda.”

The Maoist leader from a marginalized community says that there is no need for a referendum as the constitution has already cemented secularism and religious harmony. “Why should we hold a referendum on an issue that’s already done and dusted with?” she pointedly asks.

On July 26, Rabindra Mishra, a veteran journalist who now leads the Bibeksheel Sajha Party, had proposed dismantling Nepal’s federal structure and holding a referendum on secularism. His proposal attracted fierce criticism from advocates of secularism, both in and outside the party.

The then Sajha Party had, through its national convention held in Lumbini in 2020, unanimously passed a resolution demanding a referendum to decide the fate of secularism. In his political document titled ‘Changing Course: Nation above Notion’ Mishra had argued that in a country with 80 percent Hindus, the result of a referendum is a foregone conclusion in favor of the Hindu state.

“Many surveys have confirmed this. Secondly, if public opinion is not honored in matters like these, there will be a silent fire of dissension ever-present in the minds of the overwhelming majority, which can explode at some point in the form of extremism or ultra-nationalism,” he says.

The RPP, which concluded its general convention recently, has been raising the issue of the Hindu state for over a decade, if without enough public support.

Now that Rajendra Lingden has been elected RPP chair, there are reports that he has strong backing of King Gyanendra. Under Lingden’s leadership, according to party leaders, the Hindu state revival campaign will gain momentum.

Kamal Thapa, who was defeated by Lingden, has publicly accused Nirmal Niwas (King Gyanendra) of orchestrating his defeat. 

Speaking after his victory, Lingden said: “There is a huge Nepali mass that wants to revive Hindu state and monarchy. I will connect them to my party. The revival of the monarchy and the Hindu state is my key priority.” There is widespread speculation that Gyanendra wants to revive the RPP to launch the Hindu state campaign.

Also read: Referendum on secularism? 10 public intellectuals weigh in 

Then there is the external factor pushing for the revival of the Hindu state in Nepal. Over the past few years, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been reportedly suggesting Nepal’s political parties to take measures to protect the Hindu religion. As BJP enhances relations with Nepali parties, the Indian Hindu nationalists have been increasingly critical of Nepal’s loss of its Hindu status.

In a meeting with some NC leaders in the first week of October, Yogi  Adityanath, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, reportedly urged the party to strengthen ‘cultural nationalism’. BJP Spokesperson Vijay Sonkar Shastri, who was in Nepal in November, predicted that Nepal would sooner or later become a Hindu state.

Speaking to media persons in Pokhara, he said Nepal was a Hindu nation and it will remain so. “BJP leaders are cautioning their Nepali counterparts to take measures to curtail religious conversions seen under the new secular dispensation,” an NC leader says on the condition of anonymity.

Various Hindu organizations are also pitching for the Hindu state’s revival. Last year, just before the KP Sharma Oli dissolved the Parliament, a series of protests erupted across the country demanding the revival of the monarchy and Hindu state.

Asmita Bhandari, general secretary at World Hindu Federation, is obviously in favor of the Hindu state. However, she has a different take on the referendum. Says Bhandari, Nepal was converted into a secular state through a political decision, so the same method should be applied to revive the Hindu state.

Also read: What if… the 2015 constitution had been delayed? 

“When the Constituent Assembly endorsed the first draft of the constitution, more than 85 percent people were in favor of a Hindu state. But a report saying so was hidden,” she says.  

Even if a referendum were held, says Bhandari, an overwhelming majority will stand for the Hindu state. “There is no doubt, 80 percent of people are in favor of a Hindu state,” says Bhandari.

In a public opinion poll conducted earlier this year by Sharecast Initiative Nepal, a NGO, 51.7 percent respondents—slightly down from a 15-year average of 60 percent—said Nepal should be declared a Hindu state, 40.3 percent said they are okay with secularism, while 8.1 percent respondents withheld their views. According to the survey, the support for Hindu state, at around 70 percent, is the highest in province no. 2.

As Pitambar Bhandari, Assistant Professor at the Department of Conflict, Peace and Development Studies of Tribhuvan University, sees it, the Hindu sentiment has risen somewhat in the past few years.

According to him, the biggest reason is political parties’ failure to properly manage the political system established by the new constitution.

