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The Government of Nepal’s arbitrary decision of Sept 4 to impose a blanket ban on 26 social media platforms including Facebook, YouTube, X, Instagram and LinkedIn, will have far-reaching consequences for Nepal’s digital ecosystem, democracy, freedom of expression and independent journalism. 

Social media in Nepal has become a vital space for civic engagement, where citizens, activists, and journalists share critical information, challenge state narratives, and demand accountability from those in power. Silencing these platforms not only undermines constitutional guarantees but also pushes dissent underground, fostering fear, censorship, and self-censorship.

Silencing dissent and independent journalism 

Media Action Nepal’s record shows that nearly 2,500 professional journalists—at least 1,000 of them formerly associated with corporate and big media houses in roles ranging from reporters to editors—are now running independent small newsrooms, providing the public with information of public interest. Alongside them, thousands of digital content creators engage with audiences, expose frauds, scrutinize governance failures, and contribute to Nepal’s economy through taxes they pay. These two sections of the media ecosystem have become inseparable from the lives of people in Nepal and the diaspora, serving as watchdogs over the state. Their independence from political parties has irritated the ruling coalition, which has repeatedly harassed journalists under the Electronic Transaction Act merely for reporting. This blanket ban is the government’s latest attempt to silence critical and independent voices.

Political motive

A second driver of this regressive move is political cunning. The Nepali Congress–CPN-UML coalition has grown increasingly wary of emerging political forces, independent candidates, and analysts who might challenge its dominance in the upcoming by-elections in Rupandehi district. Reports of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari attempting to position herself to lead CPN-UML have further fueled Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s insecurities, leading to this decision rooted as much in personal ego as in political control. None of these justifications, however, can legitimize a measure that gravely undermines press freedom, shrinks civic space, and erodes the democratic aspirations of the Nepali people.

Arbitrary and authoritarian 

This blanket ban on social media is neither legal nor constitutional. The Supreme Court of Nepal, in its recent order, did not authorize an administrative prohibition of social media platforms. Rather, it instructed the government to draft appropriate legislation to regulate digital platforms in line with the Constitution’s guarantees of fundamental rights. By issuing a sweeping administrative order, the GoN has misinterpreted the Court’s directive and acted far beyond its authority.

The Constitution of Nepal enshrines clear protections that this ban directly violates. Article 17 guarantees the right to freedom of opinion and expression; Article 19 guarantees the right to communication; and Article 27 guarantees the right to information. These provisions make it clear that in a democratic system and an open market economy, global digital connectivity cannot be arbitrarily censored. Democracy and authoritarianism cannot co-exist, and any restrictions on fundamental freedoms must be lawful, proportionate, and strictly necessary.

Internationally, Nepal has binding obligations as a State Party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), ratified in 1991. Article 19 of the ICCPR guarantees the right to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds, across frontiers. Restrictions are permissible only under very narrow conditions—to protect the rights and reputation of others, national security, public order, or public health and morals—and even then, they must meet the three-part test of legality, necessity, and proportionality. The government’s blanket ban fails on all three counts. It is not based on law passed by Parliament, it is disproportionate in its scope, and it undermines the very essence of freedom of expression itself.

By imposing such an arbitrary ban through administrative order, Nepal not only violates its own Constitution but also disregards its international human rights commitments. The action sets a dangerous precedent of executive overreach, reverses the principle that rights are the rule and restrictions the exception, and risks isolating Nepal from the global democratic community. This ban is unconstitutional, arbitrary, and unlawful. It must be immediately repealed, and any future regulation of digital platforms must be pursued through transparent, participatory parliamentary processes in compliance with Nepal’s constitutional guarantees and international obligations.

Broken connectivity

The ban also strikes at the heart of social and economic life. For millions of Nepali people with family members working abroad, social media platforms are essential tools for affordable and instant communication. Cutting off these channels deepens the isolation of families and disrupts the social fabric of a nation heavily dependent on remittances. Economically, the decision will hurt small newsrooms, digital-first outlets, and independent content creators who rely on social media for visibility, outreach, and revenue generation. At a time when Nepal is striving to expand its digital economy and global connectivity, this ban risks isolating the country from international networks, stifling innovation, and discouraging investment in the digital sector.

Civic assault

There is no space for attacks on fundamental freedoms in a democracy. The arbitrary suspension of social media platforms is not only unconstitutional but also a direct assault on civic space and public trust. Unless revoked immediately, this ban will leave ruling parties morally and politically accountable to the people of Nepal and will bear long-term costs in terms of public legitimacy, international credibility, and democratic backsliding.

This ban represents a regressive step that jeopardizes democratic values, erodes citizens’ trust in institutions, and undermines Nepal’s international commitments to human rights. Such measures weaken—not strengthen—democracy, and risk pushing Nepal further away from its democratic aspirations and obligations.

