Submit your Article

The government has expressed a firm commitment to launching a campaign against corruption so that integrity and good governance would be established.

Secretary at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers, Gobinda Bahadur Karkee, on Tuesday, made such commitment while addressing a session under the 11th Session of the Conference of States Parties to the UN Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) themed 'Shaping Tomorrow’s Integrity' in Doha, Qatar.

In his statement, Secretary Karkee informed that the current government in Nepal had adopted a strict zero-tolerance policy against corruption, and pursued robust legal, administrative and institutional reforms. 

He highlighted the efforts and commitments of the interim government formed following the historic public movement aimed at promoting good governance and controlling corruption. 

Secretary Karkee shared before the global community about the measures taken by the Nepal government in criminalizing bribery, abuse of authority, illicit enrichment, money laundering, and related offences in line with UNCAC.

The leader of the Nepali delegation reaffirmed Nepal’s unwavering commitment to the UNCAC, and shed light on the obligations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) Action Plan, and the Second National Strategy and Action Plan against Corruption being finalized.

The conference is considered the world’s largest gathering dedicated to combating corruption. It began on Tuesday.

The nationwide tiger census, conducted once every four years, officially commenced today. 

The launch was marked by a formal inaugural program held in Sauraha, Chitwan.

The census is being led by the Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation (DNPWC) under the Ministry of Forests and Environment, in coordination with the Department of Forests and Land Conservation. The National Trust for Nature Conservation (NTNC), World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) Nepal, and the Geological Society of Nepal are providing technical and logistical support.

The tiger count is being carried out with the assistance of the Nepal Army, Buffer Zone and Community Forest Users’ Committees, it is said. 

According to the DNPWC, the census is expected to be completed within two and a half to three months, with the nationwide mobilization of 25 technical personnel.

DNPWC Director General Buddi Sagar Paudel stated that 1,100 advanced camera traps are being installed across tiger habitats. 

The tiger population will be estimated through the analysis of photographic captures of the species.

An estimated budget of approximately Rs 30 million is expected to cover the cost of the census, covering the mobilization of human resources, management of memory cards, tents, sleeping bags, and other logistical requirements.

The camera traps being used for the census were procured earlier, with each purchased at an around Rs 35,000.

Nepal has started counting the tiger population systematically using automated camera trap since 2009. 

In 2009, there were 121 tigers in Nepal. 

Counting of tigers has been carried out every four years since 2009. 

As per the Tiger Conservation Action Plan, the tiger census was already conducted in 2013, 2018 and 2022. Now, the counting of tigers is being conducted for 2026. 

Nepal has started observing Tiger Day since 2067 BS and counting of tiger population is carried out nation-wide every four years.

The population of tigers was 98 in 1995, 109 in 2000, 126 in 2005, 121 in 2009, 198 in 2013 and 235 in 2018.

To reduce the human-tiger conflict, he suggested providing alternative means of livelihood to the communities living on the fringes of the forests so that they will not have to go into the forests for livelihood and to change the attitude and behavior of the locals towards the wildlife.

18 problematic tigers caged throughout the country

The issue of problematic tigers is also rising in national parks, conservation areas and surrounding regions with a significant increase in the number of tigers.

In particular, tigers that have entered human settlements, attacked humans and domestic animals, or have been found injured are being rescued and kept in enclosures.

Currently, there are 18 troublesome tigers across the country. 

Among them, five are kept in cages at the central zoo in Jawalakhel, Lalitpur, seven in Chitwan National Park, four in Bardia National Park, and one each in Banke and Parsa National Parks. 

The government has been spending a large amount annually on the daily feeding, care, treatment, and other management of such tigers.

According to the latest figures in 2025, the number of tigers in the world has increased to 5,357. 

Among them, the highest number is in India with 3,167, followed by Russia with 750, Indonesia with 400, Nepal with 355, Thailand with 189, Bhutan with 151, Malaysia with 150, Bangladesh with 146, Myanmar with 22, China with 20, Vietnam with five, and Laos with two tigers.

The Embassy of the Republic of Korea in Nepal, in collaboration with the Independent Power Producers’ Association Nepal (IPPAN), organized the Nepal–Korea Energy Cooperation Seminar in Kathmandu on Monday.

This is the first time that such event was held in Nepal to promote private-sector cooperation in the energy sector.

Addressing the seminar as chief guest, Chiranjeewee Chataut, Secretary at the Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation, said Nepal seeks long-term partnerships with Korean investors, particularly in hydropower and energy development.

He noted that Nepal and South Korea have maintained economic cooperation through trade agreements, joint ventures, labour collaboration and resource sharing, and expressed hope for increased Korean investment in Nepal’s energy, water resources and irrigation sectors.

Ambassador of the Republic of Korea to Nepal Tae-Young Park said the Korean government has supported Nepal’s development for more than five decades, including the construction of three hydropower projects with Korean financing.

Highlighting strong potential for bilateral cooperation in energy, he said the seminar provided a platform for companies from both countries to explore future collaborative projects.

The embassy also distributed a directory of Korean companies operating in the hydropower sector.

The seminar was organized with an aim to strengthen collaboration with private energy producers and attract Korean investment.

Former government secretary Madhu Prasad Bhetuwal, in his presentation, outlined investment opportunities in hydropower generation and transmission infrastructure, along with government policies in the sector.

About 150 participants, including government officials, media representatives, hydropower developers from Nepal and South Korea, officials from KOTRA New Delhi, and IPPAN members, were present on the occasion. 

