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Nepal defeated host Scotland by two wickets in the match held in Glasgow, Scotland on Tuesday under the T20 Tri-Nation Series. 

Nepal achieved the moderate target of 98 runs posted by Scotland in 19.5 overs with eight wickets down. 

To steer Nepal to victory, opener Kushal Bhurtel contributed 30 runs. Likewise, Dipendra Singh Airee gathered 14 runs, Basir Ahamad 13 and Kiran Thagunna 10 while other batters could not score in double digits. 

Put to bat first in the third match of the Series, Scotland were restricted to a meagre 97 runs at the loss of all wickets. 

Nepal's leg spinner Sandeep Lamichhane took four wickets for 18 runs including a maiden in his full quota of four overs. Karan KC and Dipendra Singh Airee took two wickets each while Lalit Rajbansi took one wicket.

For the home team, only three batsmen could score in double digits, the highest being 46 runs by Michael Leask, Brandon McMullen scored 10 runs while captain Matthew Cross scored 15 runs before he was bowled out to Lamichhane..

With the performance in the match, Karan KC has registered 100 wickets in T20 International Cricket. He is the second after Lamichhane to make the record. 

Lamichhane was declared the 'player of the match' .today. 

With the federal budget for the upcoming fiscal year announced, it is crucial to review the transparency of the system by which the budget is made. Budget formulation and public finance management systems in Nepal have undergone significant changes in recent years, especially after the implementation of federalism in 2015. Participatory budgeting and public accountability are repeated themes in every budget announcement. Political parties boast of presenting citizen-centric budgets that promise to improve governance quality and address corruption. While the Ministry of Finance has made attempts to deliver on these claims, gaps still remain.

In a survey conducted by the International Budget Partnership (IBP) in 2023, Nepal was ranked 58th out of 125 countries for budget transparency, displaying moderate performance in public access to credible budget information. While this performance is relatively better compared to other South Asia countries, it falls short of standard international benchmarks. During six rounds of IBP surveys between 2010 and 2023, Nepal’s budget transparency score averaged 42, consistently remaining below the ‘sufficient score’ of 61. 

Untimely and limited disclosure of key budget documents, combined with the absence of a citizens’ budget, and limited public participation in budget formulation, are key bottlenecks that keep the country’s budget transparency low. 

Political interference in the budget-making process is another factor that impedes transparency. Rent-seeking behaviour and political lobbying to alter tax rates in favour of interest groups are not uncommon in Nepal. In 2022, the then-finance minister, Janardan Sharma, had to temporarily resign following allegations that he had employed two unauthorized persons to tweak tax rates the day before the 2022-23 budget was presented. In 2023, allegations emerged that information about tax increases on electric vehicles was leaked to car dealers, who then rushed to bring the cars into Nepal before the budget was presented. In both instances, the finance ministers were given a clean chit. Such instances significantly dent the country’s image on budget transparency internationally. 

In addition to the above factors, a major driver of Nepal’s poor budget transparency is low public accountability. Citizens possess limited knowledge of the budget-making process and public financial management (PFM) systems, resulting in low budget literacy levels in the country. 

This knowledge gap is driven by the complexity of our PFM system and the scarcity of resources for citizens to learn about Nepal’s budget management. 

The World Bank’s Third Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability Assessment assigns Nepal a ‘C’ rating regarding access to fiscal information, highlighting large gaps in the availability of critical public finance data. Implementing federalism has further layered PFM processes, increasing the already wide public fiscal knowledge gap. And during this time, there have been limited initiatives by the government to educate taxpayers about how public money is being raised and spent.

The above discussion does not mean that a complex fiscal system is an unwanted system. Complexity can ensure accountability, improve public participation and establish best practices for fiscal management. However, it should be complemented by enhancing public knowledge of how fiscal systems work in the country. Taxpayers should get to know how their tax money is being spent and how effectively the government is utilizing the funds to deliver welfare outcomes. As sub-national governments now bear significant expenditure responsibilities, public fiscal education has become particularly important. It can empower the masses to hold their electorates accountable and enable them to demand services that sub-national governments are constitutionally mandated to provide. 

Research from the World Bank suggests that there is a systematic relationship between budget literacy and budget transparency. Budget literacy initiatives can effectively close the budget transparency feedback loop by enhancing the citizens’ capacity to analyze their government’s fiscal data and scrutinize budgets. Research also confirms that participatory budgeting is strongly associated with a reduction in extreme poverty and an increase in access to basic services. 

While several initiatives exist that can enhance budget literacy, there are a few practical ones that are feasible in Nepal’s context. Two important interventions stand out: one, publishing a citizen’s budget that presents and summarizes key budget information in a less technical, easy-to-understand format (a practice many countries undertake); two, introducing budget literacy components in education curricula to build an understanding of public finance management among students and youth. The IBP has consistently urged Nepal to adopt these interventions, particularly the publication of a citizens’ budget, as a crucial step toward improving budget literacy.

Other potential interventions include creating interactive online platforms that act as a single-source-of-truth for public finance data, conducting awareness programs at the community level, and undertaking extensive consultations with civil society for budget formulation. These interventions have the potential to significantly enhance Nepal’s fiscal transparency and bring its scores in line with international standards.

Public accountability starts with education. We need to proactively learn about the country’s fiscal system and empower ourselves to constructively criticize the government in cases of failures and inefficiencies. Key government stakeholders—the Ministry of Finance, the Office of the Auditor General, Public Expenditure and Financial Accountability Secretariat, and others, need to build the enabling frameworks. Think tanks and development agencies need to enhance their role in reporting on Nepal’s public finance management and help bridge the knowledge gap. Generating public interest in this critical but often overlooked field is important as we enter the new fiscal year, and all stakeholders must play their part to this end.