Additionally, for many people, “advocating for a Hindu state has become a medium of expressing their dissatisfaction, which is precisely why some political leaders want to milk the agenda,” says Bhandari. 

During the constitution drafting process, all major parties had agreed to adopt secularism, and mentioned the same in the first draft of the constitution taken to the public to solicit their views.

As the Constituent Assembly (CA) initiated voting on every article of the draft constitution, the pro-monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) led by Kamal Thapa registered an amendment proposal, urging the House to vote in favor of Hindu state.

But the CA overwhelmingly voted down the proposal and reaffirmed Nepal’s secular status. Of the 601 CA members, only 21 voted in the proposal’s favor. This was a rare occasion when a Nepali parliament had voted on a religious issue.

At that time, RPP was the only political force that was vocally opposed to secularism. But almost seven years on, Thapa and his party are not alone in their bid to restore Nepal’s Hindu state. Some new political forces and sections of major parties are also doing so.

What if this issue is put to a vote? Though unlikely, the call for the restoration of the Hindu state seems to have gained momentum over the past few years. Although the constitution allows a referendum on a matter of national importance, the road to one is not easy; two-thirds of members of Parliament need to back the proposal.

Article 275, which envisages referendums, says, “If a decision is made by a two-thirds majority of the total number of the members of the federal Parliament that it is necessary to hold a referendum concerning any matter of national importance, the decision on that matter may be taken by way of referendum. Matters relating to the referendum and other relevant matters shall be as provided for in the federal law.”

If the Parliament decides to conduct a referendum, the Election Commission shall organize one, according to this constitution and the prevailing federal laws.

Former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli performs a special puja at Pashupatinath Temple on 25 January 2021 | RSS

Hindu sentiments are prevalent in major political parties as well. The Nepali Congress as a party remains committed to secularism but there are demands within it for the restoration of the Hindu state. During the 2018 meeting of the Mahasamiti, the party’s second-most powerful decision-making body, over 40 percent of the delegates petitioned party leadership to amend Congress charter to address the issue.

Advocates of the cause within the party argue that people were not consulted on religion during the writing of the constitution. However, that issue never faded. Of the 1,600 party delegates assembled in Kathmandu for the meet, around 700 (over 43 percent) supported a signature campaign to press party leadership to re-establish Hindu state.

Shankar Bhandari, a central working committee member of the party who is leading its Hindu state campaign, says this agenda would be raised prominently during the close-door session of the party’s general convention set to start this week.

Bhandari says almost half of the representatives at the party’s Mahasamiti meeting in 2018 had backed a petition asking the leadership to make restoration of Hindu state an official party position. “We are fully convinced that the party will stand in favor of this proposal during the convention,” says Bhandari. 

He says there’s no need to conduct a referendum, but even if one were to be held, people would overwhelmingly vote for a Hindu state.

Also read: What if… the domestic help industry were regulated? 

Strong Hindu sentiments have also been observed inside the main opposition CPN-UML. As prime minister, from 2018 to 2021, UML chair KP Sharma Oli took a series of measures to placate Hindu sentiments, including installing a golden ‘jalhari’ at Pashupatinath temple. However, UML leaders and cadres are mostly mum on the matter. The political document endorsed by the party’s Statute Convention held in October fully backs secularism.

Says UML Chief Whip Bishal Bhattarai, even though some party leaders may raise the issue of Hindu state to seek votes, that is a non-starter. “If a referendum is held, the proposal for Hindu state will be easily shot down. Who will vote in its favor? As all parties seem committed to secularism, no amount of force can overturn this,” he says.

Inside the CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal such voices are rarer still. There is limited discussion on the issue. Says former Constituent Assembly member and Maoist leader Lucky Sherpa, “some political parties are trying to use religion as a political tool. Yet they are mistaken if they think they can get votes with this agenda.”

The Maoist leader from a marginalized community says that there is no need for a referendum as the constitution has already cemented secularism and religious harmony. “Why should we hold a referendum on an issue that’s already done and dusted with?” she pointedly asks.

On July 26, Rabindra Mishra, a veteran journalist who now leads the Bibeksheel Sajha Party, had proposed dismantling Nepal’s federal structure and holding a referendum on secularism. His proposal attracted fierce criticism from advocates of secularism, both in and outside the party.