Foreign Secretary Amrit Kumar Rai and Ambassador of Switzerland to Nepal Danielle have jointly unveiled a commemorative logo at Ministry of Foreign Affairs to mark the 70^thanniversary of diplomatic relations between two countries.  

The logo will be used throughout 2026 by Embassy of Switzerland in Kathmandu and the Embassy of Nepal in Geneva on various occasions to celebrate and highlight the enduring friendship between the two countries. Nepal and Switzerland diplomatic relations in November 1996. 

Sri Lankan Ambassador to Nepal Ruwanthi Delpitiya has held a meeting with a delegation from the Nepal Sri Lanka Chamber of Commerce and Industry (NSCCI), led by the President Vijay Shrestha.

The meeting focused on enhancing trade relations, exploring avenues to promote two-way tourism and new trade opportunities and fostering mutual growth between Sri Lanka and Nepal, according to the Embassy.

Commercial Officer Bibek Wosti delivered a presentation on Sri Lanka Expo 2026 outlining the event prospects.

The discussions emphasized ways to further develop bilateral trade, enhancing tourism collaboration and highlighted the potential for collaboration in upcoming trade initiatives, including participation in Sri Lanka Expo 2026.

Germany and Nepal on December 5 marked 50 years of technical cooperation, bringing together government partners, development stakeholders, and longstanding collaborators at the GIZ premises in Khumaltar. Under the theme “Woven Through Time, Shaping Tomorrow Together”, the event highlighted the milestones of a partnership that began with Bhaktapur’s heritage preservation in the early 1970s, expanded through GIZ’s work in infrastructure and urban development, industrial and entrepreneurial development, agriculture and forest management, peace building and conflict transformation, and post-earthquake reconstruction, and has now grown into one of Nepal’s longest-standing international collaborations in energy, health and sustainable economic development.

Over the years, German Development Cooperation has evolved into several organizations – GIZ, which is celebrating its 50 years of technical cooperation in Nepal today, KfW Development Bank, which is a German Financial Cooperation, and PTB, supporting quality assurance across sectors. Each organization brings its own expertise, but all share one approach: a partnership built on mutual respect, collaboration, and shared progress in Nepal.

Today, Germany-Nepal technical cooperation is closely aligned with Nepal’s national priorities and supports its regional and global commitments. The 50-year milestone underscores a partnership that is both long-standing and forward-looking.

The chief guest, Minister of Finance and Federal Affairs and General Administration Mr. Rameshwor Prasad Khanal, highlighted the significance of the 50-year partnership between Nepal and GIZ, describing it as a story of trust, cooperation, and shared aspirations. He stated, “It is a great privilege for me, on behalf of the Government of Nepal, to join in celebrating 50 years of GIZ’s dedicated service to our country. This milestone is evidence of what long-term cooperation, mutual respect, and a shared vision can achieve.”

Reflecting on GIZ’s contributions over the decades, the Minister noted, “GIZ has been more than a development agency; it has been a committed partner in Nepal’s pursuit of sustainable growth, social inclusion, and the well-being of our people.” The Minister called for deeper future collaboration in renewable energy, public health, decentralization, sustainable infrastructure, inclusive economic growth, and improved revenue systems.

The Minister concluded with a message of appreciation and commitment on behalf of the Government of Nepal, " I express our deepest gratitude to GIZ and our German partners. Let this golden jubilee be a renewed beginning, a call to collaboration, shared purpose, and continued progress toward a greener, healthier, and more equitable Nepal.”

In his address, His Excellency Udo Volz, the German Ambassador, reflected on the origins of the partnership with the restoration of Bhaktapur, saying, “A commitment that meant: your heritage matters, and we will help you preserve it.” He underlined where the past 50 years have taken this cooperation since then: “What started with restoring temples now provides digital solutions. What began with preserving the past now includes preparing for the future.”

Ms. Paulina Campos Monteros, Country Representative, GIZ Nepal, said: “We see ourselves as facilitators and long-term partners, bringing technical expertise and practical solutions, developed hand-in-hand with government, civil society, the private sector, and communities. Our role is to connect actors, support innovation, and help turn ideas into systems that last.”

Boosting tourism collaboration between China and Nepal can help strengthen mutual exchanges in various other fields, including economy, trade and culture, bolstering bilateral ties and advancing people-to-people bonds, Nepali experts said.

According to the latest statistics released by the Nepal Tourism Board, or NTB, the Himalayan nation recorded over 1 million foreign tourist arrivals in the first 11 months of 2025. The country welcomed 1,060,269 foreign tourists from January to November, compared with 1,055,520 visitors in the corresponding period last year.

India retained the top spot among the source markets for foreign tourists during the period, followed by the United States, while China ranked third with 86,800 arrivals recorded during the 11 months.

The robust volume of Chinese tourists in Nepal came as 2025 was designated as "Visit Nepal Year in China". The year also marks the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties between the two neighbors.

"It is very important to keep enhancing people-to-people friendship through tourism, art performances, educational cooperation," said Harish Chandra Shah, president of the Nepal China Cultural and Educational Council.

He said Nepal and China enjoy common cultural affinity, social linkages and familial relations, but they also have different, diverse cultures and traditions.

Shah said that efforts have been underway in the recent past to boost cooperation and exchanges between the two sides. Among such initiatives, a conference was held in Kathmandu in May this year to promote collaboration between China and Nepal in the fields of cultural tourism and road-rail transport. The event led to the signing of agreements on tea trade and cultural tourism exchange.

