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Birth: 31 August 1946, Kaski
Death: 31 August 2021, Kathmandu

After completing her Bachelors in Science (BSc) in Kolkata, India, in the mid-60s, Shobhana Gurung, a young woman full of energy and spirit, went to the United Kingdom for her further studies. 

After returning to Nepal from the UK, she secured a government job as a botanist. She was later promoted to deputy secretary, but she left the job to engage full-time in her own business. Giving up a permanent government job at a young age to start a business was not an easy thing to do.

In the UK, she had met Dr Ram Prasad Pokharel, who was pursuing his medical studies there. The senior eye specialist and Gurung fell in love and later got engaged. Together, they inspired and helped each other grow and succeed in their respective fields.

From an early age, Gurung had always thought of committing her retired life to the practice of spirituality and social work. When Gurung and her husband met Pilot Baba, a renowned sage, the couple was immediately inspired by his philosophy of life. “Scientists have discovered the most powerful form of matter, the molecule, and every human being must search for the same microcosm within themselves,” Pilot Baba had told the couple. This thought helped her cope with her problems on multiple occasions.

She wanted to establish a meditation center to help people living in the chaotic capital city. Gurung and her husband paid for the construction of the meditation center as well as a dormitory at Gundu heights of Bhaktapur, naming it Pilot Baba Meditation Center, also known as Somnath Temple. 

Gurung commissioned the center’s construction under her strict supervision and chose a design that included Nepali artistic style with majestic woodworks and flooring. She hoped youths would come to the center and this would eventually help them stay away from addictions and crimes.

Apart from that, she, along with her husband, was actively involved in the initiation of Kathmandu Medical College, Everest Hospital, HIST Engineering College, and more. Lately, she also bought stakes in hydropower companies and other businesses. 

A few days ago, Gurung suffered from a brain hemorrhage and was rushed to Everest Hospital. She was then referred to Norvic Hospital where she breathed her last on her 75th birthday. She is survived by her husband and a daughter.

Why can no government in Nepal serve its full term, even one with nearly two-thirds majority? What explains the country’s perpetual political instability? Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to 10 intellectuals to get their views.  

Vox Pop

Bhimarjun Acharya, Constitutionalist 

We can’t expect stability when our government and political leadership don’t follow democratic norms and values while executing their powers. Neither our parliament nor the parties strictly regulate the work of the government. And also, we can’t deny the geopolitical issues we face. All these things and a lack of a positive mentality fuel instability.

Bimala BK, Politician

Nepal has too many political parties. This is a problem as people’s vote gets fragmented and no one gets a strong majority. In a coalition government, all partners have their own beliefs and, due to conflicting interests, the government can’t complete its term. Apart from that, our geopolitics also has a role in our instability.

Bipin Adhikari, Constitutionalist 

Under the new constitution of 2015, there was a huge possibility to form a stable government. But sadly, we haven’t seen one yet. Whenever the ruling party becomes strong, it has to deal with many internal problems. The fact is when a political party wins proportional seats based on caste, culture, ethnicity, it has to appoint members for parliament accordingly and from that point, the party starts to weaken, leading to internal conflicts and instability.

Hima Bista, Social activist 

Government instability has many causes. First is the lack of qualified political leadership. With that, there is a vast gap between politicians and the public, and an atmosphere of distrust. We don’t have a system that can fill this void. The country has a political structure without a decisive and applicable mechanism. Federalism is all about decentralization of power and collaboration between different levels of government, but we lack these things. 

Indra Adhikari, Political analyst

Leadership crisis is the reason behind this problem. Nepal has not produced leaders who are respected by all. Our political parties are run by middlemen devoid of ideology and morality. They select people and convert them into toxic blind supporters. They win elections with propaganda and ultimately fight for power. Unless we produce qualified leaders, we will suffer. 