Madhes Province contributes between 22 to 25 percent to Nepal’s overall food security and possesses immense potential in agriculture. Despite its fertile land and favorable conditions, the sector remains neglected due to low investment and a lack of governmental priority. The province boasts 574,360 hectares of cultivable land, with 83 percent of it already irrigated. However, progress has been stifled by the limited availability of improved seeds, irregular supply of fertilizers, and the failure to modernize and adopt agricultural technologies.

In the fiscal year 2024/25, the Madhes Province Government allocated only five percent of its total budget to agriculture. Out of the total provincial budget of over Rs 43.89bn, just Rs 2.57bn was allocated to the Ministry of Land Management and Agricultural Cooperatives. Even more concerning, with only a month left in the fiscal year, just 16 percent of the ministry’s budget had been spent. “Madhes Province is exceptionally fertile and has the potential to become the country’s food bank, but the government has not prioritized agriculture, and therefore, we’ve failed to achieve the desired results,” says Umesh Dahal, Secretary at the ministry. He adds that while infrastructure projects receive significant attention and funding, agriculture continues to be sidelined, which prevents the sector from advancing.

Although Madhes accounts for 19.2 percent of Nepal’s total agricultural output, efforts toward mechanization remain weak. The provincial government has announced plans to integrate agriculture more prominently into the fiscal year 2025/26 policy framework. Initiatives such as the ‘Madhes Feeds the Country Campaign’, ‘Farmer’s Garden, Volunteer’s Umbrella’, and ‘Your Garden, Madhes’s Prosperity’ aim to transform the sector. The government has also proposed programs like ‘one district, one cold storage’ and ‘one district, one custom hiring center’, along with continued efforts toward agricultural electrification and processing of farm produce.

However, these plans risk remaining mere slogans if not backed by adequate budget and implementation strategies. Provincial Assembly Member Mala Raya voices her skepticism, stating, “The government has brought many slogans in the agricultural sector, but I don’t think there’s a clear plan to implement them meaningfully—it’s just a bunch of talk.”

Madhes Province already plays a major role in producing key crops and holds potential to reduce Nepal’s dependency on imports. The province produces 5,486,472 tons of paddy annually across 1,447,789 hectares, contributing 25 percent to national production. With Nepal requiring 6,042,341 tons of rice annually and importing 555,839 tons, Madhes could significantly cut import dependency by expanding Chaite rice cultivation on an additional 189,000 hectares.

Similarly, maize is cultivated on 940,256 hectares in the province, producing 2,976,490 tons and contributing 6.4 percent to national output. Given Nepal’s annual maize demand of 3.41m tons and imports totaling 435,217 tons, Madhes has the potential to expand maize farming by 87,000 hectares to meet domestic needs.

Wheat is grown across 697,762 hectares, yielding 298,462 tons—32 percent of the country’s total production. With a national demand of 2.75m tons and imports of over 654,000 tons, Madhes could further increase wheat production to enhance self-sufficiency.

Mango farming is another area of strength. Cultivated on 42,773 hectares, mangoes from Madhes account for 5,120,055 tons, contributing 77 percent to national production. Sugarcane, grown on 62,833 hectares, yields 3,130,109 tons—66 percent of total output. Oilseed crops cover 2.44m hectares, producing 2.74m tons and contributing 22 percent nationally. Pulses are grown over 2.96m hectares, with a total production of 3.44m tons, or 37 percent of the country’s output.

Bananas are cultivated on 24,286 hectares, yielding 88,745 tons—21 percent of national production. The province is also a major contributor to fish farming, producing 82,261 tons from 14,745 hectares, which accounts for 57 percent of Nepal’s total fish production. However, despite these strengths, Madhes lags in dairy production, contributing only 18 percent (4,758,700 tons) to the national total.

While Madhes Province remains a cornerstone of Nepal’s agricultural output, without strategic investment, proper implementation, and prioritization by the government, its true potential may remain unrealized.

Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has resumed exporting 40 megawatts of electricity to Bangladesh through Indian transmission. 

Power from Nepal to Bangladesh was exported for the first time for 12 hours on July 15 last year. It has resumed from June 15 of this year.

A power sale agreement had been signed between NEA, Bangladesh Power Development Board and NTPC Vidyut Vyapar Nigam Limited of India last year, which led to export of electricity for only 12 hours last year. 

Nepal has been exporting excess electricity during the rainy season to neighboring India for five months every year. This year, starting today, NEA will export electricity to Bangladesh for the next five months, until November 15.

Subarna Sapkota, Deputy Manager of the NEA Electricity System Control Department, shared that 146.88 million units of electricity will be exported in five months. 

The government will earn Rs 1.29 billion in five months from the sale of the electricity. 

The selling rate of electricity exported under the agreement is 6.40 US cents per unit. 

The electricity will reach Bhermara Substation in Bangladesh via Muzaffarpur, Behrampur, India from Nepal's 400 KV Dhalkebar Substation.

Meanwhile, the NEA has continued its electricity exports to neighboring India. 

The NEA has also started exporting electricity to the Indian state of Haryana this year.

It had been exporting 185 MW of electricity since June 1, which increased to 200 MW from Saturday.

 As per the bilateral agreement between Nepal and India, the selling rate of this electricity export is 5.25 Indian rupees per unit.

Similarly, the NEA has also started exporting 80 MW of electricity to the Indian state of Bihar since 12 last night. In addition, additional electricity is being purchased and sold in the Indian market through the Dhalkebar-Muzaffarpur 400 kV and 132 kV transmission lines. 

As the electricity production in Nepal has increased with the onset of the rainy season, the surplus electricity is being exported to India and Bangladesh.

The Government of India on Saturday gifted 40 ambulances to health institutions in various districts of Nepal. 