Suresh Man Maharjan, founder and CEO of Himalayan Legends, a tour operator based in Kathmandu, said Nepal has particular charm for Chinese tourists, due to the vast diversity of landscapes as well as a wide range of activities that the landlocked nation offers, including exploring its folk culture and arts, ancient civilization, learning about its exotic flora and fauna, taking part in hiking and trekking, and enjoying adventure sports such as paragliding and river rafting.

Immersive travel

He said apart from the traditional mode of tourism, a new mode of immersive travel has been fostering closer ties. Here, primary and middle school students are offered an opportunity to experience Nepali folk music, or enjoy homestays in Nepal's villages.

"The latter can help young students from China gain an idea of the authentic lifestyle of the local villagers who live at the foot of the Himalayan mountains so they can understand each other's culture and customs," said the Nepali travel expert.

"This new mode of experience-based tours will become increasingly popular in future as participants can actively pursue knowledge about Nepal rather than just go sightseeing."

China and Nepal have enjoyed good connectivity, said experts in the travel industry. Himalaya Airlines, a China-Nepal joint venture based in Kathmandu, has been operating direct flights between Kathmandu, Nepal's capital city, and Lhasa, the capital city of China's Xizang autonomous region, and between Kathmandu and Southwest China's Chongqing.

Earlier this year, the carrier started the first-ever direct commercial flights between Lhasa and Pokhara, Nepal's second-largest city and a popular tourist attraction.

Prakash Pun, a tourism promoter in Hong Kong for Nepal's Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, said that tourism can help bridge the gap or narrow differences between people and cultures.

"It will lead to more frequent commercial activities and diplomatic exchanges between the two sides," he said. Source: China Daily

The Embassy of India in Nepal, in collaboration with the Lumbini Development Trust and Lumbini Buddhist University, organized the third edition of the India-Nepal Cultural Festival in Lumbini on Monday.

Krishna Bahadur Gharti Magar, Governor of Lumbini Province, Munu Mahawar, Additional Secretary (North), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, Dr Lharkyal Lama, Vice Chairman of Lumbini Development Trust, and Dr Rakesh Pandey, Deputy Chief of Mission at the Embassy of India in Kathmandu jointly inaugurated the program.

Showcasing the shared cultural heritage and traditions of India and Nepal, the festival highlighted Buddhist history and values, reads a statement issued by the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu. 

The event featured a cultural program, with performances by renowned artists from both countries.

A six-member ICCR troupe led by Sandhya Kunjan Menon Das performed an Odissi dance recital with a Buddhist theme. The evening also included a traditional musical performance by a Nepali band ‘Ghugu Mugu’.

As a part of this festival, an academic seminar titled “India-Nepal Buddhist Heritage: A common Legacy” was organized at the Lumbini Buddhist University in the forenoon of 08 December 2025, according to the statement. 

Eminent Buddhist scholars from India and Nepal discussed the significance of Buddhist heritage in strengthening cultural ties and fostering people-to-people connections between the two countries.

The event underscored the strong cultural and historical bonds between the two nations.

The event drew enthusiastic participation from civil society members, academics, senior monks, and members from the Lumbini Development Trust.

Experts have urged Nepal to urgently shift toward equity-based investment and implement regulatory reforms, warning that ‘free capital’ inflows will begin to disappear after 2026, when the country graduates from the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) category.

“The era of free money ends,” said Calvin St. Juste, Special Envoy for Investment of the Federation of St. Kitts and Nevis, during a high-level roundtable meeting in Kathmandu on Sunday, reads a statement issued by Asian Institute of Diplomacy and International Affairs (AIDIA).

The event, organized by the Asian Institute of Diplomacy and International Affairs (AIDIA), brought together senior banking leaders, media representatives, and economic analysts to assess Nepal’s investment landscape, its credit rating trajectory, and opportunities arising from shifting global financial currents.

 “Grants fade, and loans cannot sustainably replace them. Equity can,” he added.

The Envoy encouraged Nepal not to fear its forthcoming graduation from LDC status, but instead view it as an inflection point.

He argued that Nepal should shift from loans to equity-based financing, particularly in sectors like hydropower where domestic capacity is strong but international capital remains essential.

“Political uncertainty is temporary,” he said, adding that challenging or not, this is the moment to bring investors in.

St. Kitts and Nevis ranked among Nepal’s top five foreign direct investment (FDI) sources in 2020-21 in the Nepal Rastra Bank’s report.

Addressing widespread misconceptions around ‘tax haven’ jurisdictions, speakers emphasized the importance of distinguishing competitive tax policy from illicit financial practices, according to the statement.

Addressing the persistent label of ‘tax haven,’ he urged Nepal to reframe the global narrative. “Tax competitiveness is not illegal,” Calvin said, adding that tax avoidance is legal; tax evasion is not. “Don’t be fearful of designing a system that allows your economy to survive.”

Calvin shared the experience of St. Kitts and Nevis, which endured bankruptcy in 2005 after decades of dependence on the sugar industry. The turning point, he explained, came when the country shifted from reliance on commodities and concessional aid toward attracting FDI and building investment-driven resilience.

Calvin, on the occasion, also highlighted the structural similarities between the two nations. “Nepal is landlocked, whereas St. Kitts is sea-locked,” he said, adding “In different ways, we are both small states whose destinies can be profoundly shaped by external forces.”