Lokraj Baral, Political analyst 

Nepal lacks a proper political culture. Our political parties carried out a revolutionary change in the system, but they have been unable to execute, implement, and institutionalize that change. Or we can say their self-centered, individualistic, selfish, and egoistic performance has taken over the ideology and ability. We are in a democratic practice, but leaders try to rule by command—boycotting the demands of minorities. This increases the power struggle, leading to instability.

Jagannath Lamichhane, Civil society member

Our political ecosystem is tailored to those with money and power, and those outside the government don’t have access to these things. This has established a psychological framework where leaders become impatient when they are in opposition. In my opinion, this is the main reason for the lack of a stable government in Nepal.

Krishna Khanal, Political analyst 

Let’s take an example. If the Nepali Congress has a majority, it behaves as if it is all-powerful and can do anything it wants. Also, within the NC, the ruling faction acts similarly. This fuels internal conflict resulting in the fall of the government. We saw the same with the erstwhile Nepal Communist Party (NCP).

Mohna Ansari, Human rights activist 

Every promise that the politicians make with the public during the election turns out to be a political stunt just to get to power. Besides, I often find bureaucrats not helping and coordinating with the government in policy making. They still have a traditional mindset. Bureaucrats feel privileged and don’t fear anyone as they are permanent jobholders.

Puranjan Acharya, Political analyst 

In Nepal, political parties are the ones who are unstable, and they lead to instability in the government. The instability within the party has two major causes. The government-running faction never wants to hear from other party members and they say the party should not run the government. But the same faction, when it is not ruling, says the government should run according to the party’s will and decision. 

After the promulgation of the political party-related ordinance, any faction of a party represented in the House of Representatives can register a new party if it has 20 percent members in either the mother outfit’s Central Committee or the Parliamentary Party. This has not only changed the dynamics in CPN-UML but also Janta Samajbadi Party Nepal (JSPN). Although the ordinance now faces a legal challenge, a split in JSPN could invite an unexpected situation in Madhesi politics as well as the government. Also, Madhes now has other emerging political forces which, to some extent, could affect the results of upcoming elections. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx interviewed political analyst and expert on Madhes issues Tula Narayan Shah.

How do you assess the relation between JSPN and the Deuba government?

Although there are two distinct factions in JSPN, both have officially supported the Deuba government by voting in favor of his confidence motion. But to date, the coalition formally includes only the Upendra Yadav faction. So, this side will, for sure, join the government with a respectable number of ministries. 

Regarding Mahanta Thakur’s faction, it is fine to support the government from outside, but accepting ministerial berths could be seen as adopting double standards and acting opportunistically. Yet, I can't deny the possibility of their joining the government. We need to wait for further political developments as nothing in politics is impossible. So, JSPN as a whole has a pretty decent relationship with the Deuba government.

What is more beneficial for Madhes? A united JSPN or two or more parties?

Before 2008, the Madhesi parties were in the periphery. They later formed an alliance and emerged as a potent force in national politics. Until these parties make their presence felt, their issues won’t get national attention. So I would prefer a unified JSPN as it will benefit the party and somehow the society, and their agenda is almost the same. But the current political timeline does not suggest a reconciliation between the factions. We should not forget the schooling, orientation, and culture of the two factions. Yadav’s side is like a ‘mini-Maoist’ party whereas Thakur’s has a ‘mini-Congress’ feel. 

Politics is always envisioned in the presence of political parties, but if we look at them through the lens of caste, we often see that be it in the Madhes or the hills, the elite caste rules over lower ones. And the presence of two castes in JSPN leadership suggested a split was inevitable. In 2008, when Yadav’s party was emerging, Thakur showed up because the upper caste population did not accept Yadav’s leadership. This angle might be unpopular nonetheless it’s a vital one. 

How does a split affect the electoral prospects of Tarai-Madhes?

If you look at figures from past elections, whenever alliances have been formed ahead of elections, the Nepali Congress has been in trouble. For instance, in the last election, Congress performed well at the local level because no alliance existed, but in the parliamentary election, Congress lost out.

