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Nepal and Canada are holding bilateral talks today.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba, who is in Ottawa to attend the 'Women's Foreign Ministers Meeting' to be held in Toronto, Canada, on October 19 and 24, is scheduled to hold talks with a delegation led by Canadian Minister of Foreign Affairs Mélanie Joly.

According to the Embassy of Nepal in Ottawa, Foreign Minister Deuba is scheduled to attend a meeting with the office-bearers of the Canada-Nepal Parliamentary Friendship Group at the Parliamentary Hill and a reception to be hosted by the Embassy on the occasion of the National Day.

Minister Deuba, who arrived in Canada on Tuesday to attend the meeting at the friendly invitation of Canadian Foreign Minister Jolie, was received at The Montreal International Airport by Nepal's Ambassador to Canada Bharat Raj Poudyal, Nepali embassy staff as well as courtesy officials of the Canadian government.

Nepal's monthslong festival season began on Tuesday with tens of thousands of devotees pulling a wooden chariot with a young girl revered as a living goddess.

Families gathered for feasts and lit incense for the dead at shrines. Men and boys in colorful masks and gowns representing Hindu deities danced to traditional music and drums, drawing throngs of spectators to Kathmandu's old streets.

The Indra Jatra festival marks the end of the monsoon and rice farming season and signals the dawn of fall. It's celebrated mostly by the Newar community, the native residents of Kathmandu. It is also known as the festival of deities and demons and especially honors Indra, the Hindu god of rain.

The masked dancers, one of the highlights of the ceremony, can be fearsome, entertaining and awe-inspiring, depending on the performers' movements.

Kumari, a young girl who is revered by both Hindus and Buddhists in Nepal as a living goddess, left her temple palace and was driven around the center of the capital in a wooden chariot pulled by devotees, who lined up to receive her blessing. Among the spectators were President Ram Chandra Poudel, officials and diplomats.

The weeklong Indra Jatra precedes months of other festivals in the predominantly Hindu nation. They include Dasain, the main festival, and Tihar, or Diwali, the festival of lights, in November. AP

Once a new government is installed in Kathmandu, deliberations on Nepal-India relations take the center stage of national politics.  However, attempts have been made for a long time to find a permanent solution to the problems seen in Nepal-India relations. Be it the border dispute or the friendship treaty of 1950 and others, there have been a long series of discussions between the two countries. In this context, the Eminent Persons Group’s (EPG) report is currently being discussed in Nepal at a level that has once again achieved par. After the formation of the new government consisting of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, when the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Nepal, Arzu Rana Deuba went on an official visit to India, questions were raised about whether Minister Deuba would raise the issue of the EPG report. Same concerns were raised with the erstwhile governments. While releasing a book written by one of the members of EPG, Suryanath Upadhyay; on Sept 7, PM Oli expressed his belief that the Indian prime minister would receive the EPG report, despite the fact that the current government does not appear to have made a formal comment on it. The prime minister’s commentary carries meaning in bilateral matters, whether it is at a book launch or in other casual settings. Importantly, it has extra significance because the current prime minister and India have a turbulent past.

Is it accurate, nevertheless, that this report is being discussed aggressively in Nepal? In what way does this report matter for Nepal? Shall Nepal be adhered to this report? The purpose of this article is to depict how, during the last six years, the EPG report has been seen as an enigma and what path Nepal needs to tread on.

Formation and flux

In the year 2011, when Baburam Bhattarai was the prime minister, during his visit to India, the proposal to form EPG was made public through a joint statement. The purpose of the proposal was to further strengthen multi-dimensional relations between the two countries. The then prime minister of India, Manmohan Singh, also agreed to this. Five years later, in 2016, there was a formal agreement on the formation of EPG. After the announcement of the EPG, the group held a meeting in Kathmandu and formally started the study. The mandates assigned to the EPG were to analyze previous treaties, mostly the 1950’s treaty and agreements between the two countries. In a similar vein, to suggest essential actions to improve the social-economic, political, and cultural ties as well as mutual trust between the two nations.

Likewise, suggesting other areas required for fostering and bolstering friendship between the two countries, as well as institutional frameworks for ties and steps to eradicate cross-border crime while boosting peace, prosperity, and cordiality. The EPG held a total of nine meetings in both countries and approved the report of the EPG in 2018. On behalf of Nepal, Bhekh Bahadur Thapa (coordinator), Rajan Bhattarai, Nilambar Acharya, and Suryanath Upadhyaya were members. Bhagat Singh Kosiari (coordinator), Jayanta Prasad, Mahendra P Lama, and Bhuvanchandra Upreti, members from India, are in the group. The EPG members agreed to submit the approved report to the Prime Minister of India first and then to the Prime Minister of Nepal. After six years, the Indian side has not received the report.

Following the adoption of the 2015 Constitution of Nepal, the UML, led by KP Sharma Oli, formed the government. The Nepali Congress was out of power. The Madhesh-centric parties were agitating because of dissatisfaction with the fast-tracking of the constitution. Nepal and India's political ties were not harmonious. Given this context, the formation of the EPG between Delhi and Kathmandu was created purely for ‘political face saving’ of each side. The agitated Madhes based parties resisted the formation of the EPG without a broader consultation. The EPG was meant to assess the boundary between India and Nepal, but instead it is controlled by leftists, with not a single person from borderland included. The formation of EPG and its procedure seems to be divisive prima facie inside Nepal.

Don’t be stuck; be strategic 

Despite the political and diplomatic ups and downs, there has been no decrease in the intensity of economic exchanges and people-to-people relations between the two countries.

