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Understanding road safety involves more than just following traffic rules; it signifies a profound commitment to saving lives, protecting families, supporting economic growth, and achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This broader perspective emphasizes the positive impact that prioritizing road safety can have on the society as a whole. The sobering reality, highlighted by the World Health Organization’s Global Status Report on Road Safety 2023, indicates a slight decrease in annual road traffic deaths to 1.19m. This suggests that ongoing efforts to enhance road safety are yielding results, emphasizing the potential for significant reductions in fatalities through the application of proven measures. Notably, road crashes stand as the primary cause of death among children and young adults aged five to 29, with vulnerable road users constituting more than half of global road traffic fatalities.

Despite endeavors to improve road safety, the toll of mobility remains disproportionately high, particularly among pedestrians, cyclists, and motorcyclists in low and middle-income countries (LMICs). Road crashes not only pose a human tragedy and a major public health concern but also impose substantial socioeconomic burdens, especially on impoverished communities. Collective economic costs of road traffic fatalities and injuries in LMICs range from two to six percent of the gross domestic product (GDP). In response to this pressing reality, the UN General Assembly initiated the Decade of Action for Road Safety 2021-2030, urging governments, organizations and individuals to prioritize road safety measures.

Toward safer roads

Through awareness drives and policy reforms, Nepal is striving to cultivate a more responsible and conscientious approach to road usage. In 2022, the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport published a 

‘Nepal Road Safety Action Plan (2021-2030)’, reflecting concerted efforts to address road safety issues. Activities of the Kathmandu Valley Traffic Police Office like the ‘Traffic Awareness Special Campaign-2081’ exemplify this commitment. The focal ministry of road safety is the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport, which collaborates with various ministries such as the Ministry of Home Affairs, Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology, and the Ministry of Health and Population. Among them, the home ministry has played a pivotal role in spearheading enforcement initiatives to enhance road safety. The ‘Traffic Awareness Special Campaign-2081’, launched in April, aimed to cultivate a more civilized road culture through heightened awareness among the public. Furthermore, the ministry has announced plans for special operations geared toward enhancing the reliability and safety of public transportation.

Helmet safety and beyond

Helmet use is mandatory for both riders and pillion riders according to the Vehicle and Transport Management Act 2049 BS. Ensuring road safety involves various elements, but prioritizing low-cost, high-yield enforcement measures is crucial. Among these interventions, helmet safety stands out as paramount, especially considering that motorcycles account for over 80 percent of vehicles and pose the highest risk on the roads. The importance of wearing helmets, particularly for bikers and pillion-riders, cannot be overstated. Head trauma remains a leading cause of death in motorcycle accidents, yet quality helmets can significantly reduce the risk of fatalities by over six times and decrease the likelihood of brain injuries by up to 74 percent.

The dedication of Nepal Police in enforcing helmet safety regulations is admirable, despite resource constraints. However, effective enforcement requires strong support from various stakeholders, including the home ministry, health ministry, civil society organizations, professional networks and development partners.

Global efforts

Road safety is not solely a concern for Nepal; it’s a global imperative. According to WHO, the majority of road traffic fatalities occur in low- and middle-income countries, with the highest fatality rates observed among low-income countries, at 21 deaths per 100,000 population. This underscores the urgent need for international cooperation and solidarity. Road crashes have caused immense loss of human lives and hindered economic growth and sustainable development in Nepal. The number of casualties from road crashes has surged from 1,131 in 2008 to 2,789 in 2018, marking a staggering increase of 146.6 percent. The economic toll of road traffic injuries, with treatment costs and loss of productivity, amounts to an estimated three percent of annual GDP for many countries.

For instance, Nepal can draw valuable lessons from Thailand’s approach to post-crash care management. Under the Ministry of Interior’s National Directing Center for Road Safety, alongside the Ministry of Public Health and other road safety foundations, Thailand has implemented key activities to reduce its fatality burden, including leadership and networking, data integration and policy advocacy, and strengthening post-crash response.

Key change agents

The state of road safety in Nepal faces numerous challenges, with one of the primary issues being the limited capacity of the National Road Safety Council (NRSC) to serve as the lead agency for road safety, crucial for implementing the National Road Safety Action Plan (NRSAP 2021-2030). NRSC serves as the central coordinating body with the aim of reducing accidents and promoting safer roads nationwide. Its primary function is to foster coordination among various agencies and spearhead the implementation of safety measures. Also, the Road Safety Society Nepal, is dedicated to fostering a safe driving culture across the country. As a national nonprofit organization, it plays a vital role in facilitating the development of effective road safety practices through a range of initiatives. However, there is a pressing need for further innovative and participatory engagements to amplify its impact.

Encouragingly, private sector entities like Pathao and InDrive, tech startups revolutionizing transportation in Nepal, have begun integrating helmet safety into their policies and services. While these efforts are worthy, there is room for improvement. These companies have the opportunity to lead by example and prioritize passenger safety, particularly through the consistent use of helmets.

Views are personal

Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs Narayan Kaji Shrestha said that Nepal and India being close neighbors have built a longstanding history of mutual friendship and cooperation.

The salient features of Nepal-India ties include geographical proximity; religious, cultural and linguistic relations; economic engagement and intensely flourished people-to-people relations, the minister noted.

In his closing remarks at the third series of lectures launched by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in honor of former Ambassador and former Foreign Secretary Prof Yadunath Khanal on Tuesday evening, he said Nepal-India relations are nurtured by nature, bound by cultural affinity, comprehensive, multi-dimensional and incomparable.

"But there are some bilateral issues historically left behind that need to be resolved through dialogue and diplomatic channels based on historical facts and in accordance with the spirit of good neighborhood", he said.

The third series was focused on Nepal-India relations featuring Prof C Rajmohan, former Director of the Academy of South Asian Studies, as the keynote speaker.

This will pave the way for taking Nepal-India relations to a new height, for which the Government of Nepal is committed, DPM Shrestha said, reiterating that the bilateral relations are based on sovereign equality, peaceful coexistence, goodwill, mutual trust and understanding.

Minister Shrestha said the exchange of high-level visits has helped strengthen the relations and enhance partnership in many fields.

Sharing that a consultative mechanism has been established to facilitate cooperation in various areas of bilateral relations, he said such mechanisms have helped enhance mutual cooperation and partnership.

There is wider scope for cooperation in various areas of mutual benefits, he said that partnership in the energy sector is important. "Proper utilization of Nepal’s immense potential of hydropower generation can transform the development landscape of our region into clean energy", he said.