Many people saw the recent political party-related ordinance issued only for the benefit of Madhav Kumar Nepal, but Deuba for sure understood the situation in JSPN. He knows that the more the Madhesi parties split, the more the NC can gain electorally, and so he hit two birds with one stone. 

Is CK Raut’s party still relevant in Madhes?

CK Raut’s Janamat Party is a supplementary force in Madhesi politics—it has a different political culture to other existing parties. He is establishing good relations between voters, cadets, and leaders. He has been pushing himself in an organized way with specific roadmaps for reforms in politics, society, and the government. Almost all current political leaders of the Madhesi parties are aged. They will be in mainstream politics for a maximum of two or three elections, but CK is working to establish himself in the long run—he could be in the game for the next six to seven elections. Madhesi people have glamourized Raut for two reasons: his academic degree and his devotion—he left his job in the US to come to Nepal. So he represents a new hope for Madhes. He is capable and qualified too. 

But demographics work against him—he is supported by the young blood (those born in the 90s) who are out of the country and working in the Gulf. The older and larger voting population still has faith in existing parties. Generally speaking, parties not born of large struggles get involved in their first election just to make themselves visible. In the second election, they divide the votes and make others lose. Only in the third election do they really do well. 

What if Raut’s party wins a respectable number of seats in upcoming elections? Would he revive his separatist idea?

Although his party winning many seats is an unlikely prospect, it would be a progressive thing if it happened. Regarding the political agenda, he brought both hope and threat, at the same time, but he has already accepted the legal political course of Nepal. But Kathmandu sees every Madhesi political party as a separatist. The reality is: His previous agenda was never a discussion point in Madhes. He was young, and everyone knew he did this to gain visibility. There was a situation in which the Madhesi people ignored Raut’s agenda and enjoyed his personality, but the hill population ignored his personality and talked about his agenda. My view is that Raut is now a proper politician and an important and needed figure in the mainstream politics of Madhes. 

It was at a newly laid tennis court at St Xavier’s School, Jawalakhel, that Pranav Khanal first came across tennis. His father, a national-level squash player, had taken him there to watch a game.

“I was eight then,” recalls now 20-year-old Khanal who won a bronze for Nepal at the 13th South Asian Games held in Kathmandu in 2019.

The 12-year-long journey hasn’t been an easy one, despite immense support from his family members, especially his father. “My father had a dream of making his son a true champion,” says Khanal.

Most of the difficulties he faced have been part and parcel of the sport in Nepal, where cricket and football dominate in everything sphere, from followers to finance. There are only a handful of tennis tournaments in Nepal—around five or six in a year—and because of Covid-19, they too have been halted.

At 11, Khanal took part in his first international tournament in Vietnam as a junior national player, and he has since played almost two-dozen tournaments. He debuted in the senior side in the 2018 edition of the Asian Games in Indonesia. But despite being the national champion, he is yet to secure a place in the world ranking—not many tournaments are organized in Nepal.

Tennis is an expensive sport, and if you want to become a national player, you have to come to the association on your own. There is no scouting. “Only three cities have tennis facilities—Butwal, Pokhara, and Kathmandu. Tennis would have a brighter future if the authorities scouted from all over Nepal,” Khanal adds.

“Tennis is not a sport where you see overnight success. You have to work hard at multiple levels, at least for a decade.” This is the lesson he wants to pass on to aspiring tennis players. “Continue to give your 100 percent, be patient, and you will see success for sure.”

Patience is important for Nepali tennis players, especially as the sport in Nepal is resource-poor—players typically either go abroad or leave the sport when they need to choose a career.

“We have a limited number of players with little competition among them. There are also plenty of off-field deterrents,” he says. As we don’t have a salary system for tennis players, either they have to rely on the club’s allowance or sponsorships. But sponsorship is hard to find because Nepali tennis doesn’t have many spectators.

The Covid-19 pandemic has had a telling effect on the sport with the cancellation of almost all events.