The vehicle handover ceremonies were held simultaneously at four locations including the Embassy of India in Kathmandu, the Consulate General of India in Birgunj and the Pension Paying Offices of the Embassy of India in Pokhara and Dharan.

A total of 40 ambulances were gifted today covering 33 districts across all the seven provinces of Nepal, reads a statement issued by the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu. 

Out of these, 22 ambulances were handed over in Kathmandu, seven in Birgunj, seven in Pokhara and four in Dharan by representatives of the Government of India. 

Prasanna Shrivastava, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of India, Kathmandu handed over the keys of the vehicles at the ceremony held in Kathmandu.

Mayors and Chairpersons of Municipalities and Rural Municipalities of various districts of Bagmati, Karnali, Lumbini and Sudurpaschim Provinces as well as representatives of various beneficiary organizations, political representatives, and social workers were present on the occasion. 

During the event, the Deputy Chief of Mission highlighted that gifting of ambulances has been one of the long-standing initiatives of the Government of India under the Nepal-India Development Partnership to bolster the efforts of the Government of Nepal to strengthen its infrastructure in the health sector, according to the statement.

He added that this initiative is a part of the larger robust and vibrant development partnership between India and Nepal which has expanded, deepened and diversified over the last seven decades. 

During their interactions with the Deputy Chief of Mission at the event, the beneficiaries expressed their gratitude for India’s support towards various ongoing developmental projects in their districts and Nepal, expressing confidence that the newly gifted ambulances will help enhance accessibility to health services in their respective regions. 

The Government of India has been presenting ambulances for more than three decades to various beneficiary organizations in different parts of Nepal, giving high priority to Nepal's health sector.

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) team led by Sarwat Jahan concluded a two-week visit to Nepal on June 10, reaching a staff-level agreement with Nepali authorities on the policies and reforms needed to complete the sixth review under the Extended Credit Facility (ECF).

The agreement, which remains subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board, would unlock approximately $42.7m in financial assistance. This will bring Nepal’s total disbursement under the ECF to about $331.8m out of an approved $394.75m.

In a statement at the end of the mission, Jahan noted that Nepal has made “satisfactory” progress on its ECF-supported reform agenda, despite some delays in child welfare grant targets. Key completed or near-complete reforms include the finalization of a tax expenditure report, revised National Project Bank guidelines, and a roadmap following a Loan Portfolio Review (LPR). Progress has also been made on amending the Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) Act, incorporating recommendations from previous IMF assessments.

The IMF mission observed that Nepal’s economy is gradually recovering, supported by improvements in construction, manufacturing, hydropower, and agriculture. GDP growth for 2024/25 is projected to exceed four percent, while inflation eased to 3.4 percent in April following a post-flood spike. The country’s external position has strengthened thanks to rising exports, remittances, and tourism.

However, financial sector vulnerabilities persist. Non-performing loans (NPLs) rose to 5.2 percent in April 2025, impacting bank capital, and concerns remain about the health of savings and credit cooperatives (SACCOs).

Looking ahead, the IMF projects stronger growth in 2025/26 with inflation likely to remain within the central bank’s target range. Yet risks—including weak capital project execution, global uncertainties, and policy disruptions—remain.

The upcoming fiscal year’s budget is broadly aligned with IMF goals to ensure fiscal discipline, boost capital spending, promote private investment, and expand social programs such as the public school midday meal initiative.

The IMF emphasized the need for a cautious approach to establishing an Asset Management Company and highlighted the importance of strengthening the insolvency framework and debt recovery systems. It also praised Nepal’s progress on improving its legal framework for anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing.

During the visit, the IMF team held meetings with Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel, National Planning Commission Vice-chairperson Shiva Raj Adhikari, Nepal Rastra Bank Governor Biswo Poudel, and other high-level officials, as well as stakeholders from the private sector and development partners. “We are grateful to the Nepali authorities for their hospitality and for open and constructive discussions,” Jahan concluded.

Photo: S Paul Kapur, who has been picked by the Donald Trump administration for the key post of Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs

It has been nearly six months since Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 47th President of the United States. Since then, he has issued dozens of executive orders that have significantly impacted America’s relationship with the rest of the world.

The Trump administration’s decision to shut down the US Agency for International Development (USAID) has had major repercussions in Nepal, leading to the cancellation of dozens of projects. Similarly, two projects under the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) in Nepal remain in limbo as the new administration has yet to make a final decision.

Engagement between the two countries has been minimal, particularly after the retirement of Assistant Secretary of State for South Asian Affairs Donald Lu just before Trump’s inauguration—a position that remains unfilled.

Now, the Trump administration has nominated S Paul Kapur, who is currently undergoing a congressional hearing and is expected to soon take charge of South Asian affairs. A close examination of speeches by senior US officials, including the Secretary of State and Secretary of Defense, as well as Kapur’s statements before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, suggests that the “China factor” will heavily influence Trump’s South Asia policy—including toward Nepal. 

In fact, countering China has emerged as the Trump administration’s primary focus across Asia. Born in New Delhi to an Indian father and an American mother, Kapur is regarded as a South Asia expert. He has authored several books on the region’s security dynamics and US policy. From 2020-2021, Kapur served on the State Department’s Policy Planning Staff, working on issues related to South and Central Asia, Indo-Pacific strategy, and US-India relations. Previously, he taught at Claremont McKenna College, and was a visiting professor at Stanford University.

During his hearing, he stated: “The United States’ relationships with the countries of South and Central Asia hold great promise. With effective policy, they can flourish and enable us to achieve Secretary Rubio’s goal of making the United States safer, stronger, and more prosperous.”