"Cross-border connectivity is being expanded to facilitate trade and transit. We need to further expand and improve this network", Minister Shrestha said, adding that both countries should find ways to make mutual trade profitable.

Stating that the multinational companies operating in Nepal have withdrawn their money from their investments, he said Nepal has become an attractive destination for investment.

There is a lot of scope for cooperation between Nepal and India in the field of information technology, the Foreign Minister stressed the need to expand bilateral cooperation in the field of education, science and technology.

Stating that Nepal's development and economic prosperity would also serve the interests of its neighbors, he said a peaceful neighborhood was Nepal's desire. 

Prof Rajmohan said Nepal and India have similar global challenges and both the countries are facing them. Stating that small countries have been affected by the power struggle between the powerful nations, he stressed the need for the political leadership to find a solution to it carefully.

Noting that Kathmandu and New Delhi should learn from Beijing, he said China has improved relations with Russia and the USA as per the need. Although Beijing's relations with Washington now are straining, relations with Moscow are strong, he said.

Foreign Secretary Sewa Lamsal informed that the lecture series has been organized to enhance thematic knowledge, discuss with the scholars about the existing foreign policy and practices of the country.

Khanal had served the nation as foreign secretary for two terms and ambassador to China, India and the United States. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has started this lecture series in the honor of the country's renowned diplomat Prof Khanal.

Nepal’s legal and institutional reforms under fiscal federalism and public financial management at the provincial and local levels have continued but at a moderate pace, says the World Bank’s Nepal Fiscal Federalism Update 2024.

A reduction of available financial resources in fiscal year 2023 for provincial and local governments, mainly due to a decrease in federal revenue, led to the first fiscal deficit at the subnational level since the outset of fiscal federalism in 2017.

To enhance the outcomes of fiscal federalism and public financial management including improved revenue generation for all three tiers of government, the Fiscal Federalism Coordination Division at the Ministry of Finance was designated to coordinate public financial management reform efforts and the preparation and implementation of a Fiscal Federalism Roadmap.

This report provides a comprehensive review of the progress of fiscal federalism in Nepal. The recommendations are well aligned with our national-level vision on smoothing the fiscal transfers to help subnational governments carry out their responsibilities effectively. The report also informs and supports our ongoing efforts to clarify responsibilities among the three tiers of government and advance fiscal federalism,” said Dr Baikuntha Aryal, Chief Secretary.

Building on the first edition of the Nepal Fiscal Federalism Update, the 2024 edition explores in-depth the key pillars of fiscal federalism in Nepal: Revenue Assignment and Administration; Expenditure Assignment and Administration; Inter-Governmental Fiscal Transfers; Borrowing and Capital Finance; and Fiscal Revenue from Natural Resources. It recommends specific measures to upgrade the Inter-Governmental Fiscal Transfer system and establish a consolidated public financial management performance database that includes data from the subnational levels to enhance evidence-based decision making and transparency.

“The report highlights the need to upgrade institutional arrangements for the Intergovernmental Fiscal Transfers system to make the transfers more needs-based and timely, and to increase the fiscal autonomy of provincial and local governments, in order to improve fiscal federalism outcomes,” said Balananda Paudel, Chairman of the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Commission. The report also recommends strengthening provincial and local-level institutional arrangements for fiscal federalism and public financial management operations, including actions to improve budget credibility to improve delivery of services by subnational governments.

“Fiscal Federalism is a foundation for sustained service delivery by provincial and local governments. They need adequate financial resources and the ability to make spending decisions at the subnational level, in the spirit of federalism and the Constitution,” said Faris Hadad-Zervos, World Bank Country Director for Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. “The World Bank is committed to supporting the Government of Nepal, in close collaboration with other development partners, to further solidify fiscal federalism in Nepal.”

Ambassador of Sweden to Nepal, Jan Thesleff, is visiting Kathmandu from May 14 to 17 together with representatives from Swedish businesses and government officials from the Swedish Energy Agency.

During his visit, Ambassador Thesleff will participate in the second edition of the EU-Nepal Business Forum taking place on May 15-16, and meet with the ministers, including Minister for Foreign Affairs Narayan Kaji Shrestha.

The business delegation includes companies such as Hexagon, Hitachi Energy and Saab.

Since the establishment of diplomatic ties between Sweden and Nepal in June 1960, the bilateral relations have prospered to a strong partnership founded on mutual respect, understanding and friendship over the decades, according to a press release issued by the Swedish Embassy in New Delhi.

The countries have an ongoing cooperation on climate change and matters related to Article 6 of the Paris Agreement.

“By participating in the EU-Nepal Business Forum, Sweden aims to further increase trade between our two nations and explore potential business opportunities involving Swedish and Nepalese companies," Ambassador Thesleff said, expressing hope that the bilateral cooperation with Nepal would be strengthened on climate action and the advancement of the sustainable development goals.

In the past Nepali month of Chaitra (mid-March to mid-April), authorities arrested 28 Bangladeshi nationals from various parts of the country. 

Among them, 18 had overstayed their visa and were illegally residing in Nepal. Ten others were apprehended for taking hostage and torturing several men from their own country at a Kathmandu-based hotel. They had brought the victims to Nepal with the promise of sending them to countries like the US, Canada, Italy, and Croatia. The accused had also taken hundreds of thousands of dollars from the victims. 

That same month, police arrested four Pakistani men for confining six Sri Lankans in two hotels in Kathmandu. According to Metropolitan Police Range spokesperson Ravindra Regmi, Pakistani and Sri Lankan agents collaborated to transport the hostages to Kathmandu on the pretext of flying them to Europe and other destinations. 

“In the process, they received substantial sums from them. Six Sri Lankan citizens paid 7.5m Sri Lankan rupees to the agents, with additional payments in USD,” says Regmi.

Similarly on Feb 15, a team from the District Police Office, Kathmandu, rescued 11 Indian citizens from captivity near Ratopul, Kathmandu. Eight individuals who held them captive are in custody, having brought the victims to Kathmandu, falsely promising easy access to the US via Nepal.

These incidents highlight a recent surge in crimes committed by foreign nationals in Nepal. The lenient arrival visa policy has attracted foreign criminals, who engage in human trafficking, drug smuggling, murder, theft, and fraud. 

According to the records of Nepal Police Headquarters, in the last 3.5 years, 480 foreign nationals have been involved in crimes in Nepal. From fiscal year 2077/78 BS to the present fiscal year 2080/81 BS. Among them, the majority are Indian nationals (192), followed by Chinese (84), and Bangladeshi (32) nationals. 