“Tennis has one of the oldest sports organizations in Nepal: The All Nepal Lawn Tennis Association, whose events, for a long time, were only reserved for the elites,” he says.

ANLTA was established in 1956 but it could hold its first exhibition tournament only in the early 1980s.

Thankfully, the sport is changing for the better. Since 2007, the association has been organizing regular tournaments. A change in leadership in 2015 has also accelerated the sport’s development, says Khanal.

Infrastructure has also improved. Before 2018, Nepal didn’t have a hard court—and most international tournaments are played on hard surfaces.

“So until now, you could say we had no proper training,” Khanal says. Besides the private courts, the association has eight hard courts now, where national players can practice for free. “It is a huge boost,” he adds. Also, tennis academies have emerged to help players hone their talents and find opportunities.

These days, more parents are encouraging their children to take up tennis. For practices and tournaments, players need to travel abroad, sometimes at their own expense, and parents often accompany them. “The players need plenty of moral and psychological support in this sport,” Khanal says.

He says he will play so long as he is fit and afterwards, he will inspire and coach juniors at his own dream academy. “No matter what, I will be associated with tennis and will work to establish a tennis culture in the country,” he concludes. 

Lionel Messi and Barcelona were synonymous. So the fans of one naturally became the fans of the other. But it would be safe to say that most of the current generation of Barca fans chose the club because of Messi, rather than the other way around. So when the holder of six Ballon D’Or had to leave FC Barcelona due to the club’s dire financial status, making the switch to PSG, those fans were left with mixed feelings. The news came hot on the heels of Messi’s sole major international trophy with Argentina at Copa America. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx spoke to 10 diehard Barcelona and Messi fans to understand the recent upheavals in their fandom.

Vox Pop

Binayak Bhattarai, 23

We had no television in our area in Dharan at the time of the 2006 World Cup, but somehow I had heard of Messi. Everybody used to talk of this Argentinian player and I started supporting him without even knowing how he looked. I first saw him during the World Cup of 2010 after cheering him on for almost four years blindly. That’s love, I guess.

Slowly, I started following club football. I still remember when I was in grade nine. My friends were Real Madrid supporters, and it was El Clasico. We had a bet of five rupees and Barca had scored five—one of my first and favorite memories with Messi. Most recently, Messi winning his first trophy with Argentina at Copa America was something special too.

I am yet to digest that Messi is no longer a Barcelona player. I saw PSG announce his arrival with a huge welcome. I am happy too as Messi has been able to unite PSG’s divided fan base even before his debut. He is the only player who can do that kind of thing.

Chhabin Dahal, 21

Messi was a regular name for me as my neighbors were huge Argentina fans. Influenced by them, I started following him starting with the 2010 World Cup. Sadly Argentina didn’t make it beyond the quarterfinals that year. Our area had installed a projector for the semis but for me the football festival was over. After that, I started going to cyber cafes to get the updates of La Liga games.

As a Messi fan I have seen many highs and lows. There have been some depressing moments supporting the team, but as soon as I see Messi play, I forget every other thing and enjoy a fresh start. Yet the 2014 World Cup final loss to Germany still stings, the Germans robbed us off the trophy.

I was confident that Messi would retire at Barca, but the circumstances didn’t allow that. But no worries, he now has a new challenge and he will show his worth at PSG as well.

Hema Giri, 19

This story begins in my school when boys used to compare Messi and Ronaldo and for no particular reason, I started chanting for Messi. When I started watching the game, I realized that his vision, touches, dribbling are out of this world. Aside from being a professional, he is a great human being, which we can see from the way he interacts with fans.

Every game Messi has played is special to me. But the game I recall most often was against Bayer Leverkusen in 2012, when he scored five and Barcelona won 7-1. Talking about the lows, like other Barca fans, I was heart-broken when the club announced his departure.

It still can’t get out of my head that he will play alongside Sergio Ramos, the bitter Real Madrid nemesis. I will definitely keep following Messi—I will never have enough of that majestic smile—but I also will never cheer for PSG.