Referencing a recent Fitch report, that Nepal got BB- ratings, pointed to growing investor hesitation due to political unpredictability, he said Nepal should take the ratings advantage. “As investors, you cannot control politics, but you can control risk.”

He also urged Nepal to proactively address systemic vulnerabilities.

On the occasion, Ram Kumar Tiwari, CEO of Nepal SBI Bank informed that investors have begun pulling back due to current political uncertainty, the statement further reads.

Likewise, Ananda Jha, CEO of CARE Ratings Nepal Ltd highlighted Nepal’s own structural challenges, including conflicts across multiple regulators – Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB), Securities Board of Nepal (SEBON) and Electricity Regulatory Commission (ERC) – which often lead to fragmented or convenience-driven policy outcomes.

Despite a growing capital market and rising entrepreneurial activity, the country lacks meaningful international access, he said.

Apart from concerns around liquidity scarcity and investor skepticism, participants also pointed to rigid labor policies and a prevailing working culture misaligned with global productivity expectations.

While acknowledging the value of an eight-hour workday, they stressed that technology and Artificial Intelligence (AI) now enable output many times greater without extending hours.

High tax rates – corporate taxes of 20% to 25% and personal taxes up to 39% – are also flagged as deterrents to large-scale investment in Nepal. Participants also questioned the justification for high taxes without visible improvements in public services, underscoring the importance of customer-centric governance.

Sudyumna Prasad Upadhyaya, Sanima GIC CEO, during the discussion highlighted the insurance and reinsurance companies’ performance and profitability in the Caribbean including St Kitts and Nevis.

Nepal and India are holding a meeting of the Joint Working Group (JWG) on Petroleum and Gas Cooperation in New Delhi on Monday. 

Joint Secretary Shiva Ram Pokharel of the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies will lead the Nepali delegation in the meeting, while a Joint Secretary from the Indian Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas will lead the Indian delegation.

The JWG was set up in 2017 to strengthen cooperation between the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) and the Indian Oil Corporation Ltd (IOCL) and to widen collaboration in the petroleum and gas sector. 

The meeting comes at a time when Nepal is seeking progress on multiple cross-border energy projects, including the handover of the second phase of the Motihari–Amlekhgunj petroleum pipeline and new initiatives to expand bilateral petroleum infrastructure.

Ministry officials say Nepal will push for the formal handover of the second phase of Motihari–Amlekhgunj petroleum pipeline, which was completed in October last year but has yet to be transferred to Nepal. 

The first phase of the pipeline, handed over in 2018, currently supplies diesel, petrol and kerosene to Amlekhgunj, from where fuel is distributed to major hubs including Kathmandu, Pokhara, Biratnagar and Bhairahawa. The pipeline now accounts for nearly 70% of Nepal’s nationwide fuel imports.

The meeting is also expected to review the status of several projects, including the proposed Siliguri–Charali pipeline, the Charali storage facility and the planned Amlekhgunj–Chitwan pipeline. The storage facility in Chitwan will be built with Nepali investment and Indian technical cooperation.

Officials say Nepal will also push for the Motihari-Sarlahi gas pipeline. It will also brief India on new domestic storage projects under development, including depots being built on NOC land in Rupandehi.

Nepal is additionally exploring the possibility of receiving aviation turbine fuel (ATF) through the cross-border pipeline, according to Indian media reports.

India is the sole supplier of petroleum products for Nepal. NOC currently imports diesel, petrol, kerosene, ATF and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) from the India Oil Corporation (IOC).

Nepal’s political landscape has been shaped repeatedly by acts of betrayal, and today’s GenZ movement finds itself encircled by similar breaches of trust—both from state institutions and non-state forces. This pattern is not new. Twenty years after the 2006 Second People’s Movement, that abolished the monarchy and established a federal republic, Nepal witnessed another youth-led uprising in Sept 2025, commonly referred to as the “GenZ” movement. The protesters’ core demands centered on ending systemic corruption, addressing mass unemployment, lifting restrictions on social media, holding the state accountable and dismantling entrenched old power structures. While some voices within the movement called for constitutional amendments or a directly-elected prime minister, the demand for immediate elections was not the primary focus.

Nevertheless, in response President Ramchandra Paudel dissolved the House of Representatives, appointed former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as interim prime minister and announced fresh elections within six months. Many observers see this rapid dissolution and election announcement as the latest instance of the state deflecting, rather than addressing, popular demands for systemic change.

Whether this abrupt move constitutes a deliberate strategy to defuse and ultimately neutralize the GenZ youth rebellion remains a critical question that warrants serious national debate.

Whither constitutional legitimacy?

After the government collapsed and Parliament was dissolved, the nation was left without leadership. Holding fresh elections and seeking a new public mandate appeared to be the most legitimate and constitutional way forward. It would have ensured that the interim government remained only a temporary arrangement, functioning strictly within constitutional limits. However, this path was never pursued.

The President should have first explored the possibility of forming a new government from within the existing Parliament, safeguarding constitutional integrity and institutional dignity. The more democratic alternative would have been to respond to the aspirations of the youth, bring their concerns to the floor of Parliament, and open meaningful avenues for their representation and participation in state governance. Nepal has taken such steps before—it is not a distant chapter of history.

Yet, the interpretation of the symbolic burning of ‘parliament’ during the movement as an attack on the institution itself has now become a contentious matter, one that may shape political debates and institutional behaviour far into the future.