Gokarna Khanal, information officer at the Department of Prison Management, says there are 1,384 foreign nationals in prisons across the country. Of them, 1,204 are Indian nationals, 24 are Chinese nationals, three are Bangladeshi nationals, and 12 are Pakistani nationals. There are also eight Thais, three Filipinos, 13 South Africans, 12 Sudanese, and two American nationals.

Former Inspector General Thakur Gyawali says Nepal—where visa processes are extremely easy, and visas can even be obtained at the airport—is becoming a safe space for international criminals. Gyawali argues that besides easy arrival visa policy, Nepal’s security system itself is weak. He says due to legal loopholes, crimes committed by foreign nationals go unpunished.

The lack of robust monitoring and cooperation between agencies compounds the problem. Gyawali says the government’s data is not fully digitized online. Data related to criminal activities is shared with Nepal Police. However, economic data is shared with other entities, and data related to foreign arrivals is managed by another agency. 

“This lack of cooperation makes it difficult to monitor the activities of foreigners who enter Nepal,” Gyawai says. “We don’t have complete records of foreigners coming to Nepal. No agency is monitoring their activities. Where are they staying? How do they manage financially? Where do they get cash from?” 

If technology is updated and upgraded, Gyawali believes not only foreigners but also Nepali individuals can be deterred from committing crimes. 

The trend of foreigners getting involved in crimes is not new in Nepal, says Bhim Prasad Dhakal, spokesperson for Nepal Police. But he does not agree that Nepal’s law enforcement agencies are weak or ineffective.

“Compared to other countries, Nepal’s security is strong. No matter who or how one commits crimes, they can’t escape the police,” he says. “Also, it is not right to say that professional criminals come to Nepal and commit crimes.”

Security expert Prof. Indra Adhikari proposes enhanced scrutiny of tourist visas and digitization of foreign nationals’ activities. “A balance between tourism promotion and security measures is essential to curb criminal activities,” he says.

Adhikari is against vilifying the security agencies for increased crime rates. In comparison to the past, he mentions that the occurrence of serious crimes has decreased, indicating that the security agencies have become modern, efficient, robust, and trustworthy. 

“Criminals are always a step ahead of the law and security agencies. The number of crimes is increasing not only here but also in every country. Nepal Police is also vigilant and sensitive regarding the involvement of foreign nationals in crimes and criminal behavior. Impartial investigations are being conducted.”

On April 7, the Ministry of Home Affairs issued a directive to all 77 district administration offices across the country for increased surveillance of foreign nationals, emphasizing accountability for illegal activities. 

According to Narayan Prasad Bhattarai, spokesperson for the ministry, surveillance of foreign nationals entering all districts has been increased. 

“No one, whether domestic or foreign, is exempt from engaging in illegal activities while staying in Nepal. They will be brought under the legal framework,” he says.

Nepal, a country with diverse climates and geography, faces significant climate change impacts, from melting glaciers in the Himalayas to erratic lowland monsoon patterns. To mitigate these impacts, Nepal is investing in renewable energy sources like hydroelectric power, promoting reforestation, and encouraging sustainable agricultural practices to reduce carbon emissions. Nepal’s contribution is insignificant globally, but its commitment to reducing carbon emissions is promising. After the government’s commitment to reducing carbon emissions and exploring renewable energy sources, efforts toward hydropower development, harnessing of solar energy and other green energy sources have gained momentum. For a couple of years, as green hydrogen has been considered the most efficient and sustainable green energy, its potential in Nepal has become of interest to researchers, developers and the government. It represents a promising solution in the nation's transition toward a low-carbon economy. This innovative energy source, derived from renewable electricity, can significantly achieve climate goals while promoting economic growth and energy security. 

Green hydrogen is generated through electrolysis, wherein water is split into hydrogen and oxygen using electricity derived from renewable sources. This contrasts with gray hydrogen, produced using fossil fuels and resulting in significant carbon emissions. Since green hydrogen is created using renewable energy like hydroelectricity, it does not contribute to greenhouse gas emissions, making it a green alternative and becoming the choice of most countries that plan to achieve net zero emissions in the near future.

Nepal’s abundant hydroelectric resources position it as an ideal candidate for green hydrogen production. With over 40,000 megawatts (MW) of hydroelectric potential, the country can leverage this clean energy to generate hydrogen. Till now, Nepal has produced 2,800 MW of electricity from hydropower and is expected to produce 15,000 MW by 2030 and 30,000 MW by 2035. This opens the door to various applications, including the production of green hydrogen, which contributes to reducing Nepal’s carbon footprint while supporting its energy needs and economy.

Green hydrogen can serve as energy storage, capturing surplus electricity during high hydropower generation. This stored energy can then be used during periods of low water flow or peak demand, enhancing grid stability and reliability. As most of Nepal’s hydropower plants are runoff river types, significant energy is expected to be surplus during the monsoon season, where about 80 percent of precipitation occurs. Once more than 30,000 MW of hydroelectricity is generated, it is expected to have significant surplus energy during the monsoon season, which can be transformed into green hydrogen either used during the dry season or in any other form. It can power vehicles, emitting only water vapor as a byproduct. This can significantly reduce emissions in the transport sector and is one of the most significant contributors to air pollution and carbon emissions. Adopting green hydrogen technology can set a precedent for sustainable transport for a country like Nepal, where transportation infrastructure is rapidly developing. The industrial sector can also benefit from green hydrogen. It can replace natural gas and other fossil fuels in various industrial processes, reducing carbon emissions and supporting the country’s climate goal of reaching net zero carbon emissions by 2050. Nepal can benefit from reducing carbon emissions by participating in international carbon trading and offset programs, which allow developed countries to invest in carbon-reduction projects and provide funding and technology. This will promote economic growth, job creation and sustainable practices while enhancing environmental and public health outcomes.

Moreover, green hydrogen presents export opportunities for Nepal. If the country can produce excess green hydrogen, it can become a valuable resource for neighboring countries seeking clean energy solutions. The sale and export of green hydrogen can be easily expanded to several countries, in addition to India and Bangladesh, which are considered hydropower markets only. This could provide an economic boost and position Nepal as a regional leader in green hydrogen production and technology.