The then Sajha Party had, through its national convention held in Lumbini in 2020, unanimously passed a resolution demanding a referendum to decide the fate of secularism. In his political document titled ‘Changing Course: Nation above Notion’ Mishra had argued that in a country with 80 percent Hindus, the result of a referendum is a foregone conclusion in favor of the Hindu state.

“Many surveys have confirmed this. Secondly, if public opinion is not honored in matters like these, there will be a silent fire of dissension ever-present in the minds of the overwhelming majority, which can explode at some point in the form of extremism or ultra-nationalism,” he says.

The RPP, which concluded its general convention recently, has been raising the issue of the Hindu state for over a decade, if without enough public support.

Now that Rajendra Lingden has been elected RPP chair, there are reports that he has strong backing of King Gyanendra. Under Lingden’s leadership, according to party leaders, the Hindu state revival campaign will gain momentum.

Kamal Thapa, who was defeated by Lingden, has publicly accused Nirmal Niwas (King Gyanendra) of orchestrating his defeat. 

Speaking after his victory, Lingden said: “There is a huge Nepali mass that wants to revive Hindu state and monarchy. I will connect them to my party. The revival of the monarchy and the Hindu state is my key priority.” There is widespread speculation that Gyanendra wants to revive the RPP to launch the Hindu state campaign.

Also read: Referendum on secularism? 10 public intellectuals weigh in 

Then there is the external factor pushing for the revival of the Hindu state in Nepal. Over the past few years, India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has been reportedly suggesting Nepal’s political parties to take measures to protect the Hindu religion. As BJP enhances relations with Nepali parties, the Indian Hindu nationalists have been increasingly critical of Nepal’s loss of its Hindu status.

In a meeting with some NC leaders in the first week of October, Yogi  Adityanath, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, reportedly urged the party to strengthen ‘cultural nationalism’. BJP Spokesperson Vijay Sonkar Shastri, who was in Nepal in November, predicted that Nepal would sooner or later become a Hindu state.

Speaking to media persons in Pokhara, he said Nepal was a Hindu nation and it will remain so. “BJP leaders are cautioning their Nepali counterparts to take measures to curtail religious conversions seen under the new secular dispensation,” an NC leader says on the condition of anonymity.

Various Hindu organizations are also pitching for the Hindu state’s revival. Last year, just before the KP Sharma Oli dissolved the Parliament, a series of protests erupted across the country demanding the revival of the monarchy and Hindu state.

Asmita Bhandari, general secretary at World Hindu Federation, is obviously in favor of the Hindu state. However, she has a different take on the referendum. Says Bhandari, Nepal was converted into a secular state through a political decision, so the same method should be applied to revive the Hindu state.

“When the Constituent Assembly endorsed the first draft of the constitution, more than 85 percent people were in favor of a Hindu state. But a report saying so was hidden,” she says.  

Also read: What if… the 2015 constitution had been delayed? 

Even if a referendum were held, says Bhandari, an overwhelming majority will stand for the Hindu state. “There is no doubt, 80 percent of people are in favor of a Hindu state,” says Bhandari.

In a public opinion poll conducted earlier this year by Sharecast Initiative Nepal, a NGO, 51.7 percent respondents—slightly down from a 15-year average of 60 percent—said Nepal should be declared a Hindu state, 40.3 percent said they are okay with secularism, while 8.1 percent respondents withheld their views. According to the survey, the support for Hindu state, at around 70 percent, is the highest in province no. 2.

As Pitambar Bhandari, Assistant Professor at the Department of Conflict, Peace and Development Studies of Tribhuvan University, sees it, the Hindu sentiment has risen somewhat in the past few years.

According to him, the biggest reason is political parties’ failure to properly manage the political system established by the new constitution.

Additionally, for many people, “advocating for a Hindu state has become a medium of expressing their dissatisfaction, which is precisely why some political leaders want to milk the agenda,” says Bhandari. 

Born in a middle-class family in the Dadeldhura district of the far-western region, Sher Bahadur Deuba is now a five-time prime minister. Deuba, who became party president in 2016, is bent on repeating the feat at the 14th General Convention (GC) that begins on Dec 10.

If the anti-Deuba camp fails to come up with a consensual candidate, Deuba is likely to win the race again, say party leaders. Neither does Deuba come from a political family nor does he have mass appeal. He is not a good orator and has no fixed ideology. Yet he has still been at the forefront of both party and national politics for two and a half decades.