Some argue that calling for fresh elections in the midst of a power vacuum is merely an effort to preserve the existing power structure. Others claim that this step does not resolve constitutional deadlocks but stands in direct violation of the constitution. Meanwhile, even as the demand for parliamentary restoration remains under judicial review, the very parties advocating for it are preparing to contest elections scheduled for March 5 next year. This, in effect, suggests that they have dismissed the spirit of the GenZ movement.

For some, elections were presented as a way to absorb the movement’s energy—redirecting youthful activism from the streets into parliamentary politics. Yet this logic contradicts the core of the youth uprising, which never demanded immediate elections. The protests exerted intense pressure on those in power, but following the election declaration, criticism has grown that the President’s decision—taken in the belief that street anger could be channeled into ballot papers—constitutes a profound betrayal of the movement’s purpose. In response, a segment of the youth now questions whether another uprising is needed to secure the goals for which they first took to the streets.

A bid to signal stability

By announcing the election date, the President appears to be projecting a message—both domestically and internationally—that Nepal is moving from instability toward procedural normalcy. Despite the scheduled elections creating an impression of institutional restoration, the conditions for a fair and credible vote are still far from secure. If the elections were to be cancelled under such circumstances, the country could face another crisis, reminiscent of events like prison breakouts and the burning of government buildings during previous unrest.

A limited mandate

The interim administration has been granted only one primary task: to conduct elections. This narrow mandate risks entrenching the same old power structures riddled with corruption. In such an environment, the possibility of the GenZ movement returning to the streets remains high. The interim government itself has repeatedly clarified that its role is not to engineer systemic change, but merely to steer the country back to the constitutional path through elections.

Yet, elections within six months are no cure-all. The challenges ahead are immense. The youth-led uprising has demanded deeper structural reforms—reforms that are currently not being addressed. The President’s decision to withhold authority from the interim government to amend the constitution or initiate institutional restructuring stands in stark contradiction to the spirit of transition. This raises a real risk that elections may simply reopen the door for the old parties to regain power.

There is also constitutional ambiguity regarding the appointment of a prime minister from outside Parliament following its dissolution. Fears persist that those powers granted in the present could be misused in the future.

Trust, reform and inclusion

Nepal is navigating a turbulent period. Institutions are weakened, and public trust in the state is steadily eroding. In such a context, six months is a short window. Rushed elections may favor established political forces rather than fairness or reform. If grievances over unemployment, corruption, exclusion and limited opportunity remain unaddressed, dissatisfaction could resurface even more strongly.

Simply announcing elections and releasing attractive party manifestos cannot restore people’s faith in the existing order. Trust must be rebuilt through visible action. The interim government must prioritise transparency and accountability from day one. Public disclosure of assets—from ministers and top officials to senior policymakers—is essential to reinforce integrity in state leadership.

Sensitive corruption cases must be pursued without delay, and the law must be allowed to act decisively. Only then will citizens feel the beginning of change. Equally crucial is the meaningful inclusion of youth, experts, women, indigenous communities and civil society in candidate selection and electoral rule-making—because inclusive participation is the foundation of genuine democracy.

Before the election day arrives, Nepal needs a broad national dialogue on long-overdue reforms and on the review of vague or disputed constitutional provisions. Such deliberation can set the groundwork for stability, improve governance and gradually rebuild public confidence in the system.

The unprecedented youth-led protests of Sept 8–9—now popularly referred to as the GenZ movement—have fundamentally reshaped Nepal’s political landscape. What began as a decentralized, internet-driven outcry against a proposed social media ban swiftly grew into a mass uprising that targeted corruption, nepotism, impunity, and elite capture of the state. Although Nepal has witnessed people’s movements before, this was the first time that a digitally coordinated, leaderless, GenZ-dominated mobilization managed to topple a powerful government and force all major political parties into deep introspection.

In the two-day violence altogether 76 people were killed, leaving dozens injured. Yet the broader political consequences were even more far-reaching. The immediate effects of the protests was collapse of coalition government of Nepali Congress and CPN-UML, installation of interim government led by former chief justice Sushila Karki, a legitimacy crisis across traditional parties, leadership struggles and generational tensions with each party, and a renewed debate about intra-party democracy and accountability.

The movement provided a space for second-rung leaders of the major parties to speak up against the monopoly of single leaders inside the party. But, top leaders of the major parties have shown very few or no indication of reflection and accept their past mistakes. 

The GenZ movement also showed that there was a deep frustration among the party rank and file against the leaders, as it has been revealed that even the cadres of NC, UML and Maoist were engaged in the arson and vandalisms of party leaders. It also showed the animosity among local level cadres of the major political parties because some cadres of NC were engaged in the vandalism of private residences of CPN-UML and vice versa. Similarly, cadres of Maoist and Rastriya Swatantra Party also attacked the NC and UML leaders.

Inside the Nepali Congress

The Nepali Congress—the oldest democratic party—found itself at the epicenter of public anger. The shocking assault on Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba and then–Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba at their residence was emblematic of the extent of the public’s fury. Their rescue by the Nepal Army late on Sept 9 evening  and subsequent hospitalization symbolized the spectacular collapse of the NC’s authority. For weeks after the protests, Deuba remained silent, undergoing treatment in Singapore, while the party drifted without direction. 

At a critical moment when President Ram Chandra Paudel was consulting parties to form the new government, NC leaders were conspicuously absent. As a result, the Karki-led interim government was formed without NC’s input, a political setback that exposed the party’s organizational paralysis. 

The first NC leader to publicly address the GenZ protestors was General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, who released a video message recognizing the grievances of the youth. His move reenergized young cadres and strengthened calls for generational change.