The India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship  was signed by the last Rana prime minister of Nepal, Mohan Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana, and the then Indian ambassador to Nepal, Chandreshwor Prasad Narayan Singh on 31 July 1950 and came into force the same day. However, the Treaty of 1950 was engulfed in controversy before its ink had even dried. That controversy kept coming to the surface from time to time. The controversy mostly comes from ‘communist-oriented intellectuals’ and from those who believe in the nationalism shaped by the late king Mahendra. As a result, this issue remained an important issue in the relationship between the two countries. Undoubtedly, the treaty signed by the prime minister from the Nepalese side and the Ambassador from the Indian side reflects prima facie inequality. Similarly, in the report of EPG, Nepal has put forward a proposal that some articles of the peace and friendship treaty of 1950, such as 5, 6, and 7, are not up-to-date.

The way the Nepali members of EPG have been leaking  the contents of the report in various programs from time to time shows how impatient the members are, and it also cannot be said that there will be no influence of other external forces against India while the EPG study is going on. As some of Nepal's former foreign ministers and members of EPG sometimes make irresponsible comments in programs organized by various NGOs and institutions, Nepal should now make this report public, albeit unilaterally. This appears to be strategically weak and a violation of EPG’s privacy. This will only give India a space to act more tactically.

By the time the EPG group is formed and it completes its studies, India has a government led by Narendra Modi. During this period, a government was formed in Nepal under the leadership of KP Sharma Oli, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, or Sher Bahadur Deuba. However, none of the prime ministers have been proven instrumental in handing over the EPG report. In the recent past, UML Chair Oli, who led a powerful and stable government and became the main opposition, raised the issue of EPG from the rostrum in the Parliament, but this report was not prioritized even during Oli's tenure. Now is the time, and like the EPG members, the prime minister who understands the seriousness of the relationship between Nepal and India should discuss the relationship between the two countries better than commenting in informal forums. The jingoism between Nepal and India should be ended by fundamentally solving the enigma of EPG.

Incidentally, the Nepali Congress, the largest party of Nepal, is also in the role of an ally in the journey of driving the country along with the Oli government. The current coalition government can hold talks with the government of India. Finally and above all, it seems relevant that everyone remembers the analogy given by diplomat Madhurman Acharya to India in relation to Nepal. He depicts in his book, Nepal World View: ‘India is a kalpbriksha, the tree that gives you the fruit you wish. If handled carefully, India provides many solutions to Nepal’s problem. But when the wrath of the bigger neighbor becomes difficult to manage, it can be the source of trouble as well.’

@randhirJNK

The international airport has become overwhelmed with a surge of students. In recent years, youth migration has emerged as one of the country’s major issues. While every government claims to be drafting policies and programs aimed at retaining young people within the country, these efforts appear ineffective. Reports indicate that over 2,500 youths depart from Tribhuvan International Airport daily. 

Although many attribute this exodus to employment opportunities abroad, a large number of students are also leaving for educational purposes. As more young students pursue studies overseas, the number of students enrolling in Nepali universities and colleges has decreased significantly . Particularly in bachelor’s and master’s programs, enrollment has dropped far below the allocated seat numbers. On one hand, universities and affiliated educational institutions face a drought of students; while on the other hand, the international airport is struggling to manage the overwhelming crowds of outbound students.

In the fiscal year 2023/24, a total of 112,593 individuals obtained no objection certificates (NOC) from the Ministry of Education, Science, and Technology to study abroad. According to data from the ministry’s Foreign Study Permission Branch, the number was 110,217 in the previous fiscal year. Although the number dropped to 27,900 in the fiscal year 2020/21 and to 34,096 in the fiscal year 2019/20 due to the Covid-19 pandemic, the trend has since been on the rise. In the fiscal year 2018/19, the number was 63,295. Currently, about 500 students seek NOCs daily. Based on this data, it is estimated that over 100,000 students leave Nepal annually for abroad studies.

Education is often considered the foundation of a country’s economic and social development. However, many argue that Nepal’s education system has not yet found its rhythm. The government’s lack of vision and the dysfunction in educational institutions have left students disillusioned with the domestic education system, driving them towards foreign institutions as an alternative.

In the past decade, the number of students seeking NOC to study abroad has increased nearly tenfold. On average, the number of students going abroad for education has grown by 43.9 percent annually over this period. Nepali universities have failed to attract students due to rising institutional dysfunction and political interference, which has hampered the development of a modern education system and the production of skilled human resources.

Political instability, corrupt leadership, frequent government changes, and power struggles have led youths to conclude that their futures are not secure in Nepal. Universities play a crucial role in developing the human resources needed for national development. They must produce graduates with the skills to analyze, argue, present, and find solutions to problems. However, if the foundation is weak, the resulting development will not be sustainable. Graduates from Nepali universities often lack the expertise required to secure jobs, which further diminishes the appeal of these institutions. As a result, many students opt for foreign education.

In the last fiscal year, the most popular study destinations for Nepali students were Japan, the United States, the United Kingdom, South Korea, Australia, and Canada. During this period, 34,731 students obtained NOCs for Japan, 15,982 for Canada, 14,372 for Australia, 13,339 for the UK, and 11,261 for the US. Similarly, 6,889 students obtained NOCs for South Korea, 1,754 for Denmark, 1,535 for Finland, 1,489 for France, 2,389 for India, 1,446 for New Zealand, and 2,147 for the UAE. A significant number of students also sought approval for studying in Bangladesh, China, Bahrain, Germany, Ireland, Greece, Hungary, Malaysia, Malta, the Philippines, Poland, Qatar, Spain, Sweden, and Thailand.

Not long ago, attending a university in Nepal was a source of pride. Graduating from these institutions was seen as a guarantee of a secure future, and parents took pride in their children’s education. But today, this is no longer the case. Many parents are now reluctant to enroll their children in domestic universities due to the rampant dysfunction. Most universities are plagued by strikes, shutdowns, and political interference, preventing them from adhering to academic calendars. As a result, regular classes, annual exams, and other academic activities have become irregular. It takes almost seven years to complete a four-year bachelor's degree, and errors in results and exam papers have eroded public trust in these institutions.

Human resources are the most important asset for increasing production and productivity. As the daily exodus of young, skilled individuals continues, the country’s political leadership bears the greatest responsibility. A nation’s future is often determined by its political leadership, as they are the ones steering the country’s direction. The hopes for a nation’s economic and social prosperity lie in having political leaders who are honest, capable, and visionary.