Kritika Parajuli, 19

Like many, I started following Messi from the 2010 World Cup. The tournament didn’t go as planned but that was also the year the little man from Argentina made me fall in love with the game of football.

Most memorable for me is his 500th club goal in 2020, in what was a late winner at the Bernabeu, in the process of winning the El Clasico 3-2? When he held up his Number 10 shirt, standing against Real Madrid fans, gave me goosebumps I tell you. In 2016, Messi announced his retirement from international football following his third defeat in the Copa America final. Made me cry. Although he reversed his decision, I regret Messi had to go through all that.

I will never stop cheering for Barcelona because this is the club of my life. I won’t stop following Messi, either. Barca and Messi will always be thought of as one. I hope he comes back to the club—probably after a couple of years.

Nisha Karki, 20

I grew up with the people who used to cheer for Messi and to get along I did the same. But when I started watching the game, I realized what I did was 100 percent correct. No other player can play at his level. He is the greatest of all time, without a doubt.

Every time I see him on the pitch, I feel better about myself. Particularly, winning the sextuple in 2009 still makes me happy. Winning and losing are part of the game and Barca’s 8-2 loss to Bayern Munich in 2020 was a team defeat, yet I felt so bad for Messi, in what was his most embarrassing defeat ever.

It would be shameful to withdraw support for Barca because of Messi’s departure, so I have decided to support both—Barcelona and PSG.

Rajnesh Shrestha, 21

I was randomly playing with the TV remote when I saw a small guy running past defenders with high acceleration. I watched him and loved every bit of the game and since 2008 became a fan of his.

In the World Cup qualifiers of 2018, Messi scored a hat trick against Ecuador. That was one of the most beautiful matches I have ever seen and in the recent Copa America winning campaign, too, I had tears of joy. I struggle to see Messi in a shirt besides Barcelona’s, but this is the hard reality, and something we must all accept now. But I cried the entire day when the news broke.

Although I am planning to watch Messi’s games at PSG, I am a proud culer and can’t even think of supporting any other club besides Barca.

Sachet Neupane, 22

There is a saying, “Guys will choose a random Football Club as their favorite in the fourth or fifth grade for no reason at all and decide to support it for the rest of their lives.” This applies to me. I randomly picked Argentina, and that led me to supporting Messi.

In 2017, April 24, my birthday, was also the night of the greatest football rivalry—El Clasico—at Madrid’s home-turf. The score was 2-2 and Messi stunned the crowd with a late winner in injury time. This is the best birthday gift I have ever received. On the other hand, the 2014 World Cup was a heartbreak for many fans and I was no exception.

Everything was sound with Messi’s saga. Both parties were determined to sign a new contract but, out of nowhere, the club announced his discontinuity. I couldn’t tell whether it was a bad dream. Initially, I thought it might be internal club politics but no, it was for real, which hurt. I will support Barca all my life but could still watch some PSG games to enjoy the magician at work.

Santosh Mishra, 46

This was before he came to Barcelona. I saw in a newspaper that a little boy was being compared to the legendary Diego Maradona, but I had not seen his game. After his debut in the Barca senior team, I saw Messi, and he instantly amazed me. I had started watching football in 1992 and this was the first time a player had impressed me.

The recent Copa America win was what was lacking in his resume and now things look complete. Among my many joys with Messi, it is at the top. Even if you play the best, sometimes a minor mistake will cost you the game. Similarly, Messi has lost several key games, which I find least enjoyable.

Many clubs bled during the Covid-19 pandemic and lost revenue. Barcelona could no more afford Messi, despite both parties’ willingness to be together. We have to accept the truth and enjoy the final years of Messi, no matter which club he represents. But I will keep supporting Barca as it has been my love since the early 90s.

Sitaram Dahal, 26

I started following Barca in the early 2000s and as I had no way of watching its matches, I used to go through the scores in newspapers. And that’s where, for the first time, I saw the iconic picture of Messi on the back of Ronaldinho. He had special gameplay, and I loved his every touch. And I had a chance to watch him at his prime.