What is the source of Deuba’s power? Many portray him as lucky. Deuba himself reckons that fortune favors him. Three years ago, Deuba publicly cited a fortune-teller as telling him that he would become prime minister seven times. Yes, fortune may have favored him but he also has some distinct merits.

According to political analyst Purushottam Dahal, the credit for Deuba’s emergence as a strong leader goes to late veteran NC leaders Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Ganesh Man Singh. After the revival of democracy in 1990, then NC leader Girija Prasad Koirala had started sidelining Bhattarai and Singh in order to embolden his position in the party.Bhattarai and Singh, according to Dahal, sought a strong leader who could challenge Koirala. They settled on Deuba, who would go on to become Home Minister (1991-1994). The Home Ministry is regarded as a strong platform from where to influence both the party as well as state mechanisms.

In a recent interview with Annapurna Post, current Home Minister Bal Krishna Khand said Deuba is today leading the same party faction that late Krishna Prasad Bhattarai did in early 1990s. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, there had been a bitter rivalry between Bhattarai and Koirala.

Even before that Deuba had demonstrated his organization skills, most notably as the president of the Nepal Student Union, the party’s sister organization, back in the 1970s.

Also read: General Conventions: Old parties, old faces 

Lokendra Bhatta, a seasoned journalist who closely tracks NC politics, says Deuba, unlike other leaders, works in a smart and strategic way and without much fanfare. “On the one hand, he highly impressed NC veterans such as BP Koirala, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Ganesh Man Singh with his organization skills. On the other hand, he also knew how to cultivate loyal cadres.”

Similarly, he emerged as a towering figure in the socially and economically backward far-western region. No leaders there dared to challenge him and so he was able to leverage his position there to his advantage. Since 1990, Deuba has won all parliamentary elections from Dadeldhura district.

He gradually cemented his position in the party and at the party’s 10th General Convention in 2001, Deuba fought for party presidency by leaving many senior leaders behind. He was eventually beaten by Girija Prasad Koirala who secured 936 of the 1,477 representative-votes, to Deuba’s 507. Though beaten, Deuba became successful in building his own powerful camp in the party. A major chunk of party leaders and cadres who were dissatisfied and disappointed with Koirala had supported Deuba.

In 2002 Deuba split the party due to the differences with Koirala. Around 40 percent of leaders and cadres joined the Deuba-led Nepali Congress (Democratic) which clearly showed Deuba’s hold in the party. In 2006, Deuba returned to NC, taking 40 percent share in all party organizations. But Deuba’s dream of becoming Party President materialized only in 2016. At the 13th General Convention in 2016, Deuba had failed to garner 51 percent votes to win the presidency outright. In the second round of voting he needed Krishna Prasad Sitaula’s support, to eventually get 58 percent votes and become party president.

Deuba’s marriage to Arzoo Rana also helped him strengthen his position in national politics as well as in the party. Arzoo helped Deuba connect with the monarchy. In the late 1990s, when the monarchy had a powerful influence in politics, Deuba became prime minister two times: 2004-2005, and 2001-2002.

Except in 2001, Deuba has always led diverse coalition governments, which also hints at his organization skills. Arzoo also helped Deuba build good rapport with the international community; it is widely believed that Deuba is close with western powers.

Also read: Delhi undecided as Deuba seeks its blessings 

As prime minister and party president, Deuba introduced some progressive policies that also enhanced his profile. For instance, when he led Nepali Congress (Democratic) in 2002, he formed an inclusive Central Committee by accommodating Dalit, Janajati and other marginalized communities, says journalist Bhatta. Even today, according to Bhatta, influential leaders from marginalized communities who have a strong hold in party organizations are with Deuba. Deuba also won the support of state’s key institutions such as army, police, judiciary and bureaucracy due to his hands-off nature of functioning.

At the same time, Deuba is charged with misusing state powers to strengthen his position in power. Even now, Deuba is accused of accommodating businessmen, traders and brokers in the party, while sidelining honest and committed leaders and cadres. This strategy, according to Deuba’s critics, has helped him amass money which in turn is being used to buy patronage. 

An NC leader requesting anonymity says Deuba is adept at applying the power of money and muscle to strengthen his hold in the party.