If the political leadership is honest, it can positively impact the country’s economic, social, and educational sectors. Only then can the belief that a secure future is possible within the country take root. However, looking at Nepal’s political history over the past three decades, it seems that promising political leadership has yet to emerge. Political instability, corrupt leaders, frequent government changes, and power struggles have led today’s youth to conclude that their futures are not secure in Nepal. Hence, they are in a hurry to leave.

It is natural for the youth to want to secure both their present and future. They are concerned not only about themselves but also about the future of their children. As physically and mentally capable individuals continue to leave the country, the impact on the nation’s economy, society, and politics is becoming increasingly apparent. While remittances may support the economy for now, they are not a long-term solution. Without growth in internal production and productivity, economic prosperity is unachievable.

The most important asset for increasing production and productivity is human resources. If we continue to lose our human capital, even the best policies and plans won’t matter. To ensure the economic, social, and political development of the country, the growing trend of youth migration must be curtailed. This requires the creation of domestic employment opportunities, skills-based education, a stable political environment, strong leadership, and good governance.

A few months ago, I had a meeting with one of my friends doing a PhD in America. He said that in the US, most of the education institutions have a student debate club. Once a week, students discuss various issues with a critical lens. Mainly, the students of the social science stream create discourse on burning issues in society. For instance, racial discrimination is one of the major problems in American society. White people have historically discriminated against black people. 

Similarly, the diaspora living in the US is also facing problems regarding socio-political aspects. In such   burning issues and problems, students present papers, debate with critical thinking, creative thinking, literary theories like White Man’s Burden, race theory, postcolonial studies, race discrimination, gender discrimination, LGBTIQA+ rights, etc. Beside this, there is no hard-and-fast rule for participation. It is like a loose forum where interested parties can discuss and give their opinions.

The culture of these critical discourses has changed  the level of students’ understanding as well as upgraded them critically. Recently ,the students are seeing issues from multiple perspectives. In fact, they are lamenting the racist history where an individual is oppressed just because of a certain race or color. During the discussion, students questioned themselves about human rationality. Even they themselves criticized the irrationality of their ancestors. But sadly, the educational institutions of Nepal have almost failed to create such discourse.

Last time I got an opportunity to attend a debate program on ‘caste system struggle or compulsion’ organized by progressive students of RR Campus . It is a nice gesture, at least  it shows some avenues of change for students. But the opinion of some participants is so casteist. They are students holding a degree in hand. They have seen the fragmentation of society by caste. Still they are proud of the caste and they want to continue it as their parents. In addition they also give irrelevant logic to support the caste system. These are some representative voices only.  Our universities are filled With these sorts of casteist minds.

These practices and understanding of students  that our students and universities are almost unknown about Dalits problems. Meanwhile, the caste system is the major headache in society. Around 13 percent of the population is facing problems because of caste. Each day, Dalits are being victimized by the caste system. Mainly in temples, taps, relationships, etc., dalits are tortured.

In such a society, why are students and educational institutions not showing the same interest as in American universities? In Nepal, state-owned educational institutions seem to be politically trained. The wall painting on college premises and hanging political flags on the gate proved it. The student union is very active in political matters. They obeyed political  leaders, and t designed programmes according to the road map of parties. The rallies, protests, cleaning, blood donation, etc. programmes are the major work of the students union. Unfortunately, social issues like caste discrimination seem to be unknown to students.

Caste is the burning and bursting issue of the Hindu Varna system. Especially in Nepal, each day people belonging to the Dalit community are facing inhumane behavior from so-called on-Dalits. Contrary to this, the mainstream of Nepali society regards caste as a cultural phenomenon. They don’t see any fault in the caste system. Even they argued that caste discrimination will not be removed immediately from society. It takes time, and Dalits have to tolerate it to maintain harmony in society. These hypocritic thoughts of non-Dalits have been protecting the caste system as their tradition and culture for ages. Meanwhile, the constitution of Nepal has strictly prohibited any sort of discrimination that is punishable. The Articles 17, 18, 24 43 and 40 of the Constitution clearly advocate for human rights and freedom.

On the other side, including students, non-Dalits act as if nothing is happening in society regarding caste issues. However, some progressive students’ efforts can’t be denied. Still, they stand with Dalit issues. But the majority belongs to a hypocritically stereotyped group. In fact, the hypocrisy of non-Daltis is violating the law of a state. Which result in torture, murder, social trauma for Dalits. By seeing this scenario, the non-Dalit faction is digging a pit for its own people and system. Therefore, to change such inhuman practices, the students and educational institutions of the state have to take a leading role in developing equity and equality in society. In fact, most educational institutions have huge numbers of non-Dalit students. 

Knowing and seeing such situations in society, educational institutions and their students can’t remain neutral. They must react critically and creatively, as in the Western world. After knowing our educational institutional roles on social issues like caste, one might raise questions. Why are our students remaining silent on the caste system? The obvious answer is that our students are also guided by the Manu Simiriti caste system, and most of them, both teachers and students, are non-Dalits. That’s why they remain silent. But while saying this, how can we deny the magnanimity of students? How can we avoid the Western students' activism on race and color?

Aside from all the lapses, Students should self-criticize themselves and take these mistakes as lessons to rebuild their progressive image for the overall development of society. In fact, by nature, students are progressive. So they should play a vital role in resolving the problem. In addition, students and educational institutions are known for hope, progress, and the future of the state. Therefore, the law, social norms, and values also asked the student to take responsibility for creating a forum for unity against the inhuman system and caste system. In the US, when George Floyd, a black man, was killed, the entire nation came out in protest against racism. Students actively participate in rallies. This shows the maturity of American society regarding racism. Though racism still exists in society, at the same time, voices are being raised and hands are joining to fight against inhumanity.