Barca’s sextuple winning moment and the entire season that year were very special for me, but above all, Messi’s first international trophy, Copa America, nothing can beat that. This Copa brought joy because the previous one had left us in tears after Messi missed the penalty in the shootout against Chile in the final. But no regrets now—everything happens for a reason.

Messi is a silent guy. He doesn’t speak much. He was still on vacation and the news came that he couldn’t continue at Barca. The developments happened so fast. I choked up when I saw Messi crying at his farewell press conference at Barca. As a football fan, I keep myself updated on all major European top-flight football and this time, I will be a bit more concerned about PSG, that’s all.

Sudeep Aryal, 21

Messi, football, and Barcelona are synonyms for me. Messi is the reason I started watching regular football and Barca was where he showed his masterclass.

For me, nothing compares to his going to the crowd to celebrate Barca’s iconic 6-1 come-back against PSG in 2017. Now, the same PSG is his new home, which gives me mixed feelings. But I see that PSG will treat him well and he will be happy there, which is some consolation. Last year, he wanted to go, but Barca didn’t let him and now he wanted to stay but the league forced him out. I am so frustrated.

Well, it’s time to peek at the final score-sheets of PSG, no more than that. Barca is where my heart is.

Sher Bahadur Deuba has been the prime minister for just over a month now. With his government only having a maximum of 15 months in office, he was expected to get off to a swift start. Yet Deuba has not even been able to expand his cabinet and he has already started pushing ordinances to bypass the parliament. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to senior political analyst Shyam Shrestha on the Deuba government’s outlook.

How would you analyze this one-month tenure of Prime Minister Deuba?

A month might not be enough time to review a tenure, but as morning shows the day, Deuba’s government has also shown the pathway on which he wants to walk. Unfortunately, it’s a dark path. Recent timeline suggests that, like Oli, he is also on a regressive road. Deuba is still working with a four-member team, and the most important ministries like foreign and health are vacant. This has hampered service-delivery.

Two things should be appreciated though—distribution of vaccines and reappointment of Kulman Ghising as the NEA head. And amid various geopolitical hurdles, and with very few sources, Nepal Airlines is to fly to Afghanistan to evacuate Nepalis, which is appreciable too.

Do you think Deuba will be in office until the constitutionally-mandated November 2022 elections? 

Only one person can answer this question: Deuba’s astrologer. Jokes apart, the life of this government is determined by its coalition partners and, as of now, it looks like they will stay united. They have also released their common minimum program, which sets a good precedent that is in line with international practice. But sadly, its content is not progressive. They have only unveiled the program to ensure the alliance’s unity.

How do you see the exclusion of the MCC compact in the common minimum program? 

Nepal has been receiving grants from the US for a long time, and there have been no problems. We need grants. But what the MCC is asking in return will endanger our sovereignty. MCC says that our intellectual property will belong to them, the MCA-Nepal under the Nepal government won’t follow any directions from Nepali officials, MCC laws will be above our constitution, etc. We should not exchange these things for $500 million. I am happy the government is not talking about MCC and it is also not mentioned in the common minimum program. If, in case, it gets a green light from the parliament, this government will shortly collapse, and Deuba knows this.

Will the result of the Nepali Congress general convention slated for November-end affect Deuba’s tenure as prime minister?

According to party legislation, Nepali Congress must conduct its general convention this time. They might hold a small special convention for now, which will be followed by a regular convention later. But, whatever the result, it is least likely to affect Deuba’s government position. The entire party was committed to his premiership, and he still has a strong backup in the party.

What is your reading of PM Deuba’s foreign policy priorities?

Deuba never has a foreign policy, nor does he have a geopolitical outlook. Foreign policy is an expanded form of domestic policy. Since his domestic policy is poor, I don’t expect any better on the international front. Things could change a bit with a strong foreign minister though. 