He emphasized shared US-India interests, including ensuring a free and open Indo-Pacific not dominated by China, expanding bilateral trade, fostering technology sharing, and securing energy access. He also highlighted the strategic importance of Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Maldives and Bhutan for regional stability, noting Sri Lanka and the Maldives’ critical locations along major trade routes and Bangladesh’s economic significance. “If confirmed, I will advocate for enhanced US cooperation with these nations to bolster security, counterbalance China’s influence, and expand trade,” he said.

In a striking statement at last week’s Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth signaled a more confrontational stance toward Beijing, unsettling many Asian capitals. “As our allies share the burden, we can increase our focus on the Indo-Pacific: our priority theater,” he declared, stressing that America’s security and prosperity are intertwined with those of its allies. “We share your vision of peace and stability, of prosperity and security, and we are here to stay,” he added.

Since the new administration took office, there have been no high-level US visits to Nepal. While some senior officials have traveled to Kathmandu, these trips were kept low-key. However, military collaboration between the Nepali Army and the US Army continues on a regular basis.

Meanwhile,  Secretary of State Marco Rubio ordered US embassies around the world on Tuesday to move ahead with a directive to fire all remaining staffers with the US Agency for International Development. He said the State Department will take over USAID’s foreign assistance programs by Monday, according to the AP news agency. 

The termination of all remaining USAID staffers abroad is one of the last steps in the destruction of the US aid agency and the firing of its more than 10,000 staffers and contractors by the Trump administration and Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, according to AP.  They had made USAID one of their first targets for elimination.

Nepal are playing their fourth and final match today against the Netherlands in a triangular ODI series under the ICC Cricket World Cup League 2 today.

The match to be held at Forthill Cricket Ground in Dundee, Scotland will start at 3:45 pm Nepal time. Nepal, having won the first two matches of the series, are in search of their third victory today.

In the last match, Scotland defeated Nepal by two runs. Earlier, Nepal had defeated Scotland by one run and the Netherlands by five wickets. On the other hand, the Netherlands are aiming for their first victory. The Netherlands lost to Scotland by 44 runs.

Nepal are in seventh place in the league with 10 points from 15 matches. The Netherlands are in second place with 26 points from 22 matches. The league, featuring eight different teams, will run until 2027.

The top four teams of this league will qualify directly for the global qualifiers of the World Cup. The four teams at the bottom will have to play playoff matches to qualify for the World Cup.

The Nepali team includes captain Rohit Kumar Paudel, vice captain Dipendra Singh Airee, Asif Sheikh, Anil Kumar Shah, Basir Ahmad, Sandeep Lamichhane, Sompal Kami, Karan K.C., Kushal Bhurtel, Bhim Sarki, Arif Sheikh, Gulshan Jha, Nandan Yadav, Rijan Dhakal, and Lalit Narayan Rajbanshi.

There have been numerous generalizations, and with them, many misunderstandings regarding the crucial factors that underpin elitism in Nepal.

Undoubtedly, caste and land, and language, considering also the extent to which they have always been inextricably interlinked with each other, have continuously been predominant factors. Throughout the history of Nepal, these have been consistently key elements acting as springboards for individuals and groups with homogenous features to cement their prerogatives and privileges within the society.

Yet, a certain degree of privilege and the status coming with it do not automatically make someone part of the ruling elite. And, certainly, there has been a paucity of studies that try to go beyond such analysis of established societal dynamics and attempt to understand different dimensions of power creation that can lead to the exercise of real decision-making at the highest echelons of power.

Therefore, there is an opportunity to analyze how elites are created and shaped in Nepal from different perspectives. In this line, a novel line of inquiry is emerging. It focuses on the nexus between the influences exerted by foreign powers in Nepal and the hidden dynamics and consequences triggered by them over those who have been ruling the country.

This new approach tries to answer the following question: could be possible that foreign powers that, since the early days of Nepal’s formation till now, have been holding a very relevant role in shaping national politics, have a unique sway and impact over the underlying and hidden processes of elite formation, defined as those members of the society truly exercising power?

Nepal is a nation where foreign policy has always been passively exercised in reaction to the desires and moves of bigger and more powerful nations. To some extent, the conduct of foreign affairs by the different elites in power has not been, either by design or by default, aimed at independently exerting the country’s sovereign interests.

Rather, Nepal’s foreign policy has been more focused on responding to the interests that foreign powers have always held over it. It has been shaped to maximize a return not based on its own priorities and strategic interests but rather from how and what bigger international players, such as India, China, the USA, and, during the Rana oligarchy, the British Resident, approached Nepal and wanted from it.

At the same time, the elites in power did also benefit immensely from steering the country’s foreign policy in a balancing act that would not antagonize foreign powers but would be masterfully crafted and leveraged for their own self-interests. Therefore, wouldn’t it be interesting to reflect on how foreign policy conducted by others has determined and continues to influence elite formation in the country?

This is the ambitious task that Gaurav Bhattarai, an Assistant Professor at Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, set to decipher with his latest book, “Nepal’s Power Elites: Rajahs, Ranas and Republic,” due to be published in the first week of August.

The book is a bold attempt at understanding the elevation to power through the prism of foreign policy. “Elitism cannot be fully grasped without recognizing the profound influences of distant hands”, Bhattarai explained to me in our conversation.
Throughout a series of online interviews and exchange of emails, Bhattarai shared with me that normally the focus is on pinpointing the oversized influence that foreign powers have always held in shaping national politics.

But, according to him, we have been missing something important to better understand the elite’s formation and their related power dynamics in Nepal.

“In the grand narrative of the evolution of the Nepali statecraft, the role of British residency, Indian independence leaders, and a plethora of regional and international factors emerge as more than scanty background details—it is the very plot that drives the story of elite power structure”.