Despite the numerous benefits of green hydrogen, several challenges must be addressed for its widespread adoption in Nepal. Infrastructure development is one of the primary hurdles. Establishing hydrogen production, storage and distribution facilities requires significant investment and technical expertise. The cost of building this infrastructure can be high. The cost of green hydrogen will be high due to being more expensive to produce than gray hydrogen, mainly due to the high costs associated with renewable energy and electrolysis technology. However, these costs are expected to decrease as technology advances and economies of scale are achieved.

Government policies and regulations play a crucial role in promoting green hydrogen. Clear guidelines and incentives are needed to encourage private sector investment and drive the development of green hydrogen technologies. Without a supportive regulatory framework, it will be challenging to attract the investment required to build necessary infrastructure. Nepal can form international partnerships to access technology and funding for green hydrogen projects. Collaborating with countries and organizations experienced in hydrogen technology can provide valuable insights and resources to accelerate Nepal’s green hydrogen development. By focusing on advancing green hydrogen technology, Nepal can reduce production costs and improve efficiency. This can lead to broader adoption of green hydrogen across various sectors, fostering economic growth and job creation. An Indian investor is reported to have expressed interest in investing in Nepal’s green hydrogen production and promised to commit Rs 2trn to the project if the Nepal government establishes a supportive policy framework for green hydrogen. Also, other investors, especially from developed countries, might be interested in investing in green hydrogen for their responsibility of combating carbon emissions.

So, green hydrogen can potentially be a game-changer for Nepal as it seeks to combat climate change and transition to a low-carbon economy. By leveraging its abundant hydroelectric resources, Nepal can produce green hydrogen to meet its energy needs and reduce its carbon footprint. The applications of green hydrogen in energy storage, transportation and industrial processes are vast, offering a cleaner alternative to fossil fuels. Despite infrastructure development and cost challenges, Nepal can overcome these hurdles through strategic planning, international partnerships and a supportive regulatory framework. By focusing on innovation and embracing green hydrogen technology, Nepal can position itself as a leader in the region, making way for a rapid economic growth and contributing to global efforts to combat climate change.

The European Union (EU) said that it would help Nepal bring in investment.

EU Ambassador to Nepal Veronique Lorenzo informed that the 'EU-Nepal Trade Forum' is taking place in Kathmandu next week to bring European investment to Nepal.

In her address to a reception organized on Thursday to mark the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Nepal and the European Union, Ambassador Lorenzo said that the second meeting of the forum would be held in Kathmandu on May 15-16 to address Nepal's foreign investment deficit.

She said companies from EU countries would participate in the meeting to discuss the potential areas of investment in Nepal.

The Ambassador further said that Nepal was moving ahead with the goal of upgrading from the list of least developed countries in 2026 and it was necessary to create economic development and employment opportunities for the same.

During the drafting of the Constitution of Nepal, there was a comprehensive debate about what should be the substance and structure of the National Assembly of the Federal Parliament. That time, there were two schools of thought. One opinion was that the National Assembly should be the subsidiary or subordinate to the House of Representative (Lower House). But the second opinion was fundamentally different. The second opinion was that the National Assembly must be powerful, inclusive and of good quality. But numerically, the first opinion had the majority. So finally, the National Assembly was created in line with the first opinion. Hence our National Assembly was constitutionally made weak and subordinate to the Lower House. Same people have/had the control and influence in Lower House right after Constitution promulgation in two big parties in Nepal. So, they made the National Assembly deliberately weak legally too and made it subordinate to the Lower House while drafting the House Regulations.

When we look upon the content and structure of the Upper House in India, UK and other bi-cameral Houses, we see that the making and breaking of the government is the sole right and responsibility of the Lower House. Presentation of fiscal budget (Finance Bill) is also always done in the Lower House. These two rights, everywhere, are exclusively always reserved for the Lower House. But except these two, all other rights and responsibilities are almost equally divided between the two Houses. This world standard, though, does not comply or match in the context of Nepal. Our Federal Parliament was exclusively made with the main focus on the Lower House and it was deliberate and intentional.

In India, legislative, executive, judicial, electoral, amendment rights and even some special powers were constitutionally given to the Upper House. India is a model of how the Upper House is functioning in a parliamentary democratic country.  In the UK, the Upper House scrutinizes legislation, holds the government to account, and considers and reports upon public policy. Peers may also seek to introduce legislation or propose amendments to Bills.

Where are the faults and weaknesses?

 In Constitution:  Article 111 of the present Constitution creates discrimination and inequality between the two Houses with regard to passing the Bills.

Basically, sub-article (2), (4), (5) and (10) are discriminatory. Sub-article (2) only gives 15 days’ mandatory time to the National Assembly for discussion and sending it back to the Lower House with regard to the Finance Bill.

Sub-article (4) gives the discretionary right to the Lower House and says if the National Assembly does not send it back to the Lower House within 15 days, the Lower House can send this Bill to the Head of State for authentication.

Sub-article (5) gives mandatory two months to the National Assembly to send it back to the Lower House in case of all other normal Bills passed by the Lower House. But it is not vice-versa. Here, the Lower House has the monopoly. The Lower House does not have a time limit. It is an extremely discriminatory provision for the National Assembly.

Sub-article (10) also gives the upper hand to the Lower House. It says if any Bill is under consideration in any House and the Lower House has dissolved or ended its tenure, the Bill will be passive. These are the discriminatory provisions in the Constitution, which need immediate amendment.

Faults and discrimination in the regulation: Clause (6) of the Joint Regulation of the Federal Parliament says that the Speaker will preside over the meetings of the joint House. The Chairman of the National Assembly can only preside over the session if the Speaker is absent. This is not respectful and just to the National Assembly’s Chair. It has to be turn by turn.

Clause (25) of the Joint Regulation is also extremely discriminatory and unjust. It is about the Parliamentary Hearing Committee. There is the provision of a 15-member Committee. There are 12 members from the Lower House and only 3 members from the National Assembly. This is not fair, not representative, not inclusive and undermines the respect, dignity and image of the National Assembly. There has to be at least 5 members from the National Assembly.

 There are two Joint Committees in the Federal Parliament. One is the Parliamentary Hearing Committee and the other is the State’s Directive Principles, Policies and Liability Implementation, Supervision and Evaluation Committee. In eight years of Constitution implementation, members of the National Assembly never got a chance to become the Chair of either committee. This is also a discrimination and domination of the Lower House.

Sub-clause 33(4) of the same regulation is also not fair. It states about the number-ratio of other Joint Committees. The ratio is 1:5—one from the National Assembly but five from the Lower House. The point is that the ratio is unjust.