Restore freedoms

First, the government must withdraw this administrative decision without delay. Any attempt to deactivate or restrict social media platforms in the absence of legislative or constitutional grounds amounts to authoritarian overreach. Second, regulation of digital platforms, if required, must strictly comply with constitutional guarantees of freedom of expression, right to communication, freedom of association, and right to information, as well as Nepal’s binding obligations under international human rights treaties.

Third, any future steps regarding social media governance must follow due process and democratic procedure. A comprehensive and transparent legislative process through Parliament is the only legitimate avenue for framing social media laws. This process must be inclusive, consultative, and rooted in the principles of legality, necessity, and proportionality as laid out in Article 19 of the ICCPR and Nepal’s own constitutional framework. Administrative shortcuts, like the present order, erode the very foundations of democracy and push the country toward authoritarianism.

If the ruling parties continue to enforce this ban, they risk being held accountable not only by the Nepali people but also before international human rights mechanisms. Democracy is built on freedoms, not restrictions—and it is only by respecting those freedoms that Nepal can maintain its democratic credibility at home and abroad.

The author, a global advocate for freedom of expression, is the founding chair of Media Action Nepal

At least 19 people have been killed and dozens injured in Nepal after demonstrations against a government social media ban led to clashes between protesters and security forces, BBC reported.

Thousands heeded a call by demonstrators describing themselves as Generation Z to gather near the parliament building in Kathmandu over the decision to ban platforms including Facebook, X and YouTube.

Nepal's Minister for Communication Prithvi Subba told the BBC police had to use force - which included water cannons, batons and firing rubber bullets.

The government has said social media platforms need to be regulated to tackle fake news, hate speech and online fraud, according to BBC.

Nepal’s prison system reflects the deep contradictions of a country that has enshrined human dignity and humane treatment in its Constitution but has failed to translate these guarantees into practice. Overcrowding, poor facilities, and a purely custodial approach have left correctional facilities overwhelmed and ineffective. Article 20 of the Constitution prohibits torture and cruel treatment, while Article 21 secures every person’s right to dignity, yet prison conditions in Nepal remain far from these commitments.

The Prison Act, 2079 introduced a significant legal breakthrough by incorporating provisions for humane treatment, classification of inmates, and the possibility of open prisons. Particularly important is Section 41 of the Act, which explicitly authorizes the establishment and management of open prisons, outlining the criteria for selecting eligible prisoners and the conditions under which they may serve their sentences in less restrictive environments. This section embodies a shift from viewing prisons solely as spaces of confinement to institutions of correction, emphasizing rehabilitation and reintegration. However, despite the legal foundation, practical implementation has been timid, with only a handful of facilities in Nuwakot and Pokhara functioning under the open or semi-open model.

The reformist intention of the legislature is further supported by the Criminal Offense (Sentencing and Execution) Act, 2074, particularly Section 28, which provides courts with discretion to impose non-custodial alternatives to imprisonment. Under this provision, probation, parole, community service, or other supervisory mechanisms can be applied in place of incarceration, subject to specific terms and conditions designed to ensure accountability. This provision complements the philosophy of open prisons by reducing reliance on imprisonment for non-violent offenders and promoting rehabilitative sentencing. Yet in practice, judges have been reluctant to fully exercise these powers, and the probation system remains underdeveloped and disconnected from the open prison framework.

Experiences from the few open prisons in Nepal demonstrate the transformative potential of this model. Inmates in Nuwakot and Pokhara engage in agriculture, carpentry, and other vocational activities, with a portion of their earnings supporting their families. They live under minimal security, governed largely by trust and self-discipline. This aligns with the intent of Section 41 of the Prison Act, which envisions open prisons as mechanisms of rehabilitation rather than exclusion. Comparative evidence from countries like India, where Rajasthan’s open prisons have functioned successfully for decades, and from Scandinavia, where open and semi-open prisons form the mainstream correctional system, further reinforces the practicality and effectiveness of this approach.

The judiciary has echoed this reformative vision. The Supreme Court of Nepal has, through multiple rulings, directed the State to ensure humane treatment of prisoners and explore alternatives to custodial punishment in line with constitutional mandates. The Court has recognized that incarceration must not merely punish but must prepare inmates for reintegration. However, judicial pronouncements have not been matched by executive commitment, and without budgetary support or political will, the directives remain aspirational rather than operational.

Critically, Nepal’s hesitation stems not only from administrative inertia but also from entrenched societal attitudes. Many perceive open prisons as leniency, ignoring that overcrowded, punitive prisons actually heighten risks to public safety once inmates are released. Reformative measures such as those envisioned in Section 41 of the Prison Act, 2079 and Section 28 of the Sentencing Act, 2074 are not concessions to offenders but investments in safer communities. They recognize the inevitable truth that prisoners will return to society, and the State must decide whether they return as broken individuals or as rehabilitated citizens.