“In line with this insight, I argue that any understanding of elite status in Nepal is incomplete without an acknowledgment of these external forces”, Bhattarai wrote me in the e-mail. Elite is a loose concept, open to different interpretations.
The theories formulated in the nineteenth century by Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca, and Robert Michels in Europe, or C Wright Mills in the US, and Sanjaya Baru in India elucidating the key elements and factors of elite making cannot simply be re-contextualized and adapted to Nepal according to Bhattarai.

To understand how the different elites across the different phases of Nepal’s model history, each with its unique features, formed and assumed power in the country, we need to go beyond the socio-religious aspects of the nation that have inevitably been conductors and enablers of access to power.

Foreign policy can turn out to be a very relevant area that deserves to be studied in order to decipher the formation of elites in Nepal. This undertaking should not only be analyzed from the ways foreign powers exercised it to influence and, in many instances, indirectly control power. Certainly, this aspect cannot be underestimated. “External forces have not only enabled but at times also constrained the power and influence of Nepali elites throughout history”, I was told in our conversation.
So in “Nepal’s Power Elites: Rajahs, Ranas and Republic”, Bhattarai analyzed to full extent “how foreign influences have shaped, bolstered or even undermined the authority of the ruling class”.

There is also another side of the coin, and this is really an important point that Bhattarai makes. According to him, the different elites holding decision-making authority in the country have themselves exploited the perceived influence of foreign nations in the country for their own interest.

In essence, the Shahs, then the Ranas, and then again the Shahs during the Panchayat and even the political class of the post-2008 Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, have all consistently taken advantage of their access to foreign powers.
Each of them had different dynamics and unique features, and each asserted its powers in a unique context. And yet, the study conducted by Bhattarai is centered on the fact that all of them had one common denominator: the support received by foreign powers, without whom their own survival in power could have been jeopardized.

The members of the elites in power throughout different phases of Nepal’s modern history, have always shared something in common. They all misappropriated and misused, their prerogatives in dealing with foreign powers exercising their own influence over the country, to legitimize, cement and consolidate their own status and grip on the decision-making.
“Elites have leveraged their ‘monopoly’ or their exclusive access to foreign policy to justify their power”. “By engaging with missionaries, colonial powers, residents, envoys, ambassadors, and international organizations in different eras, they positioned themselves as the architects of Nepal’s modern history,” Bhattarai said.

What we think of national interest, which is often proclaimed with high rhetoric by politicians even these days, is actually the interest of elites whose members strive to preserve by leveraging their decision-making in the realm of foreign policies through their access to foreign actors.

Power has been exercised by elites not in the interest of the people but to further strengthen the elite itself, and Bhattarai’s scholarly research is an effort at understanding “how elites have ably used foreign policy to consolidate their authority”.
“In this book, I seek to advance beyond the existing debates in International Relations by exploring how the priorities, preferences, and behaviors of individual decision-makers impact foreign policy decisions. By examining these individuals’ actions, we may gain insights into the structural constraints they face and the norms that shape their positions,” explained Bhattarai. To better comprehend these patterns and dynamics, the publication tries to answer an important question:
“How do we measure their agency within the web of constraints they are bound by, and in what ways do we distinguish between genuine influence and the illusion of power within the broader political machinery?”.

“This question challenges the very concept of elite status and prompts us to reconsider how we understand leadership, authority, and influence in the realm of foreign policy decision-making”.

In essence, Bhattarai tries to explain how the domain of foreign and its interactions with national elites in different phases of Nepal’s modern history have shaped not only the country’s own political trajectories along the years but also enabled the rulers of the time to exert their power over the nation.
Normally, we explain and justify foreign policies through the angle of national politics. After all, foreign affairs are at the service of nations’ interests and priorities. The case of Nepal is different. Foreign powers did abuse and continue to abuse their own influence over the nation’s destiny.

But as Bhattarai helps us to realize, it is not only a one-way street. His inquiry tries to prove this point by presenting examples from numerous historical episodes and also from his observation of elite-driven foreign policy discourses in contemporary Nepal, be it in the media, seminars, or university.

The book is about the idea and practice of foreign and the way Nepali elites have been using and exploiting the domain of foreign and how, in the name of foreign policy behaviour and foreign policy priorities, they have been fulfilling their own vested interests.

The book also brings to the fore the presence and role of henchmen and interlocutors of all three—Rajhas, Ranas, and Republican leaders of Nepal—in different periods of time, to show how the idea of the foreign has been romanticized and weaponized as rhetoric.

Among them, what tops the list is the discourse of national interest, which, according to Bhattarai, as discussed in his upcoming book, is actually an “elite interest”. The elites in power throughout the history of Nepal till now excelled at preserving their own status and ably used the same foreign powers targeting and influencing them, for their own advantage. And let’s be honest, they have been extremely good and they are still good in this game. 

Several Indian residents of the UAE have faced unexpected delays and financial losses during recent trips to Nepal after a lesser-known travel regulation was suddenly enforced. The rule requires a No Objection Certificate (NOC) from the Indian Embassy in Nepal for Indian nationals returning to the Gulf, and many travelers say they were unaware of this requirement until it was too late, according to a report by Khaleej Times.

Dubai-based Manu Palerichal, CEO of CIA Emirates, told Khaleej Times that his Eid break vacation to Nepal turned stressful when immigration officers informed him of the NOC requirement upon landing in Kathmandu. “It caught us off guard because no one had informed us about this beforehand,” he said.

Manu and his family had already traveled to Pokhara, nearly 200 km away from the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu, making it difficult to secure the document. He returned to Kathmandu later and managed to get the NOC, but only after facing uncertainty and additional travel costs.

Three agents in the UAE confirmed that the rule has existed for some time but has only recently been enforced strictly. “Authorities found people misusing the system, including in cases of human trafficking and tax evasion,” said Safeer Mohammed, general manager of Smart Travels. “We now advise all clients to get the NOC well in advance.