Sub-clause (44) of the same regulation is also unfair and dominating. It says that, whatever mentioned in the Joint Regulation, all activities take place accordingly. But whatever is not mentioned, will be done as per the provision of Lower House’s Regulation. This has established the supremacy of the Lower House over the National Assembly.

First and foremost, the mindset of political leadership, government and media should be changed in regard to the National Assembly. They do not pay much attention and importance to the National Assembly. The reason is that it has no role in making or breaking a government. They have only a little knowledge about the role and responsibilities of the Upper Houses of other countries. Parties are also sending cadres to the National Assembly, who are less qualified and less competent.

In conclusion, Nepal's National Assembly faces challenges rooted in its constitutional framework and parliamentary regulations, leading to a subordinate status compared to the Lower House. Discriminatory provisions in the Constitution and Joint Regulation undermine the role and representation of the National Assembly. To address these issues, there's a need for constitutional amendments to ensure equality between the two houses and a shift in mindset among political leaders, government, and media to recognize and respect the importance of the National Assembly in the country's governance. This would promote a more balanced and effective bicameral system in Nepal. Hence to make our National Assembly more powerful, inclusive, democratic, effective and of better quality and of world standards, we have to amend the Constitution, change the House Regulations as well as the mindset. 

The World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors today approved an $80m development policy credit for Nepal to strengthen the stability of the financial sector, diversify financial solutions, and increase access to financial services.

The third Finance for Growth Development Policy Credit aims to improve the functioning of the financial sector to support private sector-led growth. The operation will strengthen the supervision of the banking and insurance sectors in Nepal and foster financial product innovations in capital, insurance, and disaster risk markets. The operation will also increase financial inclusion through digitalization, enhanced credit infrastructure and improved financial literacy, with a focus on women entrepreneurs.

“This project supports Nepal’s green, resilient, and inclusive development and will help create an enabling environment for private investment to contribute to Nepal’s economic growth, particularly benefiting the poor and vulnerable,” said Faris Hadad-Zervos, World Bank Country Director for Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. 

The operation also supports Nepal’s climate agenda by, for example, enhancing supervision of climate risks by requiring disclosures of climate-related risks and impacts of the banking sector portfolio; introducing risk-informed pricing for insurance products, including climate risks; establishing a framework for the issuance of green bonds; and integrating climate-related mitigation and adaptation commitments into credit guarantee products.

“This operation supports the government’s transformative financial sector reform agenda to promote private sector-led growth. The reforms in banking, insurance, and capital markets are instrumental for the sector’s resilience and the critical role it plays to enable private capital mobilization,” stated Tatsiana Kliatskova, World Bank task team leader for the project.

A research recently published by Christopher K Colley for the Stimson Center, an American think tank, nudged me to contemplate doing something I have never done before: Write a piece on foreign policy centered on Nepal from the perspective of Beijing. 

The paper, The Emerging Great Game Chinese, Indian and American Engagement in South Asia, is interesting, though not much in terms of its quite narrow and limited recommendations on how the USA can better counter the existing regional dynamics over the region. 

Instead, it is of great value for its fairly balanced analysis of what China, India and the USA have been doing (or not doing) in order to assert their positions in Kathmandu and Dhaka. 

Colley, an assistant professor of International Security Studies at the United States Air War College, highlights how ably China has been capable of outpowering its two big rivals in Nepal.

At the same time, the author, quite correctly, underscores that it has not been entirely all smooth sailing for Beijing. 

China has been overtly perceived to favor the leftist parties, which recently formed a new coalition, a tactic that can often backfire.

Indeed, the political instability in Kathmandu and the overall volatility of national politics is at least partially induced by the same game that Beijing learned so ably from other foreign powers jockeying for influence in Nepal. 

And it is a sort of chain reaction: As China steps up its game, more push backs and initiatives are put in place by its rivals to offset its increasingly more vocal foreign policy in Nepal. 

But connectivity and infrastructure are the elements that have been so central to Beijing’s approach to both Nepal and Bangladesh (and by extension to the entire world) and that have been distinguishing it from other big players. 

We need to give credit to Beijing that the Belt and Road Initiative is certainly very ambitious, perhaps even too much. 

Symbolically speaking, the BRI has been extremely important because it offered a clear vision of a future based on connectivity and with it comes a very clear and eye-catching narrative. 

No matter the confusion attached to the BRI, what really counts is that the Chinese were able to portray it as a game-changer initiative that is still unmatched by other geopolitical rivals. 

At the same time, though, concrete results and benefits on this front, as Colley explains, are mostly still to be seen on the ground in both nations. 

In this regard, it is still remarkable that Kathmandu and Beijing have not signed the implementation framework of the BRI as yet.  

India has been trying with its Look East Policy but, beyond the fact that it has never been focused on Nepal, the initiative is more like a strategy rather than a concrete, tangible initiative like the BRI.

The EU Global Gateway Initiative not only was designed very lately and it is still in its infancy, it’s still very far from being relevant and certainly did not make a mark in Nepal 

The USA does not have any infrastructure programs in the region. Unless we consider the highly complex and possibly impractical India-Middle East-Europe-Economic Corridor (IMEC) signed last year during the India G20, it is a joint venture with the European Union and seven other countries. 

Considering the unrivaled level of connectivity projects China aims to build in Nepal, Beijing should do a much better job in terms of outreach. 

Students, civil society and think tanks in Nepal should be engaged to better explain not only the BRI but also the more recently launched Global Civilization Initiative that still remains a mystery for many observers. 

This public outreach will probably be met with similar attempts by the USA and India while I am not entirely confident that the EU can be up to playing this game. 

China could also get out of its comfort zone and explain its human rights approach.

It knows, in advance, that the primacy of economic rights, a cornerstone of China’s official policies, can be relatively well received here but with some caveats. 

On the one hand, the Chinese model of top-down governance centered on effectiveness of policies and quick delivery of results can easily find admirers in Nepal, a country plagued by ineffective governance. 

On the other hand, in a nation that fought tooth and tooth for its freedoms in its decades-long quest for democracy, not once but multiple times, the same argument of the primacy of economic rights over political and civil liberties won’t go very far nor persuade the majority. 

Even a much more proactive PR and public engagement with the citizenry of the country won’t be enough. 

Such activities should also be matched by what really matters: A change in substance in China’s overall approach to Nepal and by extension, in the way it traditionally deals with developing nations around the world. 

It is now crystal clear that the Nepali side has been quite skillful at pushing back in terms of terms and conditions that Beijing has been offering for the BRI projects.