Soon after, both general secretaries—Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma—openly demanded that Deuba relinquish party leadership, asserting that the NC could not regain public trust without internal reform. But, Deuba and his supporters opposed Thapa’s demand of resignation stating that it is morally wrong to attack the party leadership at a difficult time, though there is a very few space of morality in the politics.

Under growing pressure, Deuba named Purna Bahadur Khadka as acting party president before leaving for medical treatment. This gesture, however, did little to calm the situation. Top leaders of the party after Deuba, such as Shanshak Koirala, Bimalendra Nidhi, Krishna Prasad Sitaula, Prakash Man Singh, Prakash Sharan Mahat, Gopal Man Shrestha and Bijaya Kumar Gachhadar, stood against Thapa.

As per NC’s statute, Deuba is no longer eligible to run for the presidency, which means a leadership transition is unavoidable. But the question is who will lead the transition—and when. In the wake of the protests, about 54 percent of general convention representatives signed a petition demanding a special general convention before the March 5 national elections. Their objective was clear: elect a new leadership that resonates with the GenZ wave. But the proposal of a special general convention faced fierce resistance from seven brothers. They argued that holding a convention based on outdated delegate lists would be unfair and politically unsound. Acting President Khadka and senior leader Shekhar Koirala played a neutral role but they were also against Thapa and Sharma. In a way, all top leaders are against the Thapa’s bid to become party president either from special general convention or regular one.

The conflict escalated when Thapa and Sharma, backed by younger leaders and grassroots cadres, threatened to unilaterally convene the convention. This raised the specter of a party split, sending shockwaves through the NC. The party’s indecision lasted nearly two months, during which critics accused the NC of failing to act as the responsible political actors.  Ultimately, the Central Working Committee decided to hold the convention in January, setting off a fierce internal leadership contest. Thapa has announced his candidacy, positioning himself as the face of generational change. The establishment faction is preparing to field Khadka as their candidate. Senior leader Koirala, who previously competed against Deuba, is also gearing up for the presidency.

The outcome remains uncertain, but one thing is clear: The GenZ movement has forced the NC to confront its internal contradictions and prepare for a transformation it long resisted. However, holding the party’s general convention in January is still challenging, as the dispute regarding the active membership still remains unsettled. The process of holding NC’s general convention is one of the democratic processes in South Asia and it is too technical as well which demands a great deal of time to accomplish all tasks. The ‘seven brothers’ are working to find a consensual candidate for the party president who can get the support of Deuba.

Inside the UML: Oli’s struggle to retain control

If the NC suffered from inertia, the CPN-UML suffered from arrogance. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli—widely criticized for undemocratic tendencies—became one of the vocal critiques of the youth movement. He had to be evacuated from Baluwatar by the Nepali Army (NA) only after tendering his resignation. Because NA reportedly told him they can rescue him only if he resigns.  For four days, he was held in an army barracks in Makawanpur with his phone confiscated—an extraordinary development for a sitting prime minister in a democratic state—he spent altogether 10 days in army barracks before being released. Once released, Oli launched a political offensive, accusing the Karki government of being “unconstitutional” and calling for the reinstatement of Parliament. 

The party has filed a writ at the Supreme Court demanding the revival of Parliament. But inside the UML, the mood had shifted dramatically. Senior leaders demanded Oli’s resignation from party leadership, arguing that he should take moral responsibility for the deaths of 19 youths. But Oli refused, stating that the GenZ movement was launched against his party and country and he is not responsible for what happened on Sept 8-9.  To avoid the pressure to step down, he declared he would seek a renewed mandate at the Dec 13–15 General Convention.

Even before the GenZ movement, Oli had amended the party statute to secure a third consecutive term as party chair. He also blocked former President Bidhya Devi Bhandari from rejoining the mother party, fearing she could challenge his dominance. His decision to revoke her membership caused deep resentment among party cadres and senior leaders. The GenZ movement only intensified the internal fractures. For the first time in years, a strong challenger has emerged: Ishwar Pokhrel, backed by former President Bhandari and a coalition of disillusioned senior leaders, has announced his candidacy.

Local-level conventions revealed that nearly 50 percent of organized members abstained from voting, signaling widespread frustration and voter fatigue. UML’s upcoming general convention is now seen as a defining moment: a battle between Oli’s authoritarian grip and a rising internal rebellion. Whether Pokhrel can unite the anti-Oli faction remains uncertain, but the party’s internal cohesion has already been severely damaged. Out of 18 office bearers of the party, more than seven have already openly supported the Pokharel. Among the public, UML’s image has been severely damaged due to the killings of 19 students on Sept 8 when Oli was the prime minister. Now, Ishwor Pokhrel is challenging Oli who has the strong backing of the former President Bhandari.

Inside the Maoist Center: Dahal’s cunning consolidation

The Maoist Center responded differently from the NC and UML. Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal was the first major leader to react positively to the GenZ movement. His quick engagement in consultations for the new government allowed him to position himself as a pragmatic and flexible actor.  

To preempt internal criticism, Dahal dissolved the party’s Central Committee and announced the formation of a Convention Organizing Committee. This allowed him to reset the party structure and eliminate internal dissenting voices. Soon after the protests, senior Maoist leaders Janardhan Sharma and Narayan Kaji Shrestha pressed him to step down. But, Sharma was ultimately forced to leave the party after leaders and cadres who were close with Dahal intimidated him through social media and public forms.