As the country continues to witness sporadic Covid-19 outbreaks, China has been loath to reopen its borders. Mistrust in China of other countries and their vaccination status is sky-high. Authorities are terrified of allowing foreigners—who have been projected in Chinese media as rather blasé about Covid-19 precautions—and incurring public backlash. 

During the start of the Covid-19 outbreak in China in December 2019, some Nepali students enrolled at Chinese universities were already in Nepal for their winter vacation. Others soon followed suit. But nearly 19 months after leaving China over 3,000 students are still stuck in Nepal with neither Nepali nor Chinese officials informing them when they can return.

Despite the emergence of various variants of coronavirus, people around the world have resumed their daily lives by following health protocols. Even international students, who had returned home from different countries, went back to their colleges and universities months ago. But that’s not the case with Chinese university students.

On July 1, ApEx had reported on the dire situation of Nepali students stuck at home. Unfortunately, their status remains much the same. An international online protest, #TakeUsBackToChina, which was gaining traction at the time, also seems to have fizzled out.

International students have sent open letters to President Xi Jinping to be allowed back in, and signed a petition seeking UN intervention. In Nepal, too, students have repeatedly written to resident Chinese Ambassador Hou Yanqi, to no avail.

In 2010, President Xi had labeled international students as “forever, a friend of China”. But his government’s action suggests otherwise, these stranded students say.

Rista Deuba, a second-year engineering student and a Chinese Scholarship Council beneficiary, fears her scholarship may be at risk. The scholarship has to be periodically renewed, but it has been 19 months since the last renewal. “In these months, I had to renew it twice but I couldn’t. I don’t know if my scholarship is still valid.” Meanwhile, she has had to pay full fees; council officers assure her she will get the money back after the renewal.

Most Nepali students chose China because of its scholarship scheme. With that on the line, they are in a dilemma. Deuba’s colleague Monica Pudasaini says she would have studied in Nepal on full payment if she knew she had to pay to attend Chinese university. Courses in China are more expensive than they are in Nepal and those who were not expecting to pay are short of options.

Deuba, for instance, is more concerned about likely future payments instead of her classes. She wants Nepali officials to facilitate conversation with their Chinese counterparts. “I am only asking for assurance that my scholarship is secure, nothing else,” she adds. Without the scholarship, she is in no position to pay her full dues.

During the lockdown, some students have already completed their theoretical courses, while others still struggle online. Many need to return to their college soon to complete their internships and practical exams, which can’t be done online. 

When Chinese authorities did not heed the students’ call, they had urged the Nepal government to send a diplomatic note to China to allow the students to return. Medical students of the 2015 and 2016 batches have announced protests, asking to be allowed to complete their internships in Nepal. 

After waiting for 18 months, the 2014 batch was permitted to take up internships at Nepali hospitals, but others are still left in the lurch. 

Dipendra Rauniyar, a member of the 2016 batch, says, “We are just asking for an internship, and even on that score, our government doesn’t care.” For over three weeks he and his batch-mates have been picketing the Nepal Medical Council. “Students from other countries are also stuck, but their respective governments have been helping them in every possible way,” he shares.

Similarly, another campaigner for the return of Nepali students, Roman Khatiwada, is disappointed at the Nepal government’s lack of initiative to secure their future. “Our seniors lost 18 months, almost 75 percent of their internship time. We don’t want to do that,” he adds. “Here we are ready to help the government meet the country’s health needs and yet they don’t listen to us.”

Even though China was the virus epicenter, its officials soon had the contagion under control. And as migrant workers were allowed into China from select countries, the hopes of students were raised as well. But then only South Korean students were allowed back into China. 

Khatiwada’s Chinese friends inform him that the decision to bring back Koreans students was not a popular one in China, as they are now being accused of importing new Covid-19 cases. “All this means that I am not very hopeful of a swift return,” he adds.