For Nepal to address its correctional crisis, open prisons must become policy rather than experiment. This requires amending the Prison Act, 2079 to provide clear and transparent criteria for eligibility, ensuring oversight and accountability, and linking probation and parole more coherently with open prison management. Courts must more actively apply Section 28 of the Sentencing Act to divert non-violent and first-time offenders from closed prisons. The government must allocate resources for training, infrastructure, and monitoring. And civil society, academia, and the media must help shift public perception by highlighting the successes of rehabilitative justice models.

Prisons are not merely holding cells; they are mirrors of the State’s humanity. Continuing to ignore constitutional guarantees and legislative provisions will perpetuate a system of abuse, inefficiency, and insecurity. The open prison model authorized under Section 41 of the Prison Act, 2079, coupled with the non-custodial alternatives under Section 28 of the Sentencing Act, 2074, offers Nepal a pragmatic, cost-effective, and humane path forward. The question is whether the State has the courage and will to put its own laws into practice, or whether these progressive provisions will remain unimplemented words on paper while prisons collapse under their own weight.

Nepal, a landlocked country situated between two major economies—India and China—faces numerous developmental challenges. Among them, the growing influence of informal trade stands out as a major obstacle to economic growth and institutional stability. While formal trade is regulated, taxed, and contributes to the state’s capacity, informal trade operates outside the law. It includes activities that are unregistered, untaxed, and often illegal. Over time, this shadow economy has become deeply embedded in Nepal’s economic structure. In many ways, Nepal suffers more from the harmful effects of informal trade than from any shortcomings in formal trade.

Informal trade in Nepal takes many forms. It includes the smuggling of goods such as gold, fuel, medicines, money laundering and electronics across open borders. It also includes unregistered businesses, undocumented labor, and transactions carried out entirely in cash to avoid tax and regulation. Nepal’s long and porous border with India, combined with difficult-to-monitor terrain in the north, makes informal trade easy to conduct and hard to control. On the domestic front, many small and medium-sized enterprises operate without any legal registration. As a result, they fall completely outside the formal economic system.

The scale of informal trade in Nepal is vast. Estimates suggest that the informal economy may account for 35 percent—40 percent of the country’s GDP and more than 80 percent of total employment. This means a large portion of Nepal’s economic activity is hidden from the state. It does not contribute to taxes, cannot be properly measured, and creates unfair competition for businesses that do comply with the law. While formal trade has its own inefficiencies—such as bureaucratic delays, red tape, and occasional corruption—these can be addressed through policy reforms. Informal trade, by contrast, creates deep and lasting damage that is harder to fix. It undermines public revenue, weakens institutions, and limits Nepal’s ability to plan and deliver services.

Addressing the informal economy is not simple, but it is necessary. A multi-pronged approach is needed—one that focuses on simplifying formal procedures, using technology, building trust, and offering real incentives for businesses and workers to shift into the formal system.

One of the first priorities should be to make it easier for small businesses to formalize. Many avoid registration simply because the process is slow, complex, and costly. Nepal should adopt a digital, one-window registration system that reduces paperwork and lowers barriers to entry. If formality becomes easier and less expensive, more businesses will join.

Another key step is improving border management. Nepal cannot control smuggling effectively using traditional methods alone. New technologies such as automated scanners, GPS tracking, and electronic cargo systems should be introduced. Just as important is cooperation with neighboring countries. Shared data and joint monitoring can help prevent illegal trade across borders.

The informal economy also depends heavily on cash, which makes transactions untraceable. Promoting digital payments is a powerful tool to reduce this dependence. However, digital infrastructure alone is not enough. The government must also invest in public awareness, digital literacy, and incentives to encourage both consumers and businesses to use digital platforms.

To support this shift, the state should reward those who comply. Businesses that register and follow regulations should receive benefits—such as tax breaks, better access to finance, and eligibility for government contracts. This changes the perception of regulation from being a burden to being a business opportunity.

Labor reform is another vital area. Most informal workers in Nepal lack legal contracts, benefits, or protections. To bring these workers into the formal economy, Nepal must design labor policies that fit the needs of small enterprises. Portable social security schemes, flexible contracts, and minimum wage protections should be introduced even for small and transitioning firms.

Overall, the informal economy reflects not just illegal behavior, but deeper problems in Nepal’s institutions and systems. It is not enough to use force or punishment. What Nepal needs is transformation—simple, transparent, and fair systems that encourage people to participate legally. Informality is often a result of necessity, not criminal intent. That’s why the government must respond with practical solutions that make formalization more attractive and accessible.