Thus, Nepali educational institutions and students need to be strong to counter such a heinous system. The Curriculum Department Center (CDC) should include chapters on the caste system. This way, the students will know the dark sides of the caste system. After studying such ill practices, students will organize discourses. They will be aware that their family society does not practice the caste system. Then only will society transform from stereotypes to progressives. Otherwise, the literate actors will be involved in drama, and society will remain irrational forever.

The fight for LGBTIQA+ rights has taken root globally. A number of countries have witnessed major public movements for marriage equality and legal recognition of the queer community. While same-sex marriage and homosexuality still remain illegal in many nations, there is increasing pressure on governments to acknowledge the issues faced by LGBTIQA+ individuals. 

Nepal has set itself apart in providing legal recognition to the community, thanks to progressive court rulings that have upheld the rights of queer individuals. While this has earned the country international recognition, the community still has a long way ahead of itself. As these challenges persist, new perspectives are emerging on how LGBTIQA+ rights are viewed. Queer rights are generally associated with human rights, but with increasing data on the economic impacts of LGBTIQA+ inclusion, there is a growing case for businesses to embrace inclusivity and reap the benefits it offers. 

Monetary gains

Corporations around the world have supported the cause for LGBTIQA+ rights (excluding countries where homosexuality is illegal). In the West, small businesses and multinational companies have embraced the rainbow and have emerged as important advocates for the community. The fight for justice and equality has driven corporations to join this movement and build pressure on their respective governments. But beyond the ideals of social justice, there are tangible economic benefits that businesses stand to gain from inclusive policies in the workplace. 

Research shows that LGBTIQA+ inclusive policies lead to enhanced productivity, higher innovation, and better financial performance of businesses. More inclusive firms report up to 35 percent higher profits compared to their non-inclusive counterparts. Inclusive workplaces also attract the top talents in the market given the increasing preference of workers for safer and diverse workplaces. 

Zooming out to a macro level, LGBTIQA+ inclusion delivers benefits across the economic landscape. Inclusive policies not only boost economic growth and productivity levels but also positively impact human development indicators. The resulting benefits on human capital outcomes drive profitability for firms, as they can take advantage of better labor market conditions and attract diverse talents. 

Performance gains

Besides monetary gains, firms also benefit in broader organizational metrics like employee engagement, motivation, and retention. When employees feel valued and respected, they are better able to deliver on their work. Feeling confident about one’s identity naturally increases the productivity and motivation levels of workers, allowing them to connect better with fellow colleagues. 

It is no surprise that an inclusive workplace attracts the best talent and witnesses lower turnover rates. Everyone prefers a workplace where they can bring their full selves to work and don’t have to worry about their looks, preferences, and backgrounds. Fostering an inclusive workplace also has the advantage of the reduced legal burden of dealing with complaints of discrimination and harassment. 

Research from McKinsey shows that companies embracing Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion are 21 percent more likely to outperform on profitability and face fewer legal issues related to discrimination. Hence, beyond the monetary gains that LGBTIQA+ inclusion offers, businesses stand to benefit from the wider impacts inclusive policies have on their organizational functioning.  

Opportunities for businesses

The global corporate world has actively embraced queer inclusivity but Nepali businesses are yet to show the same level of enthusiasm. Nepal has a relatively strong legal recognition of the queer community, which puts domestic businesses in an advantageous position to leverage the talents of queer workers and bring fresh perspectives to their organization. They have the opportunity of hiring queer folks and bringing vibrancy to their firms, while also significantly increasing their problem-solving and innovative capacity. All of these potential benefits are supported by solid research. LGBTIQA+ inclusion, and by extension, all forms of inclusion, will be the competitive advantage that organizations can bank on for their future success. 

Though Nepal’s corporate ecosystem is still in its infancy, the existing large businesses need to lead the way in prioritizing DEI and leveraging the benefits it offers. The banking industry can play an especially important role in this area given its impressive performance with female labor employment in the sector. Extending this achievement to other gender identities and sexual orientations can give the industry a further boost in its performance and profitability, not to mention the international recognition that will come with it. 

With the legal rights of the queer community increasingly being recognized in Nepal, large domestic firms can take the lead in writing the next chapter of LGBTIQA+ equality. Beyond serving their own interests, LGBTIQA+ inclusion can change the lives of thousands of Nepalis, while also significantly contributing to the country’s economic and social development. Inclusion in the workplace is a win-win situation—for firms, for employees, and for the country—and it’s time the stakeholders gave the issue its due attention.

Urbanization in Nepal has accelerated in recent years. The number of municipalities increased dramatically from 58 in fiscal year 2013/14 to 293 by 2017/18. Consequently, the population residing in municipalities surged from 17 percent to 66 percent. This sharp rise in urban areas is largely a result of reclassifying rural areas as urban, based mainly on population criteria. However, a significant concern remains the rapid migration from rural regions to Kathmandu Valley, turning it into an overcrowded city.

Urbanization is driven by both economic and non-economic factors. In rural areas, subsistence agriculture often fails to meet basic needs, pushing people to cities in search of better jobs and higher wages. The decline of rural industries, which once provided employment for many, has also led to increased rural unemployment and poverty, prompting migration to urban centers. Additionally, social factors such as caste-based discrimination, exploitation, and social inequality motivate rural residents to seek better opportunities in urban areas. Natural disasters like floods, landslides, and droughts, which destroy property and livelihoods, further compel people to relocate. Beyond escaping rural hardships, people move to cities for access to better education, healthcare, and modern amenities.

Benefits of urbanization

While urbanization has contributed to overcrowding in Kathmandu Valley, some economists, such as Arthur Lewis and T.W. Schultz, argue that it has positive effects on agricultural development. Growing urban incomes boost demand for agricultural products like milk and vegetables, which in turn stimulates agricultural production and rural incomes. Urbanization also increases the availability of capital, which can be used for farm expansion and modernization. Rural migrants working in cities often send remittances back home, further supporting rural economies and promoting capital formation.