Thabseer Ahmed, another UAE resident, lost over DH 1, 400 due to this rule. “We found out about the NOC only at the airport in Nepal while heading back from our holiday,” he said to Khaleej Times. As his return flight was at 3 am on Sunday, he was unable to access embassy help in time and missed his flight.

“I tried flying via New Delhi, but I had to book a ticket to Dubai once I arrived,” he added.

Nestled between India and China, Nepal possesses a unique and complex trade history, along with significant market opportunities. However, the country faces multiple constraints—including geographical challenges, weak infrastructure, procedural bottlenecks, and an often unstable political-economic environment. Moreover, the government’s approach to trade negotiations tends to be reactive, shaped by perceived contexts rather than long-term strategy. In this light, it is essential to institutionalise effective standard operating procedures (SOPs) for trade negotiations. Such SOPs would ensure consistency, enhance transparency, and provide strategic direction across bilateral, subregional, and regional trade engagements.

The need for an SOP

Nepal’s trade diplomacy currently relies heavily on ad hoc arrangements and the personal experience of individual bureaucrats. This knowledge-driven, personality-based approach often leads to inconsistencies, a lack of institutional memory, and missed opportunities on bilateral, regional, and multilateral platforms.

A national SOP would promote coherence across government departments and ensure continuity during political transitions. It would also empower negotiation teams with procedural clarity and sectoral insights while presenting Nepal as a prepared and credible counterpart in international forums.

Core SOP features for trade negotiations

Institutional mechanisms

Since the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies (MoICS) leads trade negotiations, it should initiate the formation of a formal negotiation coordination committee. This body should include representatives from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Agriculture, private sector associations, academia, legal experts, and provincial authorities. Together, they would set national priorities, vet negotiation positions, and guide strategies.

SOP cycle

Pre-negotiation phase: Conduct data-driven impact assessments, define national priorities, consult relevant stakeholders, and prepare position papers.

Negotiation phase: Select delegation members, assign roles, and maintain real-time internal coordination.

Post-negotiation phase: Identify legal provisions, outline ratification processes, create implementation roadmaps, and establish monitoring indicators.

Sectoral working group

A specialised group should bring together representatives from transit service providers, agriculture, digital trade, transport logistics, and quality assurance sectors to provide technical expertise. Key issues should include Nepal’s transit rights and infrastructure cooperation. The SOP must prioritise multimodal transport corridors, efficient cross-border logistics, and enhanced trade facilitation through modernised customs systems and logistics hubs.

Trade facilitation

Efforts should focus on easing the movement of people, goods, services, capital, and data—while remaining mindful of risks associated with automation and digitalisation. Nepal must align with the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement and leverage regional initiatives such as BBIN, BIMSTEC, SAARC, SASEC, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

To support this, a negotiation readiness toolkit is needed. This should include templates, records of past negotiations, sectoral briefings, simulation exercises, and case studies. Trade facilitation measures must align with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and be benchmarked accordingly.

Establishing bodies such as a National Trade Negotiation Council (NTNC), a National Trade Consulting Forum, or a Trade Intelligence and Analysis Unit is crucial for institutional continuity and informed decision-making.

Infrastructure development—including rail, road, and inland waterway connectivity—must be a priority. Logistical alignment, mutual recognition of standards and certifications, and the promotion of low-carbon, climate-smart trade chains should drive Nepal’s trade agenda.

Legal and risk mitigation

Trade agreements must include robust provisions for dispute resolution, force majeure, and other legal safeguards. It is vital to protect the interests of small producers, uphold environmental standards, and ensure policy space for future reforms.

Inclusion and capacity building

An inclusive trade negotiation process must involve wide consultations with the private sector, civil society, and marginalised communities. The SOP should ensure that all relevant stakeholders are engaged meaningfully.

Capacity building is essential. Members of the negotiation team must receive training in legal interpretation, economic analysis, negotiation tactics, and language skills. Ongoing collaboration with think tanks and trade institutions will enhance capacity and knowledge.

Meeting key performance indicators (KOIs) and conducting annual performance reviews by independent experts will help ensure the negotiation team’s effectiveness and accountability.

Conclusion

Institutionalising SOPs for trade negotiations through a phased, strategic approach is crucial for Nepal. This process should be backed by technical and financial support, and ensure coherence between national development plans and regional trade commitments. Effective monitoring and evaluation must be embedded to achieve desired trade outcomes and social impact.

Nepal should not view its position between two dominant economic powers as a limitation, but a strategic opportunity. By transitioning from a reactive player to a proactive influencer in regional and global trade, Nepal can better serve its national interests. Now is the time to establish a negotiation process that is strategic, inclusive, and driven by national priorities—one that enables Nepal to negotiate with confidence, not just consent.

China has established the International Organization for Mediation (IOMed), marking it the world’s first intergovernmental legal body dedicated to resolving international disputes through mediation. The signing ceremony, held last week in Hong Kong, saw the participation of Nepal’s Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba, alongside around 400 high-level representatives from 85 countries spanning Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe.

Designed to function similarly to the International Court of Justice and the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, IOMed is positioned as a potential alternative to the World Trade Organization (WTO). China has actively encouraged Nepal to join the organization at the earliest. During a sideline meeting at the event, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi expressed his hope that Nepal would soon become a member, emphasizing the opportunity to jointly contribute to enhancing global governance.

While Minister Deuba did not offer any commitment to being a member-state, Nepal’s participation in the event is meaningful. Observers say it signals that Nepal could join the Chinese initiative in future. 

According to Xinhua, China’s state-run news agency, Wang Yi noted that more than 80 countries and nearly 20 international organizations sent representatives to the ceremony. He highlighted that this strong turnout demonstrates broad international support for mediation as a dispute-resolution mechanism, one that aligns with the interests of developing countries and adheres to the principles of the UN Charter.