In conclusion, while informal trade may provide income and survival for many, it does long-term harm to Nepal’s economy. It limits tax collection, distorts markets, and weakens the foundations of good governance. Compared to formal trade, whose problems can be corrected through reform, informal trade creates much deeper challenges. If Nepal wants to build a resilient and inclusive economy, it must take bold steps to reduce the size and influence of its informal sector. By simplifying procedures, using technology, and offering clear incentives, the country can bring more of its economy into the formal fold—and unlock its full potential for growth and prosperity.

Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba has emphasized the strong and sustainable ties between Nepal and the United States, describing the relationship as one built on trust, respect and shared values. 

At a ceremony held today to hand over two Skytrucks provided by the United States to the Nepal Army, she described the assistance as a symbol of lasting friendship and cooperation between the two countries. 

The Foreign Affairs Minister noted that Nepal's friendship with the US is guided by the objectives of peace, stability and human service. 

"The United States is a development partner and reliable friend of Nepal in strengthening democratic governance, humanitarian assistance, disaster management, peacekeeping and capacity building," she said, expressing gratitude to the US government and people for their continued support.

Minister Rana also praised the Nepal Army for its dedication, discipline and unwavering commitment to nationhood, world peace and security. 

At the ceremony, US Ambassador Dean R Thompson handed over two Skytrucks to Minister Rana, Defence Minister Manbir Rai, and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel. The Skytrucks will be used for disaster relief and rescue operations and air ambulance services.

The government plans to track foreign nationals visiting Nepal on tourist visas. The Immigration Department issued a notice on Tuesday, stating that digital tracking will begin on Sept 17. Under the new system, foreign nationals staying in star hotels will be required to submit their personal details through a mobile app. Tikaram Dhakal, Director of the Immigration Department, said the first phase of the foreign national registration and monitoring system will be implemented in star hotels in coordination with the Hotel Association Nepal.

A manual has been prepared to guide this process. The system aims to enhance security for foreign visitors, improve information management and facilitation, support crime prevention, and promote tourism. Visitors must submit their details before arriving at their hotel, and the system will gradually expand nationwide. It will initially be introduced in star hotels in Kathmandu before being extended to other areas.

The department believes the system will simplify record-keeping of foreigners’ activities and residences and ensure timely search, rescue, and safety measures during emergencies. Department Chief Ramchandra Tiwari added that hotel staff can also scan the details via the app. The information will remain secure within the hotel system, while the Immigration Department will monitor it centrally.

Foreign nationals must submit their details before reaching their booked hotel. If a visitor fails to do so, hotel staff are required to update the information online. The system will eventually cover star hotels, airlines, tour and travel companies, and money exchange services across the country. The department plans to expand it to all types of hotels, guest houses, and public and private institutions.

The Immigration Department has made it mandatory for all foreign visitors to use its mobile app. Upon downloading, each visitor receives a QR code, which the department will use to track them digitally.

The government has made it clear again that Nepal has not made any agreement on the China-proposed Global Security Initiative (GSI). 

The government has urged one and all not to rely on the baseless news circulated stating Nepal's agreement on the GSI following a bilateral meeting of Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Chinese President Xi Jinping held on August 30 in China's Tianjin city on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).  

Foreign Secretary Amrit Bahadur Rai said, "The government is firmly committed to the nation's non-aligned foreign policy. I urge all stakeholders not to make any comments without understanding such sensitive issues of the foreign policy."

Foreign Secretary Rai stated that the issues of the Global Security Initiative and other aspects of bilateral, regional and international concerns were discussed during the meeting between PM Oli and President Xi in Tianjin.

Following Prime Minister Oli's visit to China and his meeting with Chinese President Xi, the issue of Nepal's 'agreement' on GSI was raised by the lawmakers in the House of Representatives (HoR) meeting on Wednesday.

The HoR Members called for information to the House regarding the claims made by China through a statement issued by its Foreign Ministry.

Both ruling and opposition lawmakers insisted that the Prime Minister and the Foreign Ministry should respond before the House on this matter.

It is my great honour to address the SCO Plus Meeting in Tianjin, a city that ever shines with beauty, culture and innovation. Let me extend warm greetings and best wishes of Nepali people for the success of this Meeting as well as continued progress and prosperity of all SCO Member States. My delegation joins me in expressing our sincere gratitude to the Government of China for the generous hospitality and excellent arrangements made for the meeting. We live in an age of extraordinary progress: in science, technology, and innovation.