Simultaneously, Dahal began a political outreach campaign, inviting former splinter groups and leaders from the CPN (Unified Socialist) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal. Dahal claims that 15 fringe communist groups have now joined his umbrella structure, the newly proclaimed Nepali Communist Party (NCP)—with Dahal as its convener. But, those parties which had joined the party have a minimum level of people’s support.  Whether this unity is ideological or merely symbolic is yet to be seen, but the move has strengthened Dahal’s control over the left space. 

Despite these consolidations, prominent leaders like Janardan Sharma and Sudan Kirati left the Maoist Centre to join former Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai’s new political formation. Their exit underscores the lingering dissatisfaction with Dahal’s long tenure and centralization of authority. Nevertheless, compared to other parties, the Maoists appear the least destabilized—mainly because Dahal has mastered the art of internal crisis management. Unlike NC and CPN-UML, Dahal seemed positive about the GenZ movement. He has also formed a GenZ organization within the party to demonstrate that he fully supports the agenda of the movement. He is attacking Oli for failing to improve himself even after the GenZ movement. Another important development is Pushpa Kamal Dahal has abandoned Maoism because he has agreed to change the name of the party.

Inside the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP)

The RSP entered Nepali politics as a fresh alternative to traditional parties, appealing especially to young urban voters. In the 2022 election, it emerged as the fourth largest party in the 275-member House of Representative (HoR), in a surprising victory. But paradoxically, it was one of the parties worst affected by the GenZ movement. Many protesters accused the RSP leadership of opportunism and inconsistency. Similarly, it was found that scores of the party’s cadres at the local level were involved in the arson and vandalism. After the Sept 8 protests, the party’s lawmakers decided to resign en masse from the House of Representative. 

The party’s chair Rabi Lamichhane, who was released from jail during the protests, returned to custody after widespread public criticism. Senior leaders Sumana Shrestha, Santosh Pariyar, and others resigned from the party. RSP hurriedly announced a unification with the Bibeksheel Party, but the move was perceived more as damage control than a strategic coalition. The party’s internal credibility crisis raises questions about whether the RSP can retain the youth support it once enjoyed. At the same time, the party faces a leadership crisis as Lamichhane is in jail. There is a tussle between top leaders of the party.

Inside the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP): Limited impact

The monarchist RPP experienced less disruption compared to the mainstream parties. The party maintained that elections alone cannot solve Nepal’s systemic crisis and called for fundamental political restructuring. A positive outcome of the GenZ movement was that longtime rivals Kamal Thapa and Rajendra Lingden initiated discussions about party unification. Although many challenges remain, both leaders acknowledge that a fragmented right-wing space cannot capitalize on the shifting political mood. Despite uncertainties, the RPP has expressed readiness to participate in upcoming elections.

The dismantle of CPN (Unified Socialist)

The GenZ movement led to the dissolution of the CPN (Unified Socialist) party led by former Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal who had formed the party in 2022, breaking up his ties with CPN-UML Chairperson Oli. A group of leaders led by Madhav Kumar Nepal decided to make party unification with CPN (Maoist Center) with an agreement of forming a new party Nepali Communist Party. However, scores of leaders refused to join Nepali Communist Party. Some leaders including Ram Kumari Jhakri decided to return to their mother party CPN-UML, while senior leaders of Ghana Shyam Bhushal joined hand CPN (Unified) led by veteran communist leader Chandra Dev Joshi.

The GenZ movement has forced Nepal’s political elites to confront realities they long ignored. 

Traditional parties can no longer rely on hierarchical, patronage-based politics. Leaders cannot remain in power indefinitely without facing internal revolts. Youth frustration has reached a breaking point—and will continue to shape political behavior. Political transparency and accountability are now unavoidable demands. Every major party—NC, UML, Maoist Centre, RSP, and RPP—has been compelled to undergo some degree of transformation.

Whether these changes lead to genuine democratic renewal or simply a reshuffling of old elites remains to be seen. But one truth is undeniable: Nepal’s GenZ has entered the political arena, and they are not leaving anytime soon. The GenZ movement has been beneficial for the youth leaders of the major political parties because now they are more vocal than in the past about the need for leadership change. The movement is also likely to force the traditional political parties to provide more space to the youths in the internal party organizations and in the elections. But, except inside the NC, the leadership change is unlikely in the major political parties.

After the GenZ movement, major political parties namely Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center) have not come together. In the past, during the time of crisis, there were traditions of three parties coming together but now they maintain a distance, at least publicly though they are engaged in informal talks. The animosity between Dahal and Oli remains in the political landscape. Dahal is publicly saying that the protest on September 8-9 happened due to the governance failure of Oli, while the latter has blamed Dahal that Maoist party was engaged in the vandalism and arson. Nepali Congress is also maintaining a distance with Oli on the political agenda. Oli tried to convince NC to stand in favor of restoration of Parliament but NC decided to participate in the elections.

New parties, new voters

The GenZ movement has triggered a surge in the registration of new political parties. After the GenZ movement, 25 new parties have been registered. According to the Election Commission, of the 37 applications submitted for party registration after the GenZ movement, 25 new parties had been registered as of this week. Similarly, the number of the political parties participating in the election is also going up. 

In 2022, only 84 political parties had participated in the election but this time more than 120 political parties have expressed their eagerness to participate in the elections. The total number of the political parties registered in the EC has already exceeded 143. Out of the 143 parties registered at the Election Commission, seven parties are led by women. The Election commission has said that the addition of more than 800,000 new voters is encouraging. Before the latest voter registration drive began, there were 18,168,000 voters, and for the upcoming elections, an additional 837,094 voters have now been registered.