Urbanization also brings opportunities for education and exposure to new ideas, expanding the horizons of rural people and making them more open to change. Returning migrants, having experienced urban life, can introduce innovations such as new crops and farming techniques in their home villages.

However, the nature of rural challenges has shifted. With much of the younger population migrating to cities, rural areas are increasingly populated by the elderly and disabled. As a result, once-valuable agricultural land is left barren, and rural marketplaces are often deserted except for occasional festivals like Dashain.

Costs of urbanization

On the other hand, some economists argue that urbanization can have negative consequences for both urban and rural economies. As urban populations grow, competition for limited jobs intensifies, contributing to urban poverty and unemployment. Social problems such as crime, prostitution, pollution, and inadequate housing also increase in overcrowded cities like Kathmandu. The rise in theft, robbery, and other crimes in the valley underscores these concerns.

Urbanization also strains public services such as housing, safe drinking water, sewerage systems, electricity, and transportation. Kathmandu’s growing water and sewage issues are clear examples. Due to budget constraints, the government struggles to keep up with the demand for improved public services. Additionally, urbanization can reduce agricultural output as rural labor declines, a significant issue for a country like Nepal that increasingly relies on imported food grains.

Strategies to slow urbanization

Unlike earlier views that saw urbanization as beneficial, many now consider it a contributing factor to urban underemployment and a symptom of underdevelopment. To curb excessive urbanization, it is essential to strike a balance between rural and urban economic opportunities by reducing the focus on urban areas.

Rural development initiatives that boost incomes and create jobs can help reduce migration to cities. As rural areas become more attractive, people are less likely to leave. Therefore, comprehensive rural development programs aimed at increasing production and improving quality of life offer a sustainable solution to excessive rural-urban migration.

Since agriculture remains the backbone of Nepal’s economy, modernizing agriculture is an effective strategy to generate employment and raise rural incomes. To retain young people in rural areas, farming must be made an attractive and viable career option. Agricultural modernization—encompassing diversification and commercialization—can increase incomes and act as an incentive for young people to stay in their villages.

Another key strategy is to promote rapid industrialization, focusing on both large- and small-scale industries. In a labor-abundant country like Nepal, developing agro-based industries and rural enterprises should be a priority. These industries not only strengthen the agricultural sector but also create jobs. However, it is crucial to adapt traditional skills and products to meet changing market demands. If young people have access to better income opportunities and higher social status in rural areas, they will be less inclined to migrate to cities.

The fourth edition of the joint military drill between the Nepali and US security forces has started today.

The exercise will see an exchange of knowledge regarding the methods and procedures to be adopted to make post-disaster search and rescue effective.

The joint drill will be held in Kathmandu, Makawanpur and Dhading districts, according to the Nepal Army, Directorate of Public Relations and Information.

The joint exercise has been conducted since 2012 with the aim of enhancing disaster response capacity through sharing of experiences in the field of disaster management and humanitarian assistance.

The drill will conclude on September 20.

The Embassy of the Republic of Korea (RoK) organized the 2024 Nepal-Korean Infra Biz Night in Kathmandu on Saturday to commemorate the 50th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Korea and Nepal.

Minister for Physical Infrastructure and Transport Devendra Dahal, chief guest of the event, extended his congratulatory message on the 50th Anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Nepal and the Republic of Korea.

He pointed out that over the past 50 years since the establishment of diplomatic relations both countries have always respected and trusted each other as a good neighbor and friendly coexistence and mutually beneficial cooperation in various fields that have yielded positive results.

He asked the government of Korea for a long term soft loan rather than a grant for prosperous Nepal and graduation from the least developed country.  

Delivering his welcome speech, Ambassador of the RoK to Nepal Park Taeyoung remarked that the 2024 Nepal-Korea Infra Biz Night was organized for new opportunities for both Nepali and Korean investors.

He further said that Korean companies are equipped with world-class expertise then ready to take part in more projects and improve capacity-building initiatives in Nepal. As usual, a large number of Korean and Nepalese business people, media personnel, senior government officials attended the program. Devendra Dahal, Minister of Physical Infrastructure and Transport, Dipak Khadka took part in the event as a chief guest.

South Korea has emerged as a middle power that fosters goodwill, friendship, and collaboration among nations. Nepal has also reaped benefits from Korean economic development, with Korean companies making significant investments in the country, ranking as its fourth-largest foreign investor. Similarly, many Koreans visit Nepal annually to hike mountains or visit Lumbini, the Buddhist pilgrimage site and birthplace of Buddha.

Ambassador Park emphasized the role of private to private partnership between Nepal and Korea, and has been an effective way to spearhead many challenges in the infrastructure sector of Nepal. He also asks for support in the business promotion and cooperation from NKCCI to further promote Korean companies' investment in Nepal and to build a network between the entrepreneurs of the two countries.

The law-making process has seen many ups and downs in various parts of the world and in the course of that they have taken different paths and transformation. While in Europe, the 19th century was a period of significant transformation in homicide laws across various jurisdictions, reflecting broader societal changes and the evolution of legal systems.  For example, in France, the Penal Code of 1810, established under Napoleon, was a cornerstone, prescribing death for crimes such as assassination and parricide. England’s approach to homicide law was characterized by the gradual reduction of capital offenses throughout the century, culminating in the Offences Against the Person Act of 1861, which limited the death penalty primarily to murder and high treason. Across the Atlantic, the United States’ legal system was in its formative years, with the American Revolution catalyzing the development of a more unified legal framework that included the establishment of courts, policing and prisons. 

From the late 18th century, Ottoman sovereigns and advisors valued French legal codes and fiscal rules as valuable tools of state-building and utilized the French language as a means of wielding soft power on the European continent. Meanwhile, in China, the Qing dynasty’s legal code attempted to comprehensively define crimes and appropriate punishments, with a particular focus on maintaining cosmic balance and social order. These diverse legal landscapes illustrate the complex interplay between law, culture, and society during a century of profound change. In neighboring British India, the Indian Penal Code of 1860 was drafted on the recommendations of the first law commission of India established in 1834 under the charter Act of 1833, and chaired by Thomas Babington Macaulay. After its reunification under the leadership of King Prithivi Narayan Shah, Nepal attempted to implement various acts, including Rajkaj Ain. However, in an attempt  by Colonel Ujir Singh in 1822, no documented legal code was encountered. Prior to the passage of the first legal code in 1854, the country was ruled on the basis of Hindu Dharmashastras, which had prevailed in Nepal since ancient times.