Yet, this progress is overshadowed by deep fractures: widening inequalities, economic turbulence, climate emergencies, and conflicts that defy borders. In such a world, no nation can stand secure in isolation. No people can prosper in fragmentation. This is why multilateralism is an imperative of our time. Yet we must face a harsh truth. Rule based order has been challenged. Peace and justice remained elusive. Thus, multilateralism is in crisis. And this crisis is not only external. It also stems from its failure to deliver. Multilateral forums promise much. Too often, they deliver little. Promises without progress erode trust.

But abandoning multilateralism is not the answer. We need a revitalised multilateralism now. We must make the global governance system more effective and efficient by placing the United Nations at its core. In this context, the Global Governance Initiative (GGI) proposed by China would help strengthen the multilateral system by making it a more just, inclusive and equitable community with a shared future for humanity. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization will complement the spirit of revitalized multilateralism based on sovereign equality,

Further, there is an urgency for a revitalized SCO:

• More united,
• More integrated, and
• More resilient to tackle deepening geopolitical, economic, and ecological shocks that threaten our shared future

Nepal, a proud Dialogue Partner since 2016, looks forward to getting admitted as a full member. We cannot speak of peace without addressing regional security. Threats cross borders every day. Terrorism robs societies of safety and opportunities. Climate change multiplies risk. Nepal, with the Himalaya in its heart, feels its wrath directly. While our mountains serve as global climate stabilizers, they are being stripped of their snow reserve endangering the lives of billions living downstream. Emerging threats such as cyber-attacks, pandemics, ecological shocks are not confined to borders. With just five years left to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, we are clearly off-track.

In these turbulent times, regional cooperation is a tool to tackle shared challenges—economic, technological, ecological. Nepal’s commitment to regional cooperation is steadfast, and our relations with SCO members are strong. The path ahead requires three shifts. First, from isolation to connectivity. We must foster regional peace, progress and prosperity through enhanced physical, economic, digital, socio-cultural and people-to-people connectivity. Second, from confrontations to consultations. Disagreements are natural, but disputes need not to be destructive. By embracing the Shanghai Spirit, we should step up dialogue and diplomacy to nurture deeper understanding.

Third, from competition to cooperation. The world needs more partnership not partition. By working together, regionally and globally, we can build a just, inclusive, and resilient order and achieve sustainable development. Such “whole of the world” coordination will ensure that no nation is left behind.

In conclusion, Nepal reaffirms its commitment to enhance regional cooperation within SCO. We support a rules-based, inclusive multilateral system for a sustainable future. Let us uphold the Shanghai Spirit. Let us strengthen friendships, partnerships, and good neighbourly relations. A resilient and prosperous SCO region is within our reach, when we are committed to act together.

Nepal are set to begin their journey in the AFC U-23 Asian Cup Qualifiers tonight, facing host nation Tajikistan in their opening match. 

The game will take place at Pamir Stadium in Dushanbe and is scheduled to kick off at 8:15pm Nepal time.

Nepal are in Group 'K' of the qualifiers, alongside Tajikistan, the Philippines, and Syria. 

The tournament is being held in a single round-robin format. 

Nepal will play their second match against Syria on September 6, followed by a clash with the Philippines on September 9. 

Syria and the Philippines are also set to face each other today in their group opener.

The top team from each of the 11 groups will earn a spot in the AFC U-23 Asian Cup, to be held in Saudi Arabia next year. In addition, the four best first-runner up teams across all groups will also qualify for the tournament. 

Nepal’s squad includes Krishal Moktan, Amit Tamata, and Bishal KC as goalkeepers; Bibek Gurung, Bishal Nepali, Lahan Subba, Nigma Lama, Ram Thapa, Shankar Tharu, and Semanta Thapa as defenders; Abhishek Syangtang, Ayush Ghalan, Aaron Thapa, Niraj Karki, Dipesh Gurung, Kritish Ratna Chhunju, Pujan Thapa, Sanjeev Lama, Santosh Khatri, Sujan Magar, and Sumit Shrestha as midfielders; and Rohan Khadgi and Nirajan Dhami as forwards.

Nepal has been studying hydrogen fuel since 2008. After nearly 17 years of research, the government has begun work on producing green hydrogen fuel. A memorandum of understanding has been signed with South Korean company G-Philos to establish a green hydrogen plant and fuel cell facility in Nepal.

The Investment Board Nepal (IBN) is preparing a detailed project report (DPR) to explore producing hydrogen fuel using around 20 megawatts of electricity. According to IBN spokesperson Pradyumna Prasad Upadhyay, the proposed project is estimated to cost about Rs 6 billion. Initially, only a small-scale production will be attempted, with plans to expand depending on the feasibility study.

The agreement was signed on Thursday by IBN CEO Sushil Gyawali and G-Philos CEO Ga Woo Park. As per the agreement, the company will prepare the DPR within 10 months of receiving a survey permit from the board.