The organization operates across three key areas. First, it provides mediation services for disputes between states, submitted by mutual consent. Official documents explain that such disputes must not be excluded by a concerned state through a formal declaration, nor may they involve a third state without its prior approval.

Second, IOMed facilitates mediation for commercial or investment disputes between a state (or an international organization) and private entities from another state, again requiring mutual consent. Third, it offers mediation for disputes arising from international commercial relationships between private parties.

China began laying the groundwork for IOMed in 2022, collaborating with like-minded nations to issue a joint statement. From South Asia, Sri Lanka and Pakistan are among the founding members, alongside Algeria, Belarus, Cambodia, Cameroon, China, Côte d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Indonesia, Laos, Madagascar, Serbia, Sudan, Thailand and Zimbabwe.

The organization promotes mediation as a flexible, cost-effective and efficient means of resolving disputes, emphasizing a party-driven approach. Chu Kar-kin, a member of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macao Studies, in an interview with The Global Times, described IOMed as a “new chapter in global dispute resolution,” underscoring its role in fostering peaceful and harmonious settlements.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang reiterated China’s longstanding commitment to resolving differences through mutual understanding, dialogue and win-win cooperation.

Tian Feilong, a law professor at Minzu University of China, told Global Times that IOMed reflects China’s traditional legal culture, which prioritizes consensus and reconciliation over adversarial litigation. This approach, he argued, strengthens international cooperation and social capital, distinguishing it from Western legal mechanisms rooted in confrontation.

He further noted that IOMed embodies the spirit of internationalism and the vision of a "community with a shared future for mankind," reinforcing rule-of-law principles in global governance. By championing mediation, China seeks to offer a more collaborative and inclusive model for resolving international disputes, aligning with its broader diplomatic philosophy.

Nestled within Nepal’s trans-Himalayan corridor, Mustang has long been a land of both abundance and scarcity. Snow-capped peaks cast long shadows over barren, windswept valleys. Ancient Tibetan Buddhist monasteries perched precariously on cliffs, their prayer flags fluttering in winds that have shaped both land and lore. Generations of farmers etched terraced fields into rocky hillsides, coaxing from the unforgiving soil apples so crisp they became symbols of Mustang’s ingenuity and perseverance. Life here did not defy nature—it moved with it. The cycles of snowmelt and monsoon dictated planting, harvest, prayer, and pilgrimage. But that delicate balance, honed over centuries, is now unraveling.

Mustang today no longer tells a story of quiet endurance, but one of escalating emergency. Winters, once defined by a serene blanket of snow that insulated life, now arrive barren and bitter. The snowpack—Mustang’s natural water bank—is gone. Springs, once fed by slow, predictable melt, now yield nothing. Fields lie cracked and fallow. Crops wither before maturity. Livestock, once the backbone of the local economy and culture, are vanishing from dust-hardened pastures. And tourism, once buoyed by Mustang’s stark winter beauty and cultural mystique, is fading as snowless landscapes and landslide-prone trails turn visitors away.

Here, climate change is not abstract. It is not a threat on the horizon or a projection debated by distant experts. It is a predator, stalking villages, devouring traditions, and dismantling livelihoods with ferocity. It has reshaped the land, emptied barns, severed trails, and muted festivals once anchored in the rhythms of a snow-fed world.

Mustang’s collapse is not an isolated tragedy—it is a mirror reflecting Nepal’s imminent future. This once-remote highland, long considered resilient due to its self-reliant communities and adaptation to extremes, is now ground zero for climate-induced disruption. If Mustang, a region whose people have survived for centuries at the mercy of thin air and sparse rain, is faltering so rapidly, what lies ahead for Nepal’s more densely populated regions?

Consider the lowland floodplains of the Tarai, already vulnerable to monsoon volatility. Or the mid-hill farms, where rain-fed agriculture sustains millions and any shift in precipitation wreaks havoc. Or the teeming cities—Kathmandu, Pokhara, Biratnagar—where overstressed infrastructure and unchecked urbanization compound every climate shock. If climate extremes can hollow out Mustang, the implications for these regions are dire.

What’s unfolding in Mustang is a warning shot. The snows that once defined its seasons are vanishing across the Himalayan arc, endangering the glaciers that feed rivers essential to 1.5bn people downstream. As temperatures rise nearly twice as fast in the Himalayas as the global average, Mustang’s parched orchards, empty yak barns, and shuttered homestays offer a preview of a broader unraveling.

And yet, this is not just about lost apples, absent snow, or displaced herders. It’s about what vanishes with them—ancestral knowledge, spiritual connection to land, and a model of harmony between people and nature that the rest of the world has largely forgotten.

When snow becomes memory

For centuries, the arrival of the first snowfall in Mustang marked more than a seasonal change—it was a reset for the land and its people. Snow blanketed apple orchards and barley fields, fed glacial springs, and sustained fragile mountain ecosystems. It signaled a time of rest and replenishment, while gradually releasing meltwater to sustain life through the arid months. Today, snowfall has retreated into memory. The landscape remains cold, yet eerily bare.

“The cold still cracks our skin, but the earth stays barren,” laments Lopsang Gurung, a farmer in Marpha, standing beside a deep, jagged well drilled in search of vanishing groundwater. This absence of snow has ruptured Mustang’s hydrological balance. Springs that once flowed year-round now run dry by early spring. Groundwater levels plummet as villagers dig deeper in desperation. Monsoon rains, once steady and life-giving, now arrive in violent torrents that erode topsoil and flood fields. Scientists report a 30 percent decline in snow cover since 2010—a change that has triggered cascading effects: mistimed flowering, disrupted migratory patterns, and failing crops.