Homicide Law in 19th century Nepal

A Study of the Muluki Ains and Legal Documents by Rajan Khatiwoda presents a comprehensive exploration of Nepal’s legal history during a crucial period. This work, part of the ‘Documenta Nepalica’ series and published by Vajra Publications, is now accessible to Nepali and South Asian audiences, offering a meticulous examination of the Muluki Ain of 1854 (Nepal’s codified legal code) and 1870, with a particular focus on its articles concerning homicide.

The Muluki Ain of 1854, along with its amendment in 1870, marks a significant legal milestone in Nepal’s history. These legal codes were developed during a period of political consolidation under Shah Kingdoms and  the Rana regime, particularly under Jaṅga Bahadura Rana. Khatiwoda’s work highlights how these legal documents played a crucial role in shaping modern Nepal’s identity by codifying conceptual development of a rule of law that was both comprehensive and innovative for its time.

The book is structured in two main sections. The first part addresses the formation and enforcement of the Muluki Ain, exploring its historical context and legal significance. Khatiwoda examines the political turbulence and the rise of the Rana dynasty, which necessitated a unified legal code. The codification of the Muluki Ain is depicted as a strategic move to stabilize the country and assert the authority of the Rana rulers. This section also discusses how the Ain served not just as a legal document but as a tool for social engineering, particularly through its codification of the caste system, which further entrenched social hierarchies in the Nepali society.

The second section of the book provides an in-depth analysis of the homicide laws codified in the Muluki Ain. Khatiwoda meticulously examines the structure and content of the articles on homicide, comparing the original 1854 code with its 1870 amendment. This comparison reveals significant shifts in the legal approach to homicide over time, reflecting broader changes in the society and governance. The book details various categories of homicide, the conditions under which capital punishment was applicable, and exceptions to such severe penalties.

One of the key contributions of this study is its exploration of how these laws were implemented in practice. Khatiwoda extends his analysis beyond the theoretical aspects of the Muluki Ain to its practical application, drawing on contemporaneous legal documents to demonstrate how these laws influenced judicial decisions. This practical approach is bolstered by translations and editions of key articles and related legal documents, providing readers with direct access to historical texts.

Khatiwoda’s work has made an important contribution to the field of legal history, particularly for those interested in South Asian studies. By focusing on the Muluki Ain, he uncovers the complexities of the 19th-century legal practices in Nepal, offering insights crucial for understanding the evolution of the country’s legal and social systems. The book also serves as a valuable resource for scholars of comparative law, situating legal developments in Nepal within broader South Asian and global contexts.

‘Homicide law in 19th century Nepal’ is more than just a historical account; it is a critical exploration of the legal transformations that have shaped Nepal. Khatiwoda’s meticulous research offers a compelling look into the Muluki Ain, providing readers with a deeper understanding of how law was used as a tool for governance and social control in 19th-century Nepal. From that perspective, this book is an invaluable resource for anyone seeking to comprehend the legal and historical underpinnings of modern Nepal.

Nepal’s carpet industry, a leading source of employment and foreign currency, has been in decline, drawing increasing complaints from business owners. Statistics confirm the downturn in this key sector.

In its prime, Nepal exported carpets worth Rs 35bn annually to international markets. However, over the past five years, exports have dropped significantly, ranging from Rs 6bn to Rs 11.5bn annually. According to the Department of Customs, carpet exports for the fiscal year 2023/24 amounted to approximately Rs 11.4bn, representing 8 percent of total exports. During this period, Nepal exported goods worth Rs 1.52bn in total.

Once the top export, carpets are now ranked fourth, with iron, steel, coffee, tea, and spices dominating Nepal’s exports. Business owners attribute this decline to the removal of exemptions previously provided under the 1995/96 Act, making it harder to sustain operations in the carpet and wool industry. On Sunday, over 100 carpet business owners met with Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel, urging the government to remove value-added tax (VAT) on the import of carpets and raw materials. They presented a six-point list of demands to address the industry’s challenges.

The Nepali Carpet Producers and Exporters’ Association, along with the Nepal Exporters’ Federation, highlighted to Finance Minister Paudel that the carpet industry has long been a top job provider and foreign currency earner. They stressed that the recent reduction in government support has had a severe impact on the sector. “The production cost of Nepali carpets has risen, and the application of VAT complicates the process,” one representative stated. He explained that while VAT is refunded after export, the lengthy seven-month production cycle has increased the financial burden on businesses.

The challenges are exacerbated by the need to carry out different stages of production, such as yarn cutting and dyeing, in separate locations, further driving up costs when VAT is applied. Balram Gurung, a carpet business owner, expressed concern that Nepal’s carpet industry has lost its competitive edge in global markets.

The Economic Act of 2023 also imposed a 13 percent duty on raw materials imported into Nepal, further increasing production costs and harming the industry’s ability to compete internationally.

In response, Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Paudel acknowledged the decline in carpet production, exports, and earnings. He committed to addressing the industry's concerns and promised to engage relevant authorities in finding solutions.

Nepal and China are set to resume their joint military drill, which had been stalled since 2019 due to the Covid-19 pandemic. The fourth edition of the drill will be held in China later this month. According to sources at the Nepali Army headquarters, the exercise will begin on Sept 21 and last for 10 days. Although China had been hesitant to restart the drill in the early years following the pandemic due to strict health restrictions, it has now agreed to move forward.