G-Philos had submitted its proposal on April 15 for the establishment, development, and operation of a green hydrogen and fuel cell plant in a public-private partnership model. The 63rd meeting of the IBN decided to grant the survey permit.

Biraj Singh Thapa, a researcher and associate professor at Kathmandu University, welcomed the agreement, noting that KU has been conducting green hydrogen research and even demonstrated a hydrogen-powered car. He highlighted that the Hydrogen Policy 2023, along with tax exemptions on machinery and equipment and a five-year income tax holiday announced in the current budget, has drawn foreign interest in Nepal’s hydrogen sector.

According to the policy, machinery and equipment imported for green hydrogen production are exempt from all taxes and duties. This, Thapa added, is expected to attract both foreign and domestic investors. The 20 MW feasibility study will also assess whether the fuel can be used domestically or exported, and identify a potential plant location.

Kathmandu University established a Green Hydrogen Lab in 2020 to research the use of hydrogen in fertilizer factories, iron ore processing, and as a coal substitute in cement industries. Hydrogen has long been considered a potential renewable energy source, and its production could help Nepal meet its commitment to achieving net-zero carbon emissions.

Several institutions have studied Nepal’s hydrogen potential. Tribhuvan University and Western Michigan University jointly concluded that hydrogen could be produced using hydropower, reducing petroleum imports. The Asian Development Bank carried out a similar study in 2020, while the Water and Energy Commission Secretariat assessed possibilities in 2021. A study in 2022 further explored hydrogen-based fertilizer production.

Globally, countries including India, China, and the United States have already developed hydrogen roadmaps and policies. Nepal’s Hydrogen Policy 2023 also recognizes significant potential for hydrogen and related products from hydropower.

Hydrogen is produced by splitting water into hydrogen and oxygen using electricity. Roughly one kilogram of hydrogen can be extracted from nine kilograms of water, requiring about 50 kilowatt hours of electricity. With abundant water resources and surplus electricity, Nepal is well positioned to produce hydrogen.

Hydrogen can be stored as a liquid, gas, solid, or metal hydride, making it suitable for domestic use or export. Studies suggest that hydrogen could replace at least two percent of Nepal’s diesel imports. Given the size of the domestic diesel market—worth around Rs 71bn—green hydrogen could play an important role in diversifying Nepal’s energy mix and enhancing energy security over the next decade.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has floated a proposal to make Nepal a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).

Addressing the SCO Plus meeting held in Tianjin, China on Monday, he said that Nepal is now eager to become a full member of the organization.

Saying that the SCO should be made more united, integrated and flexible, Prime Minister Oli recalled that Nepal has been participating as a dialogue partner since 2016.

“We want SCO to be more united, integrated and flexible which can face growing geopolitical, economic and environmental challenges.”

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Oli underscored the need to revive multilateralism.

“No country can remain secured alone, no people can be prosperous by dividing themselves,” the Prime Minister said. That is why multilateralism is the need of the hour.”

Expressing concern over the climate crisis, Prime Minister Oli said that the melting of ice in the mountains is putting the lives of billions of people at risk.

On a different note, he stated that terrorism, cyber attacks, pandemics and environmental crises are common problems.

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli's economic and development advisor Dr Yubaraj Khatiwada has made it clear that no agreement was made on the issues relating to Nepal's support to China's Global Security Initiative (GSI) during the bilateral meeting held between PM Oli and Chinese President Xi Jinping. 

Dr Khatiwada said that the Nepal government is committed to its Constitution and non-aligned foreign policy, so Nepal can not be a part of any country's security strategy.

PM Oli had held a meeting with Chinese President Xi in the course of his visit to China for attending the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Plus Summit in Tianjin on August 30.

In response to a question relating to China's statement which hinted that Nepal supported China's GSI, Dr Khatiwada said, "PM Oli's visit is chiefly for the participation in SCO Summit. Generally, in the sidelines of such a conference, no agreement and memorandum of understanding is made. It is not done either. Therefore, it is false to make publicity that Nepal supported GSI while no agreement was made on it."       

However, discussion was held on how both sides could forward the effective enforcement of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) Framework Agreement, he said, expressing concern over baseless rumour made viral on social networks. He urged everyone to spread the facts and understand sensitivity and veracity of news.

Dr Khatiwada further shared that other issues that featured during the bilateral discussion were strengthening of connectivity between Nepal and China, industrial and infrastructural development,  collaboration on health sector,  agriculture, investment, tourism, science and IT, sports, disaster management, people-to-people connection and Nepal's socioeconomic transformation. 