Nepal has stressed on the need of glorious journey towards building prosperous society and sustaining development when the Least Developed Countries are transformed into the developing countries. 

Likewise, Nepal has laid emphasis on extending financial and integrated assistance to the LDCs. 

At the high-level discussion on Thursday on building a global partnership for the sustainable development of least developed countries, Foreign Secretary Amrit Bahadur Rai emphasized these issues as the chair of the LDC group. 

The meeting was organized in Doha by the Office of the United Nations High Representative for Least Developed, Landlocked Developing Countries and Small Island Developing States and the Qatar Fund. 

According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, during the meeting, the Foreign Secretary met with Deodat Maharaj, Managing Director of the United Nations Technology Bank for the Least Developed Countries, and conveyed Nepal's expectation of support from the bank to facilitate Nepal's journey from a least developed to a developing country. 

On that occasion, they also discussed the role of the bank and opportunities for cooperation. 

Black cardamom has emerged as Nepal’s second-largest export in the first four months of the current fiscal year 2025/26. According to the latest foreign trade data released by the Department of Customs, Nepal exported 1,823.90 tons of black cardamom worth Rs 3.97bn between mid-July and mid-November. 

In the same period of the previous fiscal year, total exports remained at 1,306.25 tons worth Rs 1.9bn. The spice was Nepal’s fourth-largest export in 2024/25 when shipments reached 4,301.04 tons valued at Rs 7.68bn.

Exports grew strongly in the first quarter alone. From mid-July to mid-October, Nepal exported 1,072.20 tons of black cardamom, up 36.8 percent from 783.75 tons a year earlier. Earnings during the period rose 33.3 percent to Rs 1.68bn, compared to Rs 1.26bn last year. 

Almost all of Nepal’s black cardamom goes to India. Exporters say the spice is processed, graded, packaged, and branded there before being re-exported to Pakistan, Gulf markets, and other destinations—often relabeled as “Made in India.” Once re-exported, black cardamom can sell for up to $28 per kilogram, far higher than what farmers received. Nepali farmers earn less than Rs 2,000 per kilogram from Indian buyers.

Nepal is the world’s largest producer of black cardamom, accounting for more than 55 percent of global production. Over 80 percent of the crop comes from five districts in eastern Nepal: Taplejung, Ilam, Sankhuwasabha, Panchthar, and Tehrathum.

However, since the country lacks basic processing and value-addition capacity, farmers are forced to export raw pods, losing out on the higher margins available through drying, grading, oil extraction, and branded retail products. Experts say processing and branding inside Nepal could raise earnings by 50 percent–100 percent.

The country exported 5,017 tons worth Rs 7.93bn in 2023/24, and hit an all-time earnings record of Rs 8.27bn in 2022/23. Revenue stood at Rs 4.77bn in 2021/22 and Rs 6.93bn in 2020/21. Annual earnings stayed above Rs 4bn from 2017/18 to 2019/20.

The government of Nepal has signed a loan agreement worth 34.59 billion Japanese yen (around Rs 31.76 billion) with the Government of Japan for the Koteshwor Intersection Improvement Project. 

The agreement was signed and exchanged today at the Ministry of Finance in the presence of Finance Minister Rameshwor Prasad Khanal.

The loan Nepal is receiving through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) has a grace period of 10 years and a repayment period of 30 years. The annual interest rate for the loan is 0.2 percent. Under the project, an underpass and a flyover will be constructed along the Koteshwor–Jadibuti section. 

Once these major infrastructures are built, traffic congestion in Kathmandu, Lalitpur, Bhaktapur, and along the BP Highway is expected to ease significantly. 

The project will be implemented by the Department of Roads under the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport.

Finance Secretary Dr Ghanashyam Upadhyay and Japan’s Ambassador to Nepal, Maeda Toru, signed the exchange notes related to the agreement, while Dhaniram Sharma, Chief of the International Economic Relations Division at the Ministry of Finance, and JICA Nepal’s Chief Representative, Matsuzaki Mizuki, signed the loan agreement on behalf of their respective sides.

On the occasion, Finance Minister Khanal pledged to use his tenure to further strengthen bilateral cooperation between Nepal and Japan, stating that the loan support from Japan is significant for improving the Kathmandu Valley's traffic system. 

The Japanese Ambassador said that once the project is completed, it will bring substantial improvements to traffic management in the Kathmandu Valley. 

He also highlighted the long-standing friendly relations between Nepal and Japan.

Senior officials from the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport, the Department of Roads, the Embassy of Japan, and JICA Nepal were present at the ceremony.

Nepal are facing the hosts UAE today in the championship-decider match to be held under the ACC Men's U-19 ODI Premier Cup.

The title match is scheduled to start at 10:30 am local time today at the Karwan Ground in Ajman of the United Arab Emirates (UAE). 

Nepal have defeated Malaysia by nine wickets while the UAE defeated Oman by eight wickets to secure a place in the final.

It may be noted that Nepal and the UAE have already qualified for the Asia Cup, as per the provision that the finalists will qualify directly for the Asia Cup.

Malaysia and Oman will play for third place today and the winner will be qualified for the Asia Cup. 

A total of 14 teams had participated in the competition. 

Organized by the Asian Cricket Council, the U-19 Asia Cup 2025 is being held in the UAE from December 12-21.