Outgoing Army chief Prabhu Ram Sharma played a key role in reviving the joint drill between the Nepal Army and China’s People’s Liberation Army, according to officials. Army spokesperson Brig Gen Gaurav Kumar KC confirmed that discussions are ongoing to finalize the details, although he did not provide further specifics. 

Sharma has reportedly proposed to the Chinese side that the dates for the exercise be confirmed before his retirement. Sharma officially retired on Monday, passing the leadership of the Nepali Army to Ashok Raj Sigdel. In preparation for the exercise, Sharma had earlier dispatched senior official Prem Dhoj Adhikari to Beijing for discussions. The final dates were set shortly after Adhikari’s return.

The drill, known as the Sagarmatha Friendship exercise, first began in 2017, drawing attention from both New Delhi and Beijing. This year’s edition will take place in Chengdu, China. Prior to 2017, while Nepal and China had engaged in training and exchanges, no joint military drills had been held between the two countries.

India, the US, and other nations have expressed concerns about the growing military cooperation between Nepal and China, viewing it through the lens of rising geopolitical tensions. Recently, China has introduced new global initiatives in both the development and security sectors, such as the Global Security Initiative (GSI), which has raised further apprehension in India and Western nations. Nepal, however, has informed China that it cannot be part of the GSI.

The Nepali Army maintains that these joint drills are routine, similar to the military exercises it conducts with other nations, including India and the US. For example, Nepal and India hold the Surya Kiran military drill annually, rotating the location between the two countries.

A special team from the Nepal Army, including an observer group led by senior official Pradeep Jung KC, will visit China to participate in the drill, which will focus on counterterrorism and disaster management. Each country will send a delegation of 18 members. The previous three editions of the drill were held in 2017, 2018, and 2019.

Discrimination against women involves the unjust treatment, exclusion, or disadvantages women and girls face due to their gender. This can manifest in various areas, including employment, education, social and economic opportunities, and daily interactions. On the 1st of Falgun each year, prominent NGOs, INGOs, and leaders gather to discuss women's discrimination in Nepal. While these leaders often highlight progress, such as the rise of women like Bidya Devi Bhandari, Nepal’s second President, and Sushila Karki, the first female Supreme Court Chief Justice, significant challenges remain, especially for women in rural areas. Despite the visibility of women in ministerial positions, often from affluent and educated backgrounds, many women in Nepal still face severe discrimination.

Women in Nepal’s villages encounter significant barriers in education, healthcare, job payments, and exposure to sexual violence in places like schools, hospitals, and public transportation. Many rural women remain unpaid family workers, excluded from important family decisions.

Discrimination from birth

Gender-based discrimination starts at birth, particularly in Nepal's Madhes region. While a family may express joy at the birth of a first daughter, the arrival of a second or third girl often triggers disappointment and discrimination. Families may react negatively upon learning that a woman is expecting another girl, sometimes resorting to harmful practices like gender-based prenatal sex determination. This has led to higher rates of prenatal deaths for female fetuses, resulting in a gender imbalance. Currently, there are 1,290,525 male children and 1,148,758 female children aged 0–4 in Nepal, with the female population lagging by 141,767.

Educational disparities

Despite education being a fundamental right, girls in Nepal frequently face discrimination. Boys often receive better educational opportunities, such as attending private schools, while girls are sent to government schools. In middle-class families, boys might pursue higher education away from their villages, while girls remain confined to local options. In the Madhes region, many girls are married off after completing secondary education. In impoverished families, educational opportunities for girls are often non-existent. According to the Government of Nepal, the national literacy rate is 76.2 percent, with males at 83.6 percent and females at 69.4 percent. In Madhes Province, the literacy rate is even lower, with males at 72.5 percent and females at 54.7 percent.

Violence against women

Violence against women is a pressing issue in Nepal. The Women Rehabilitation Centre reports 1,175 registered cases, including 179 of domestic violence, 179 of rape, 115 of sexual abuse, 25 of human trafficking, 69 of child marriage, 47 of dowry-related violence, 24 of witchcraft allegations, and 130 of polygamy. Koshi Province has the highest number of domestic violence (358 cases) and rape (72 cases) incidents. Child marriage, sexual abuse, dowry-related violence, witchcraft allegations, and polygamy are more prevalent in Madhes Province.

Health care discrimination

Healthcare discrimination poses severe risks for women in Nepal. Accessing quality healthcare is often challenging due to poverty, lack of education, and inadequate transportation. Discrimination and mistreatment in medical settings further discourage women from seeking necessary care. Although Nepal has reduced its maternal mortality rate from 539 per 100,000 live births in 1996 to 239 per 100,000 live births in 2016, progress has slowed. Each preventable death is one too many.

Women’s leadership

The 2015 Constitution of Nepal mandates that at least one woman holds a high-ranking position among the President, Vice-President, Speaker, Deputy Speaker, and Chair or Vice-Chair of the National Assembly. At the local level, women must occupy at least one mayor or deputy mayor position, and women hold 40 percent of top political roles across Nepal’s 753 local governments. However, in the 2022 elections, there were only 25 women Mayors/Chairs, 562 Deputy Mayors/Vice-Chairs, and 69 Ward Chairs. Despite their roles, many women leaders still face challenges in making decisions without consulting their husbands.

Restrictions on women’s freedom

Women in Nepal face numerous societal and legal restrictions that limit their freedom. These constraints hinder their ability to fully participate in society and make independent decisions. Addressing these issues requires governmental action and societal change, including implementing laws to protect women’s rights and shifting cultural attitudes. Many girls are forced into marriage due to a lack of freedom, with parental figures making crucial life decisions on their behalf. Promoting women’s rights and empowerment is vital for building a more equitable society.

Gender discrimination in Nepal is a persistent and widespread problem that affects women and girls across the country. Our charity is dedicated to combating this discrimination, believing that everyone deserves respect and equality. Your support is crucial in helping us create a more just and equal society for all.

Over 720,000 tourists have entered Nepal in the first eight months of the year 2024.