After Girija Prasad Koirala’s demise in 2010, Deuba became even more powerful because GPK’s successor Sushil Koirala failed to keep the anti-Deuba faction intact. For instance, Krishna Prasad Sitaula did not join the faction led by Sushil Koirala and or the one by Ram Chandra Poudel. Similarly, there was a tussle within this camp and the Koirala dynasty tried to make their own camp.

After 2017, when Nepali Congress faced a humiliating defeat in parliamentary elections, Deuba has been under pressure to retire from active politics. Yet, as luck would have it, just when his clout in the party was waning, he got to become prime minister again, right on the eve of the 14th General Convention.

Most recently, Deuba has strengthened his hold on the party after Bijaya Kumar Gachhadar, a top Tharu leader who left NC in 2008 to form Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, returned to the mother party in 2017. Gachhadar and his team strongly back Deuba. In 2020, Sunil Bahadur Thapa, the son of veteran Rastriya Prajatantra Party leader Surya Bahadur Thapa, also joined NC and sided with Deuba.

The fortune-teller’s prediction that Deuba will go on to become prime minister seven times appears unlikely. But who knows. He is one person who has always defied the odds.  

Deuba’s political journey

13 June 1946: Birth

1965 to 1968: Chairman, Far-Western Students’ Committee

1971 to 1980: Founder member and President of the Nepal Students’ Union.

1985: Played a leading role in the civil disobedience movement.

Dec 1991-Sept 1994: Minister of Home Affairs

1991: Party’s political in-charge of far-western region

Nov 1994-Sept 1995: Member of Parliament and Nepali Congress parliamentary party leader.

Sept 1995-March 1997: Prime Minister

Aug 2001-Oct 2002: Prime Minister

Sept 2002-Jan 2006: President, Nepali Congress (Democratic)

June 2004-Feb 2005: Prime Minister

June 2017-Feb 2018: Prime Minister

March 2016-present: President of Nepali Congress

July 2021-present: Prime Minister

Nepal is a low carbon-emitting country but bears a disproportionate brunt of its impacts.   

The mountains are gradually going dark due to the fast melting of snow caused by increasing temperatures, and the frequency and intensity of landslides, floods, and avalanches are increasing. Parts of the country have been under long bouts of drought and water springs are drying up.

With rising temperatures, climate-induced disasters are likely to get worse. Disasters can’t be completely avoided but adequate measures can still be taken, say experts.

Over the past few months, Nepal has experienced unprecedented disasters, prompting authorities to take the climate crisis more seriously and urgently than before. Many disasters that took place over the past few months could be linked to climate change.  

For instance, on 15 June, Melamchi Bazar of Sindupalchowk district was ravaged by a flash-flood that claimed five lives—and 20 are still missing. It damaged private and public property and wreaked havoc on the newly-completed Melamchi water supply project.   

Says Anil Pokhrel, chief executive at National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority, there is usually no heavy rainfall during the onset of monsoon, but this June, Sindhupalchowk experienced unprecedented amounts of rain.  

Rising temperature is intensifying the earth’s water cycle and increasing evaporation, also resulting in more precipitation. Heavy rainfall across small areas is leading to large-scale floods and landslides.  

On June 14, a debris flow in the Upra valley of Jomoson ravaged many villages and disrupted road access to the  area. The Himalayas too have been badly hit by the effects of climate change.

On 15 November, an avalanche in the forest of Thasan Rural Municipality-2 of Mustang district swept away more than 125 yaks and injured some people.

Also read: ‘ApEx for climate’ Series | Nepal makes its case. But to what effect? 

According to a report titled ‘Disaster Risk Reduction and Management, 2021’ prepared by the Ministry of Forest and Environment, about eight percent of Nepal is flood-prone and about 59 percent of its land area is landslide-prone.

On average, says the report, about 56 percent of Nepal is affected by droughts, with an average drought lasting 3.4 months (102 days) a year. The report says, “Based on the available data on losses and damage from different climate-induced disastrous events between 1971 and 2019, about 647 people on average die from climate-induced disasters in Nepal each year.”

A report prepared by Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), a UN body in 2021, projected extreme precipitation to increase in major mountainous regions, with potential cascading consequences of floods, landslides, and lake outbursts.