A country like Nepal, often portrayed as a weak nation, has been doing a masterful job at asserting its own strategic interest in its relationships with China.

So, if China really wants a breakthrough with Kathmandu, it has to show a much higher level of flexibility on how the BRI can be rolled out. 

It needs to accept the key terms, quite reasonable if you think about it, that Nepal is demanding: Grants and very nominal interest rates on the loans that it needs to take. 

Beijing should be much more effective and persuasive at explaining how it can really be transformative for Nepal to have a direct railways connection with its southern borders.  

Considering the staggering sums involved and the sheer complexity of the undertaking, it is obvious that Kathmandu does not want to incur huge debts.

Could Nepal offer China a new template on how to deal with the world, a much less rigid one and more attuned to the needs of the recipient nations? 

The Dragon Boat race on the occasion of the Chinese New Year was a big boost for the image of China in the country.

Yet it is not nearly enough to dispel some of the concerns that many harbor toward Beijing. 

It would not be surprising if an increasing number of people in Nepal start showing some annoyance toward China using the same heavy-handed approach that New Delhi has been, for so long, accused of. 

For sure, Nepal does not need neither big brothers nor big sisters. 

It needs reliable partners that, while overtly and covertly pursuing their strategic interests, also allow Nepal to play the same game by maximizing its own national priorities.

This means to be okay with the fact that Kathmandu might also and, very respectfully, say “no” to them as they do not align with its core interests . 

Accepting this new reality means that Nepal is growing and moving steadfastly toward becoming a developed nation, a country that is not afraid of exerting its own sovereign interests. 

It will also imply that its core partners have been effective at fulfilling what should be their primary mission in Nepal: Helping the nation to stand more confidently and more ambitiously on its own feet. 

The author writes about politics, human rights and development in Nepal and the Asia-Pacific

During Japanese Foreign Minister Kamikawa Yoko’s one-day Nepal visit on Sunday, the two sides discussed pressing global and regional issues.

According to Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Japanese foreign minister and Nepal’s foreign minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha held a candid exchange of views on regional affairs, including the situation in East Asia and South Asia, and concurred on maintaining close communication between the two countries.

The two ministers also held a candid exchange of views on global issues, including strengthening of the functions of the UN, including the Security Council reform, the rule of law, and nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, the Japanese ministry stated in a press release.  Minister Yoko stated that the concept of Women, Peace and Security (WPS) is becoming ever more important amidst increasing uncertainty in the international community, and that Japan would like to further strengthen cooperation in the area of WPS in the future. In response, Minister Shrestha said Nepal would like to maintain cooperation on global issues, including WPS. 

Minister Yoko also conveyed the message to Nepali leaders that Japan would like to work together for the development of Nepal and for peace, stability and prosperity in the region through practical cooperation.

Enhancing people-to-people relationships was another issue that two sides discussed during the visit. Currently, over 170,000 Nepalis, including many exchange students, are living in Japan. The issue of sending more Nepali workers to Japan also figured in the meeting.

In the meeting with PM, Minister Kamikawa also stated that Nepal's sustainable development contributes to the stability of the region and that Japan would continue to cooperate in Nepal’s efforts for sustainable development through development cooperation such as the Nagdhunga Tunnel Construction Project. 

The two ministers concurred on cooperating to further promote mutual understanding and friendly bilateral relations through the establishment of a preparatory committee in both countries to consider initiatives befitting the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations in 2026, as well as the “Human Resources Development Scholarship Program” (JDS), a grant aid program for training young administrative officials. The two ministers also concurred on promoting people-to-people exchanges through Specified Skilled Workers and tourism.

In the heart of Kirtipur is a place of hope and compassion. Baby Life Home and Saphalta HIV Shikshya Sadan, a non-profit organization founded by Raj Kumar Pun in 2011 and 2012, serves as a shelter, care center, and educational institution for children infected with HIV in Nepal. The organization provides children not only with basic necessities like food, shelter, and medical care but also education and emotional support.

Led by Pun, the 41-year-old founder and chairperson, the team consists of seven members. Uma Gurung serves as the founder vice president. “Before establishing this organization, we were all involved in different professions. I was a teacher. Others were engaged in businesses or had steady jobs,” says Pun. Despite their diverse backgrounds, they shared a common passion—they wanted to work for the marginalized community and make a positive impact in society.

The concept of Baby Life Home took shape over 15 years ago when Pun came across a daily newspaper headline ‘HIV-infected children in trouble’. Moved by a deep sense of empathy and a desire to help these children, Pun embarked on a mission to provide assistance. Along with his team, he traveled to Dang, intending to provide basic necessities such as food, clothing, and stationery supplies. But what they encountered there was something they could have never imagined.

Upon arriving at the shelter, Pun and his team witnessed a heartbreaking reality. “The children’s families and relatives were mistreating them. Other children weren’t allowed to play with them. It was heartbreaking,” says Pun. The seeds of Baby Life Home were thus planted. Pun wanted to give these children a loving home. He wanted them to have a safe space.

However, the journey was challenging. No one wanted to rent out their homes to them due to the many misconceptions they had about HIV transmission. So, they created a temporary shelter at Gurung’s residence. Later, Pun decided to keep the children in a house he had bought for his parents. “We started the shelter with four children and the number had gone up to ten by that time,” he says.

Many schools were hesitant to admit the children due to fears of stigma and discrimination. “Initially, we believed that providing proper medical care would enable our children to be accepted into any school. But this assumption proved wrong as neither private nor government schools were willing to take them in,” says Pun.

Their decision to start Saphalta HIV Shikshya Sadan was born out of this reality. They wanted a nurturing and inclusive learning environment where HIV-infected children could thrive academically, socially, and emotionally. Saphalta HIV Shikshya Sadan is Nepal’s first school and orphanage to openly support education for HIV-infected children without concealing their HIV status, ensuring their right to education in a caring environment.

In addition to being infected with HIV, many children at Baby Life Home also suffer from various other diseases and health conditions. Some have heart diseases, while others suffer from epilepsy. “We have never solicited donations specifically for medical purposes. While money is important, we are grateful when people willingly contribute, donate food, or celebrate special occasions with us. We graciously accept such contributions,” says Pun.

To manage the children’s condition, Baby Life Home procures Antiretrovirals (ARVs) from Teku Hospital which provides them free of cost to meet the needs of HIV-infected children. These medications, donated by the World Health Organization to the Nepali government, are acquired according to the specific requirements of each child ensuring that they receive the appropriate dosage and combination of medicines tailored to their medical needs. Each child’s treatment is carefully monitored, with regular assessments of effectiveness to ensure optimal outcome.