According to the Nepal Tourism Board (NTB)'s data, 720,334 tourists had visited Nepal in the eight months from January to August of 2024.

The arrival of foreign tourists has increased by 8.3 percent, the NTB sources informed.

A total of 5,566 more tourists visited Nepal in August this year compared to the same reporting period last year. A total of 67,153 tourists had visited Nepal last year while it was 72,719 in August 2024.

NTB Director Maniraj Lamichhane said the number of foreign tourists has been increasing in recent days. He expressed the belief that a significant number of tourists would come from other countries including neighboring countries in the coming days as a result of tourism promotion programs.

According to the board data, the highest number of 25,832 tourists came from India, 6,614 from China, 5,614 from the US, 4,851 from Sri Lanka and 3,077 from Bangladesh in August this year.

A total of 41,304 foreign tourists had visited Nepal in August 2022, 6,093 in the same period in 2021 and 94,749 in August 2019. The highest number of 111,376 tourists visited Nepal in March, while July received the lowest number of 64,599 tourists.

A total of 79,100 tourists had visited Nepal in January; 97,426 in February; 111,03,076 in April; 90,211 in May, 76,736 in June and 72,719 in August.

Foreign tourist arrivals have continuously increased after the COVID pandemic. A total of 1,014,885 tourists visited Nepal in 2023.

The government has set a target of attracting 1.6 million foreign tourists in the current fiscal year's budget.

The Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation has set a target of attracting 1.6 million tourists in the current fiscal year by implementing the Tourism Strategy Plan (2016-25) and the Visit Nepal Decade. The Department of Tourism is also constructing infrastructure by identifying 100 tourist destinations.

Climate change is profoundly impacting remote areas in Nepal, especially in the fragile landscapes of the Tarai and Madhes regions. 

Nepal ranks 10th globally in climate vulnerability, and its diverse geography and climate make it critical to address climate change and several of its impacts affecting communities disproportionately based on their gender, ethnicity, poverty, disability, social inclusivity and exclusivity (GEDSI). Research indicates that women and people with disabilities are disproportionately affected by climate-induced disasters like floods, droughts, heatwaves, and erratic rainfall. 

For instance, in the Tarai-Madhes plains, increasing temperatures and humidity have led to a rise in snake and scorpion bites, disproportionately impacting those with disabilities. Additionally, declining water tables exacerbate water scarcity issues, affecting women more, as water management is often considered their responsibility. In addition, infrastructure such as water taps and public toilets is frequently not disability-friendly.

Climate change has also introduced new health risks. Diseases like dengue and plague, previously rare in Nepal, have become more common due to rising temperatures and humidity. The agricultural sector, vital for the Tarai and Madhes economies, is facing significant challenges due to altered weather patterns. Traditional farming, reliant on outdated infrastructure, is increasingly difficult due to droughts, heatwaves and erratic rainfall. This affects both micro and macro-economics, underscoring the need for urgent adaptation measures.

Housing in rural areas, particularly in the Tarai, is highly susceptible to fire hazards due to the use of combustible materials like timber and thatch. Increased forest fires and modern appliances contribute to rising fire risks. The government of Nepal's policy on disaster risk reduction highlights fire hazards as a significant threat, exacerbated by climate change.

People’s (with disabilities) safety depends on safe shelter and infrastructure regarding how disability-friendly they are. Depending on affordability, different housing models need to be proposed and demonstrated. Those who prefer concrete structures have to compulsorily follow the standard building codes as prescribed by the government agency. People with relatively slim resources could be advised to build houses with light materials such as iron sheet roofs, earthquake- and fire-resistant floors and wall materials. But one must make sure that such shelters are resistant to all kinds of disasters, including venomous fauna—snakes and scorpions. 

Despite growing awareness of climate change and disaster risks, many people, especially in rural areas, lack adequate knowledge and preparedness. The incorporation of disability-oriented disaster risk reduction (DiDRR) concepts in policies and the formation of local disaster management committees (DMCs) are critical. These committees should include representatives from security forces, district administrations, civil society and disability groups. Raising awareness on these committees is essential for effective disaster response and preparedness.

The GEDSI approach is critical in addressing climate change impacts because it ensures that adaptation and mitigation strategies are equitable and inclusive. Without integrating GEDSI principles, policies and interventions risk perpetuating existing inequalities and excluding the most vulnerable populations. By acknowledging and addressing the specific needs and challenges facing marginalized groups—women, people with disabilities, and marginalized ethnic and caste communities—adaptation measures become more effective and sustainable. This approach not only enhances the resilience of these groups but also promotes social justice and equity, ensuring that no one is left behind in the face of climate change.

To enhance resilience, it is vital to promote inclusive and disaster-resistant infrastructure. Housing models should consider affordability and safety, with concrete structures adhering to building codes and more affordable options using fire-resistant materials. Additionally, disability-friendly features are crucial for ensuring safe shelters.

Promoting climate-resilient agriculture through smart practices is also crucial. Training programs on climate-smart agriculture should address local conditions and challenges, enhancing food security and agricultural sustainability. Implementing these practices will help communities adapt to climate change while ensuring that all segments, including people with disabilities, benefit from improved agricultural productivity.

To summarize, addressing climate change in the Madhes and Tarai regions necessitates a multifaceted approach that includes disability-specific disaster risk reduction, inclusive infrastructure and climate-smart agricultural practices. Effective adaptation and mitigation strategies will enhance resilience and ensure that all community members, particularly the most vulnerable, can cope with the changing climate.

The author is an environment and climate change expert

Qatari ambassador to Nepal Mishaal Bin Mohamed Ali Al-Ansari today paid a courtesy call on Minister for Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, Badri Prasad Pandey.

In the meeting held at the Ministry, the two exchanged views on possible measures for promoting the bilateral interests, culture, and tourism sector, discussing the civil aviation issues as well.

According to the Ministry, the meeting also touched on the issue of adopting strategies implemented by Qatar Airways known as the world's best airline by the Nepal Airlines. 

Representatives at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were present in the meeting.