Still another report ‘Climate Change Scenarios in Nepal’ prepared by the Nepal government, says annual precipitation is likely to increase in both the medium- and long-term: by 2-6 percent in the medium-term and by 8-12 percent in the long-term.

Similarly, the average annual mean temperature is likely to rise: it could increase by 0.9-1.1degrees Celsius in the medium term and 1.3-1.8 C in the long term. The temperature rise would directly affect the Himalayan region.

A 2020 joint study of the International Center for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) and the United National Development Programme (UNDP) identified 47 potentially dangerous glacial lakes (PDGLs) within the Koshi, Gandaki, and Karnali river basins of Nepal, the Tibet Autonomous Region of China, and India. The study found 3,624 glacial lakes in the three basins, of which 2,070 lakes are in Nepal, 1,509 lakes in the TAR, China, and 45 lakes in India.

The June 15 flood that ravaged the Melamchi Bazar, Sindupalchowk / ApEx Archives 

The final report says: “As many as 1,410 lakes are larger than or equal to 0.02 km, which are considered large enough to cause a glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF). Lakes associated with a large, retreating glacier and steeply sloping landforms in their surroundings are susceptible to a GLOF.”

Effects of climate change are also proving economically costly. Nepal’s gross domestic product (GDP) is highly dependent on climate-sensitive sectors such as agriculture, water, and tourism. With accelerating climate change, GDP is likely to take a hit, says the aforementioned report of the Ministry of Forest and Environment.

The report projects huge societal impacts like extreme climatic events are water scarcity-driven migration, loss of employment opportunities, and decline in production.

Further, it leads to an increase in the workload of women (who have to travel longer distances to fetch water), school dropouts, and forced resettlement. The concurrent male migration also increases the number of female-headed households, further burdening women, the report says. It adds that climate change disproportionately impacts women—especially those who are pregnant, household heads, illiterate, and belong to ethnic and poor communities—as well as the elderly, children, and infants with health issues.

Water sources in hilly areas are fast drying up

Madhukar Upadhyay, Climate and watershed management expert

The debate on climate change in Nepal gathered momentum after 2010 when the government prepared the National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) to address the immediate threats of climate change.

The key change is on rainfall patterns. We are also gradually experiencing the impacts of climate change in various sectors.

One adverse impact is on water-sources. In the past, mainly in hilly districts, small sources of water used to spring up in June-July, providing water to households. These sources are also used to provide water in winter. However, such water sources have dried up over the past few decades. This means villages are facing many problems. The total volume of rainfall remains the same but the window period is shortening.

As the temperature increases, serious effects can be seen on humans and plants. There are changes in the characters of plants and their diseases. There are reports that in the Koshi basin black stains are being seen on oranges and apples, and paddy crops in Jumla are also getting affected by warmer climates. In Syangja district, the pests are increasing in size.

There are some changes in the Himalayan region as well. The high-altitude areas of our Himalayas are becoming dry, which calls for our close attention.

We experienced the kind of extreme events we hadn’t seen in the past 40-50 years

Anil Pokhrel, Chief Executive, National Disaster Risk Reduction & Management Authority

There are mainly two types of climate-induced disasters. The first ones are water-related hazards such as floods and landslides, and the second ones are climatological hazards such as droughts, lightning, and gale-force winds. Climate change itself does not create new disasters, rather it amplifies them to extreme levels. Climate change increases the volume, impact, and effects of disasters.

Take what happened in Melamchi this June, even before the monsoon’s onset. Not only Melamchi, we also see such disasters in Manang.

We were told by concerned agencies that this year’s monsoon would be above average. But the monsoon became active on the first day of its onset.

We experienced extreme events of a kind we hadn’t experienced in the past 40-50 years. There has been high rainfall in places where there used to be average or below-average rainfall in the past 100 years. Such rainfall triggers extreme events. Similarly, we are witnessing unprecedented droughts in parts of the country, and the pattern of wildfires is also fast-changing.

Such disasters badly affect our agriculture, infrastructure and hit our livelihood, as well as destroying our water system, eventually hitting the production of food grains. It may also trigger climate migration and lead us into a conflict. 

On our part, we are doing our best to adapt to climate change. Once a disaster occurs, we rush to provide relief to the victims. Reconstruction of damaged houses and resettlement of human habitats is next on our priority. 