Li Bin, the Vice-Minister of the National Health Commission in China, has noted in a press brief that Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Ruili have witnessed local clusters of the imported Delta variant. “The recent waves have reminded us we cannot relax our pandemic control measures,” he said. Chinese border restrictions could thus be in place for at least another year.

Rishab Mahato, another medical student, says, “This is a time of summer break at Chinese universities and it would thus have been the best time for us to return.” If students could enter China before September, they would have time for quarantine too before the start of their classes.

But Rauniyar reckons that is unlikely and suspects the earliest students like him could be recalled would be after the 2022 Winter Olympics in Beijing, which is in February. He was also told by his Chinese contacts that foreign students would be allowed back in when all the Chinese got their jabs.

Meanwhile, Greshes Acharya of the China University of Geosciences doesn’t know how to renew his visa. “It’s been a year since our visa expired, but there is no way to renew it,” he rues. Visa renewals require an offer letter from the university, which has been impossible to get. 

Although Deuba has some hope, Pudasaini doesn’t think she will ever return to China and is already exploring alternatives in Nepal.

(The names of some students have been changed at their request)

Bibeksheel Sajha Party President Rabindra Mishra’s call for doing away with federalism and a referendum on secularism has stirred Nepali politics anew. These are the things the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) has long asked for. So are the old RPP agendas going mainstream? What does the party make of the recent turn of events and how are its election preparations going? Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to RPP Chairman Kamal Thapa.

What is the RPP up to these days? Your party seems to have gone completely off the radar.

We are currently focused on organizing the party general convention, which is to be held on November 13 in Kathmandu. Leading up to it, our district-level committees are organizing their own conventions. We will also complete the selection of convention representatives by October 1. The party is all-set to start campaigning for the upcoming local-level elections as well. 

Your party didn’t fare well in the 2017 elections. Despite that you seem to be sticking to the agenda that has been rejected by voters.

There is a misconception about our agenda. The monarchy we are talking about is constitutional, not like the one we had before 2006. In our vision, the House of Representatives shall hold the legislative power and a ceremonial king will be the national guardian. When we lobby for a Hindu state, we don’t want any privilege for a particular religion. All we want is to restore the identity of Nepal as the country of Sanatan dharma.

Similarly, the dissolution of federalism will be accompanied by the formation of a strong central government, and well-equipped and capable local governments. In other words, it is a system where local governments will enjoy autonomy. It is a synergy between traditional and contemporary systems. 

The ruling and the opposition parties have repeatedly failed, which is also the failure of the system they represent. We are a small party at this point, but the public has realized the necessity of our systematic and progressive agenda—nationalism, democracy, and Sanatan dharma. We are the alternative force with the most number of supporters.

What do you make of Rabindra Mishra’s recent political proposal over federalism and secularism?

I am positive about his proposal. RPP believes in the system, not a particular person, and Mishra is talking about changing the system. No matter who builds a progressive path, we will always feel proud. Fifteen years ago, RPP was alone in condemning federalism and secularism and now we have many other politicians, intellectuals, and members of the public who share our sentiment. Even senior leaders of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML are changing their minds. I take this as my achievement. There should be more open dialogue and discussion on these matters.

Is the RPP open to an electoral alliance with other like-minded forces, say like Mishra’s party?

Although we prioritize political parties that are close to our ideals, our door is open for everyone for an electoral alliance. I can’t confirm it yet, but we will certainly work together with some parties in the upcoming local elections. 

And the alliance for the federal election will rely on the steps of the ruling coalition. If the coalition continues into the election, of course, we will also come up with something competitive. Also, I can’t deny that we will be interested in merging with parties with shared beliefs. 

As a close confidante of ex-King Gyanendra, how do you read his concerns? Is he too planning a comeback of some kind?

He has serious concerns. He always talks about how Nepal could achieve peace, prosperity, and stability. He feels sad because the political parties have failed to live up to people’s expectations. This is his public as well as official view. I don't think the ex-king wants to be involved in mainstream politics, though if the monarchy is restored, it will be a different matter altogether. He will accept the verdict of political parties and citizens.