Recognizing the challenges and trauma these children face due to their health condition and societal stigma, at Baby Life Home, counseling plays a crucial role. “Life is transient, and people don’t only die from HIV/AIDS. So, it’s not worth worrying too much about death. Instead, we should strive to live our lives to the fullest, enjoying each moment,” says Pun “Even though we may not have given birth to them, we are their parents and we want to provide them with the life they deserve.”

Pun has a double masters’ degree in sociology and political Science, demonstrating his commitment to understanding the complexities of society and governance. He has also completed a CMA (Community Medicine Assistance) degree, further enhancing his understanding of healthcare and medical issues, particularly in the context of HIV/AIDS.

Pun is thankful for the government’s assistance. “Our former prime minister, K P Oli, came to know about the organization and created a substantial fixed deposit for us. We are able to use the interest generated from this deposit for the children’s medication and basic needs,” he says. Additionally, the government has granted them access to Social Security Allowance as well.

Pun believes there is more the government can do for the welfare of HIV-infected children in Nepal. It’s important to raise awareness and dispel myths and misconceptions about HIV/AIDS, he says.

Pun’s dedication has turned out to be fruitful. The organization is currently providing services to over 100 HIV-infected children—a testament to the power of compassion and community driven initiatives. Some of the children are studying to become doctors, while others have graduated with degrees in arts and social work. This, Pun believes, is a testament to the resilience and determination of these children, who despite adversity continue to pursue their dreams and ambitions with unwavering courage.

The Nepal-India border in Siraha district will be closed for eight days in two phases, due to the upcoming Loksabha elections in the neighboring Indian state of Bihar.

The elections are scheduled to take place in two phases: on May 7 and May 20.

As per directives from the District Administration Office in Siraha, transit points will be closed 72 hours before each election date.

Consequently, the border areas will be inaccessible from Saturday midnight until May 7 for the first phase and from midnight on May 17 until May 20 for the second phase.

Around two months ago, a meeting between Nepal-India security officials concluded that the Thadhi, Bariyapatti, and Madarana points along the Nepal-India border in Siraha would be closed during the Loksabha polls in Madhuwani district of Bihar, according to Assistant Chief District Officer Naresh Kumar Yadav.

Nepal is already caught in the geopolitics of great power competition, and we cannot escape from it. The only option left for us is building our capacity to deal with the fast-changing geopolitical situation. There is a national consensus that Nepal should use the current situation as an opportunity to advance its economic interests. Foreign and geopolitical experts, including this scribe, often wonder whether we have built our capacity to deal with the complex, uncertain, and chaotic world. In one way or another, Nepal is already bearing the brunt of increasing geopolitical tensions. The pressing issues that the global community is confronting are growing tensions between the US and China, the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, Taiwan tension, the Middle East crisis and the impacts of climate change. The impact of those issues in Nepal is evident in the conduct of foreign policy, the economy, and to some extent, the domestic political landscape. Over the past few years, we have already become hostages of indecision, ill-decisions, delayed decisions, or fractured decisions on important bilateral, regional or global issues.

To deal with the complex geopolitical situation and other global issues, Nepal needs to pay serious attention to strengthen the existing mechanisms and create new structures, if required. First, it needs to make the existing mechanisms effective. Second, it needs to work out whether it needs new mechanisms. Third, there should be effective and timely coordination among the key state institutions. 

Let's begin with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA). The ministry has 10 divisions covering all countries, regional and global organizations. However, these divisions fall short of human resources and expertise to deal with global issues, given the workload of all divisions. The creation of divisions is based on geography, not issues. Like in many other countries, there are no think tanks within the ministry to support its functioning. Nor is MoFA tolerant or positive about the government think-tank, the Institute of Foreign Affairs (IFA). MoFA officials have yet to realize the importance and role of think-tanks. They think, since they are involved in all bilateral, regional and multilateral negotiations, they have first-hand information on all issues and do not require inputs from any think-tanks. That is why, for a long time, the IFA has been left totally paralyzed.

And it is because of this hubris, the units within MoFA have failed to produce in-depth reports on important bilateral and regional issues. Take the examples of America's Indo-Pacific Strategy and China's Belt and Road Initiative. There has been no serious research and studies on either of these. As MoFA has not developed its capacity, other ministries and departments cannot take its support. Based on conversations with government officials, this scribe can conclude that there is a vague understanding of these issues among them, and they are facing difficulties in taking decisions. There is another side to the story too; there is a lack of independent experts and scholars who can conduct in-depth study and research on what Nepal's position should be in the changing geopolitical situation. There are some non-government think-tanks doing research, but government agencies and officials do not take them seriously due to their poor quality.

The underlying problem is that there is a serious flaw in the appointment of the foreign minister. Those who have at least some idea about foreign policy or geopolitics should be appointed foreign minister. On the one hand, the tenure of foreign ministers is usually short, while on the other, it takes several months for them to grasp the basic knowledge of how MoFA functions and what the key issues are. Foreign embassies or permanent representatives are one of the important wings of the ministry. However, they are almost dysfunctional. Barring some exceptions, Nepal is sending inexperienced, low-profile politicians as its ambassadors to key global capitals such as New Delhi, Washington and Beijing. 

There are some basic problems with ambassadors appointed on political quotas. First, they lack knowledge of the basics of how diplomacy works. Second, they usually do not cooperate with their respective division at the ministry; they do not even feel comfortable reporting to the foreign secretary. They work directly with the foreign minister or the prime minister. Whereas, career ambassadors have the tradition of not taking decisions out of fear of being dragged into controversy. That is why they confine themselves to day-to-day administrative tasks. There is, therefore, a need for a complete overhaul in the functioning of the ministry and its units.

Another equally important issue is the lack of cooperation between state mechanisms, mainly the Office of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers (OPMCM). Currently, there is a lack of coordination between OPMCM and the Foreign Minister. In some cases, the OPMCM takes decisions without consulting or informing MoFA. One example of this is the appointment of ambassadors. There is also a lack of coordination between the foreign ministry and other ministries. In principle, all decisions and communication related to foreign policy should be conducted through MoFA, but this is not happening. At the same time, there is a lack of consultation between MoFA and security agencies. Not only is there a lack of coordination among ministries, but there is also a lack of coordination between MoFA, and provincial and local governments.