In the past one year alone, close to 5,000 houses were damaged due to floods and landslides. We are thus expanding early-warning systems for both.

In his first term as CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli had unprecedented powers both as party chief and prime minister. For one, no leader in the country’s democratic history, except Nepali Congress leader BP Koirala following 1959 elections, had gotten to lead a powerful government with a two-thirds parliamentary majority.  

There is already much speculation over his second term, which started with his reelection as chairman at the 10th UML General Convention that ended on November 30. The convention concluded with the UML vowing to return to the government as the single-largest party.  

Says Lokraj Baral, a political analyst, Oli failed to capitalize on his immense power and opportunity in his first term. Oli’s undemocratic character and his intention of capturing all powers were the main reasons for this failure, says Baral.

In the party’s ninth General Convention in 2014, there had been a tight competition between Oli and Madhav Kumar Nepal for party chair. Oli was elected with 1,002 votes, while his rival Nepal secured 963 votes. The voting pattern of the ninth GC clearly demonstrated that Oli and Nepal had almost equal hold in party structures.

Soon after becoming party chair, Oli’s primary goal was to weaken Nepal’s position in the party and emerge as the indubitable leader. He went to the extent of stripping Nepal of his ‘senior leader’ position.  Due to Oli’s “continuous humiliation and harassment,” Nepal decided to part ways and form a breakaway CPN (Unified Socialist). 

Also read: Editorial: Exclusionary UML 

After the party split, observers say, Oli has lost his charm and strength. Says veteran communist leader Radha Krishna Mainali, Oli may have become strong in terms of amassing resources but his political stature is declining. “The powerful Nepal Communist Party suffered a three-way split and Oli is now leading one faction of the three. His strength has substantially decreased,” he says.  

In 2018, Oli had merged UML with CPN (Maoist Center) led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal to form a political juggernaut: Nepal Communist Party (NCP). But then he refused to share party and state power with Dahal, his co-chair, and he continued to sideline the Nepal faction, which had secured almost equal votes in the ninth General Convention. To fight Oli’s unilateral ways, the Dahal-Nepal alliance took shape. But with the Supreme Court’s decision to recognize NCP, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center) were revived. Oli then failed to keep CPN-UML intact.

Oli has been reelected UML chair after seven years, with a huge margin of victory over his only rival Bhim Rawal. Party leaders say although the 10th convention has strengthened Oli it has weakened the party, something which was also evident during the convention. Rawal challenged his ambition of being elected unopposed from the convention floor.  “Oli’s intent was to become Nepal’s version of China’s Xi Jinping. His goal was foiled when some rebel leaders decided to stand against him,” says Baral.  

Instead of encouraging aspirants for party posts to contest elections, Oli tried to block their path and handpicked a team that was favorable to him, annoying a large chunk of leaders and cadres. In the past, Oli had been a fierce champion of intra-party democracy.

Party leaders such as Ghanashyam Bhusal, Bhim Rawal, and Bhim Acharya, among others, have been sidelined. Even after the UML split, Oli has shown no sign of mending his ways. Addressing the convention’s concluding ceremony, Oli said that he was against party unification. Instead, efforts would be made to lure cadres from other parties.

Also read: General Conventions: Old parties, old faces 

According to a UML leader who spoke on the condition of anonymity, from this convention Oli wanted to prevent the emergence of any faction to challenge him. “The convention ended up sowing the seeds of intra-party rifts. Many leaders from Oli’s own camp such as Subas Nembang, Bishnu Poudel, and others are unhappy. The intra-party disputes will come to the fore once Oli forms a politburo and a standing committee,” says the leader.

Analysts Baral says Oli’s revival as a powerful leader is unlikely. “Oli’s downward-journey has already begun, and he will have a tough time reviving the party,” he says. 

Leader Mainlai paints a gloomy picture of Oli’s performance during his first tenure as party chairman and he is not very optimistic about the future either. “CPN-UML has been weakened. Oli may also have sufficient financial resources but politically, he has weakened,” says Mainali. “The 10th General Convention should have come up with a new political vision for the party but Oli has failed in that bid.”

The 10th GC of the party concluded on November 30 by electing a 301-member Central Committee and the party formed a 19-member team of office-bearers. UML has become the first major party to hold its convention after the promulgation of new constitution in 2015. Oli will remain at the party’s helm till 2026.