Just a few days ago in Siraha, rainfall prompted farmers to plant as much as possible despite the shortage of irrigation. On 2 Dec 2022, the headworks of a canal were rebuilt at Khuttikhola in Lahan Municipality-10, with assurances that it would provide irrigation. The Water Resources and Irrigation Development Division Office, Siraha, had signed an agreement with Multitech Construction Company for the construction of the headworks at a cost of Rs 85m, ultimately paying Rs 86m upon completion.

Nearly four years later, however, the structure has failed to provide any support to farmers.

Instead, politics has overshadowed the canal project. Construction remains uncertain due to disputes. Since the headworks were built at a location downstream of the water level, no water has been able to flow into the canal. This prompted the Office of the Auditor General to raise questions about the design in its 2024 annual report. “During the on-site inspection of the project, the headworks were built at a higher elevation than the river water level. This indicated that water could not be collected or distributed through the headworks without design improvements and additional construction work. As the design and contract placed the headworks at a higher elevation than the river water, operation assurance must be ensured,” the report stated.

During the foundation stone-laying ceremony, officials had declared the project would cost Rs 180m, promising that water would flow through the canal and even create a water park. The plan was to use the remaining funds for culvert construction and canal drainage. At that time, a culvert was also built from Grameen Chowk to the West Canal near JS Campus. But after the Auditor General’s report raised concerns, no additional budget was approved.

In the current fiscal year 2025/26, the Madhesh Province government allocated only Rs 1.5m for the canal. On Aug 4, the Irrigation Office, Siraha, awarded a contract worth Rs 800,000 to Shivam Construction of Lahan Municipality-1 for canal cleaning and drainage. However, when the gate of the headworks was opened and tested after the work was completed, river water did not flow into the canal. Instead, water that had accumulated in the canal flowed back into the river.

The gate has been ceremonially opened twice after performing pujas, but without success. Local resident Hanif Rain said, “Millions were spent on this project. The irrigation chief, technical staff, and contractor colluded in its construction.” He made a video of the issue and shared it publicly.

Another local, Devraj Pokharel, said, “There was no transparency or community discussion. Everything was done for their own convenience. If the canal is deepened further, locals will suffer. The Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority should investigate and take action.”

After canal cleaning began, Hemant Yadav, chairperson of the Lahan Nagar Committee of the CPN-Maoist Center and leader of the Kisan Sangharsh Samiti, claimed water would flow within a week. But even after two weeks, no water has reached the canal. He now argues that if the canal is properly managed, water will flow. Meanwhile, the roads along the canal have begun sinking after excavation. However, Hasmat Ansari, head of the Siraha Irrigation Office, insists that more digging is needed due to level mismatches.

A technical team from the Irrigation Office recently re-examined the site. Irrigation sub-engineer Sanjeev Kumar Yadav said, “There is soil blockage up to 90 cm in places. Removing it will allow some water to rise. The culvert at Grameen Chowk will need to be demolished to divert water to the West Canal.”

According to Survey Office Lahan’s fieldbook, a culvert is recorded on land parcels Lot No 82 (15 katta 6 dhur) and Lot No 21 (1 bigha 17 katta 2 dhur). However, the landowner or responsible office is not mentioned. The culvert divides the canal southward and westward from Grameen Chowk. The Irrigation Office claims the canal could irrigate over 935 bighas across wards 2, 11, 12, 19, 20, 21, 22, and 23 of Lahan Municipality, along with areas of Laxmipur Patari, Sakhuwanankarkatti, and Bhagwanpur rural municipalities. The canal itself was dug more than 60 years ago. Today, much of it lies in market areas where locals have filled sections to create farmland.

Locals warn that releasing floodwater directly into the canal will increase risks in surrounding areas. According to elders, the canal dates back to the time of Prime Minister Chandra Shamsher. Initially, it provided some irrigation, but the headworks were washed away by floods within months. No further budget was allocated afterward. Later, when Bal Krishna Khand was irrigation minister, local leaders requested funding for new headworks. The ministry instructed the Water Resources and Irrigation Office to form a committee, but staff secretly appointed UML leader and then-mayor Muni Sah as chairperson. Despite repeated ministry requests, the committee received no funds.

On 2 Dec 2020, the Irrigation Office signed a contract for new headworks. On 8 Nov 2021, Mayor Sah laid the foundation stone, awarding the project to BP JV Lahan-7 for Rs 28m from the 2020/21 municipal budget. The contractor, who signed the agreement on 27 Dec 2020, was required to finish by 1 Nov 2021. However, due to poor construction, the concrete structure collapsed before completion, further blocking the canal. Crores of rupees in government investment were wasted.

In the 2022 local elections, Congress candidate Mahesh Chaudhary defeated Sah to become mayor. Chaudhary resumed canal work by allocating Rs 80m from the 2024/25 municipal budget. The plan included building an underground drainage system to channel water south from the headworks and improving roads. Initially, there was no opposition when the DPR was published, the contract announced, and the foundation stone laid. But once construction began, a Kisan Sangharsh Committee was formed, and protests erupted. During demonstrations, structures built on the canal were vandalized.