Experts have been raising this issue for a long time. But political leaders do not take these issues seriously because they are wielding foreign policy to advance their party and personal interests. If all the activities and processes are made transparent, they fear losing the privilege of making secret deals or appeasing others to remain in power. This is why they usually do not want to include MoFA officials in talks with other countries, except in formal delegation-level meetings. At the same time, Nepal seriously lacks capable human resources to deal with the complex geopolitics. This should be our priority issue although it may not be a priority issue for our politicians. Our politicians should realize that they alone cannot handle foreign policy in this complex geopolitical situation. Politicians may have certain issues with the foreign ministry, but there cannot be its replacement. They, however, have all rights to restructure it.

Nepal suffered a 76-run defeat at the hands of West Indies ‘A’ in the third match of five matches held at the TU Cricket Ground in Kirtipur on Wednesday.

Chasing the target of 288 runs, Nepal were bowled out for 151 in 19.2 overs, losing all the wickets.

For Nepal, Karan KC scored 28 of 17 balls hitting three fours and one six, Lokesh Bam 28 off 29 balls with one boundary and two sixes in 29 balls, Kushal Malla 20, Binod Bhandari 19 and. Anil Shah, 14. However, other batters failed to score in double digits.

Earlier, West Indies won the toss and decided to bat first and scored 227 runs in allotted 20 overs at the cost of three wickets.

For the team, Johnson Charles hit beyond the century as he recorded 119 off 61 balls with 13 boundaries and seven sixes.  Andre Fletcher scored 53 off 33 balls with four boundaries and three sixes. Fabian Allen made 19, Alick Athanaze 17 and Keemo Paul was not out with 13.

Nepal's Karan KC and Sagar Dhakal took one wicket each. 

In the ongoing T20 series comprising five matches in total, Nepal lost two matches and won one.  

Nepal won the opening match by four wickets while lost the second with 10 runs and third with 76 runs. The fourth match will take place tomorrow, Thursday.

Nepal currently has 20 protected areas (PAs) stretching from the lowland Tarai to high mountains comprising 12 national parks, six conservation areas, one wildlife reserve, one hunting reserve, and 13 buffer zones—the PAs cover about 23.39 percent of the country. Despite covering only 0.1 percent of the global area, Nepal contributes to 3.2 percent and 1.1 percent of the world’s flora and fauna. Undoubtedly, the PAs significantly support floral and faunal biodiversity and cultural and religious heritages within the areas. But is it enough?

A study by the National Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences revealed that many of the world's mammal species are at risk of extinction due to inadequate protection within the existing global network of PAs. Researchers examined nearly 4,000 land-based and non-flying mammal species residing in PAs and discovered that many of them are situated in habitats too small or poorly connected for the animals to flourish. The highest concentration of underprotected species was observed in regions known for their rich biodiversity, such as South, Southeast, and East Asia; Latin America and the Caribbean; Africa; and Oceania. To effectively conserve biodiversity, the suggestion of essential expansion of both the size and quantity of PAs while enhancing their connectivity. The expansion of Bardia National Park (BNP) in the 1980s has contributed significantly to increasing the number of Royal Bengal Tigers to 125 (Tiger Census 2022) in Nepal. Additionally, it emphasizes the importance of locating PAs strategically and managing them with a comprehensive understanding of the habitat requirements of the animals. Amidst conflicting land use policies, limited financial resources, and pressures for resource extraction is the expansion of PAs in Nepal possible though?

Even though the establishment of PAs in Nepal seems right from a conservation point of view, it does come with a hefty amount of issues; especially indigenous rights. In the past, local communities had unrestricted access to areas that are now designated as PAs, resulting in their loss of access to resources essential for their livelihoods. As these areas became subject to legal regulations, people found themselves excluded from their traditional use of natural resources. This exclusion has led to increased illegal activities within protected areas, such as poaching and unauthorized logging. Furthermore, local communities often lacked access to compensation for damages caused by wildlife or protected animals.

Due to various movements and negotiations, some indigenous communities have been successful in claiming their rights back from the PAs. Fisherfolks residing on the banks of the Narayani River gained fishing rights in 1999 after years of protest against Chitwan National Park (CNP) whereas poor local women of the Sardar community gained access to harvesting Pater—a thick grass used in making handmade mattresses on a seasonal basis from Koshi Tappu Wildlife Reserve (KTWLR) are few of the instances. So, does this mean the expansion of the number of PAs is possible as long as the rights are provided?

Although the recent policies and practices of PAs have provided some recognition of indigenous rights and roles, there are still huge gaps in proper policy implementation. Not all indigenous communities are on the receiving end of the fishing licenses; but rather at the mouth of harassment, discrimination, and death especially in the lowlands. The regulation of the CNP eliminates Majhis from the traditional fishing communities, the 1996 Bardia National Park (BNP) Regulation allows Bote, Darai, Kumal, and Tharu communities to obtain fishing licenses for a fee of Rs 100 under the condition of using only fishhooks and in 2018–2019, CNP halted new fishing licenses for the Bote community to protect aquatic life. Regulations in Nepal lack meaningful participation and respect for Indigenous Peoples' rights, including free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC). Government efforts to include marginalized groups often face skepticism, perpetuating a cycle of discrimination and hindering equitable development for Indigenous Peoples, particularly women and girls. Between 1 Jan 2020, and 24 June 2021, CNP documented 22 cases of harassment, abuse, and torture, affecting 139 indigenous men, and 397 indigenous women. Notably, all incidents involving women occurred while gathering vegetables and ghongi, a traditional Tharu dish, within the park. In KTWLR, a woman who had delivered a baby just 13 days earlier was instructed to perform Uth-Bas (sitting down and rising) 100 times upon entering the protected area to gather fodder for her goats.

The present scenario of discrimination, harassment, and even death of indigenous communities in and around PAs demotivates the expansion of PAs. Because it seems as if the PAs in Nepal are just about floral, faunal, and not people. Rather, the efforts to rehabilitate indigenous rights, if not reinstate them completely, should be pursued and new mechanisms of collaboration in terms of policy making should be implemented. In the Annapurna Conservation Area Project (ACAP), Gurung and Thakali communities collaborate with conservation authorities to manage resources sustainably, preserving biodiversity while promoting community-based tourism initiatives that benefit local livelihoods. Instead of focusing on the expansion of PAs, shifting the focus to indigenous rights within PAs is important as findings suggest that PAs with the active involvement of Indigenous peoples in management and decision-making show better outcomes in conservation and human rights protection.