The committee later filed a case at the Rajbiraj High Court, which issued an interim order to continue work in a balanced way without damaging the canal’s appearance. The writ was eventually dismissed, as the court ruled the petitioners’ demands were insufficient.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has said that China does not want to be involved in the Nepal-India border dispute, underlining that both sides should resolve the issue on their own.

Chinese President Xi Jinping said so during a meeting with Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, Amrit Bahadur Rai, Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said.

During the meeting, Prime Minister Oli raised the recent agreement reached between India and China to reopen the trade through Lipulekh pass.

Mentioning that the territory belongs to Nepal, PM Oli told President Xi that the Nepali government has expressed serious objection to the issue.

In response, President Xi said that the Lipulekh route has been a traditionally used route.

Secretary Rai, however, said that China has made it clear that it will not take any sides in the Nepal-India border row.

Nepal's Prime Minister, KP Sharma Oli, has raised a strong objection to the recent agreement between India and China to resume trade through the Lipu Lekh Pass, a disputed territory claimed by Nepal.

PM Oli who is in China to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit 2025, as well as activities to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, met with Chinese President Xi Jinping on Saturday, where he emphasized that the Lipu Lekh Pass is part of Nepalese territory.

A statement from Nepal's Ministry of Foreign Affairs outlined Oli's position: "Referring to the recent understanding reached between India and China on border trade through Lipu Lekh Pass, the Rt. Hon Prime Minister stated that the territory belongs to Nepal and that the Government of Nepal has lodged a strong objection."

This issue stems from the agreement signed on August 19 during the visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to India. Both countries agreed to resume trade from Lipu Lekh, a site that remains disputed between Nepal and India. Following the agreement, Nepal’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs immediately issued diplomatic notes to both nations, expressing its objections.

In 2020, Nepal published a new political map incorporating Kalapani, Lipu Lekh, and Limiyadhura as part of its territory.

It remains unclear how the Chinese side has responded to Prime Minister Oli's statement. Prior to his departure to China for the SCO summit, PM Oli had confirmed that he would raise the Lipu Lekh issue with both India and China. It is unclear yet whether Oli and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will meet on the sidelines of SCO meeting.

In the bilateral meeting, Nepal PM expressed the hope that projects listed under the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) would be advanced, adding that Nepal seeks Chinese support in the areas of fertilizer, petroleum exploration, human resource development, climate resilience and other areas.

Speaking highly of the China-Nepal good-neighborly friendship in the past seven decades, Xi said that the high-quality Belt and Road cooperation between the two countries is advancing steadily at present, according to China. China is willing to work with Nepal to carry forward the traditional friendship and facilitate the greater progress of the China-Nepal Strategic Partnership of Cooperation Featuring Ever-lasting Friendship for Development and Prosperity, Xi noted.

Joint efforts should be made to enhance connectivity programs covering port, highway, power grid, aviation, communications and other fields, and cooperation in sectors including industry, agriculture and animal husbandry, new energy, environmental protection, oil and gas, artificial intelligence, education, health, as well as law enforcement and security, should be advanced, he added.

According to Chinese official media, Oli said that Nepal supports the China-proposed Global Development Initiative, Global Security Initiative and Global Civilization Initiative, and expects China to play a greater role in international affairs.

The Members of Parliament (MPs) have suggested that the government should take diplomatic measures to claim Nepal's territory. 

Speaking in today's House of Representatives (HoR) meeting, the lawmakers asked the Prime Minister, KP Sharma Oli, to clearly communicate with the leaders regarding the agreement signed between India and China on Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura and Kalapani without informing Nepal.     

On the occasion, CPN (Unified Socialist)'s lawmaker Rajendra Prasad Pandey said that the land of Lipulekh, Limpiyadhura and Kalapani belongs to Nepal and holds the land ownership certificate too after the Sugauli Treaty. 

He added that it is also evidently proven from the map kept in the American and British libraries. 

Pandey viewed that a country could be small or big in size but there could be no compromise on the nation's sovereignty. 

He also called for a special initiative from the government to forge a national consensus to claim the Nepali territory. 

Likewise, lawmaker Ranju Kumari Jha of the Janata Samajwadi Party Nepal expressed confidence that the PM will take steps to claim Nepal's land through dialogue and diplomatic efforts during his China visit. 

Similarly, lawmaker Prem Suwal of the Nepal Workers Peasants Party urged the government to safeguard Nepal's territory as stated in the Sugauli Treaty.

Lawmaker Maina Karki also drew the government's attention to settle the border issues through diplomatic means.