Cultural life suffers too. Losar, the Tibetan New Year, once danced with snow-laced prayers and processions, now unfolds on dusty ground. “Our festivals feel hollow without snow,” says Pemma Dolma, a teacher in Lo Manthang. Communities are experimenting with solutions: artificial glacier projects and groundwater regulations offer glimmers of hope. But so far, these efforts remain too scattered, too under-resourced. Mustang’s snowless winters are not just a regional concern—they’re a red flag for Nepal and the global climate community.

Farming on the brink

Agriculture—the heartbeat of Mustang’s rural economy—is faltering. Apple orchards, once the region’s pride, now struggle to survive under an onslaught of climate extremes. Warmer winters disrupt the chilling hours apples need to bloom. Invasive pests and fungal infections thrive in erratic weather. Meanwhile, violent hailstorms repeatedly shatter entire seasons of hard work. Narayan Thakali, a third-generation farmer, recalls when his trees yielded eight tons of apples annually. “Now, we’re lucky to get three,” he says. To salvage his crop, he relies on synthetic pesticides, fully aware of their long-term damage to soil and water.

Declining snowmelt has forced farmers to depend on deep wells, some drilled 20 meters down. But groundwater, like snow, is vanishing. In some areas, water tables drop two meters each year. And yet, adaptation simmers below the surface. Farmers are trialing dwarf apple varieties needing fewer chill hours. NGOs are promoting integrated pest management to reduce chemical use. Solar-powered micro-irrigation systems are boosting yields in pilot villages. These efforts show promise, but without cohesive, national-level policies and investment, they remain isolated lifelines.

Vanishing livestock, vanishing traditions

Yaks, chyangra goats, and sheep once roamed Mustang’s high pastures in abundance. Their meat, milk, and wool formed the bedrock of rural life, while their presence anchored seasonal rituals and social bonds. Now, those pastures are drying up.

A staggering 60 percent of Mustang’s alpine rangelands have degraded since 2015. Warmer temperatures and erratic snowfall have altered grassland composition, replacing nourishing alpine flora with inedible scrub. Foot rot and other diseases, once checked by cold winters, now spread easily in moist, warming soils. Herders, without reliable veterinary services, either overuse antibiotics or abandon livestock altogether. Traditional migrations to summer pastures—once communal rites of passage—have all but disappeared. In Dhe, empty yak barns sit like silent tombs to a way of life vanishing before our eyes. Still, resilience flickers. Insurance schemes based on satellite weather data are being piloted. But the scale of the crisis demands far more coordinated intervention.

Tourism at a tipping point

Winter once drew throngs of domestic and international tourists to Mustang’s stark, snow-covered beauty. Between December and February, snow lovers, trekkers, and spiritual seekers filled local lodges, generating nearly a third of the region’s GDP. But as snow vanishes and trails succumb to landslides, visitors stay away. Between 2020 and 2023, winter tourism declined by 65 percent. Villages like Thasang, once bustling with homestays and guides, now face economic ruin.Communities are attempting to pivot. But progress is uneven. Poor digital connectivity, unreliable infrastructure, and a lack of funding for cultural preservation remain stubborn barriers. Declaring Mustang a Climate Emergency Zone could unlock vital international funding for green infrastructure and culturally sensitive tourism alternatives. Without it, the region’s tourism sector may collapse entirely.

Floods, landslides, and glacial peril

The July 2023 flood in Kagbeni was not an isolated event—it was the new normal. Fueled by an intense monsoon downpour, the Kali Gandaki River tore through homes and fields, leaving behind wreckage and displacement. Landslides and flash floods routinely cut off entire villages. High in the Himalayas, glacial retreat has accelerated, giving rise to unstable glacial lakes. These ticking time bombs threaten to burst and send walls of water hurtling into valleys below. Scientists have identified 11 such high-risk lakes in Upper Mustang alone. Although early-warning sirens and bioengineering efforts, like planting sea buckthorn to stabilize slopes, are underway, only 15 percent of vulnerable households have flood insurance. Without robust national support, communities are forced to gamble with their survival.

Seeds of adaptation

Yet amid the wreckage, Mustang offers glimpses of what climate adaptation can look like when tradition meets innovation:

Agriculture: Solar-powered drip irrigation, climate-resilient crops, and SMS-based weather alerts offer smarter, water-efficient farming.

Livestock: Hydroponic fodder systems, mobile veterinary apps, and drought-triggered insurance build pastoral resilience.

Tourism: Eco-certified homestays, resilient trekking trails, and immersive digital storytelling can renew Mustang as a sustainable tourism hub.

Disaster defense: Vegetative slope barriers, glacial lake sensors, and satellite-based landslide alerts can save lives.

A call to action

Mustang stands not only as a region in distress but as a living model of the future awaiting much of Nepal. Its unraveling is a choice: surrender to collapse, or turn crisis into transformation. A national climate resilience pilot in Mustang could unify scattered innovations and funnel investment where it’s most needed.

Global support—from NGOs, governments, and climate finance institutions—should treat Mustang not as a disaster zone but as a climate innovation lab. Communities here carry ancestral knowledge: how to read clouds, revive springs, and live lightly. Their wisdom must be woven into policy and action.

As a Thakali proverb goes, “A dry riverbed still remembers the monsoon.” Mustang remembers its seasons. If Nepal listens, acts, and invests wisely, Mustang might not only survive—it might lead.

The author is Phd scholar in climate and green finance : research focus on green finance and climate change

The World Bank (WB) has approved a loan totaling USD 257 million aimed at enhancing electricity distribution services and improving irrigation services to boost agricultural productivity.

The World Bank’s Board of Executive Directors on May 29 approved the loan for two projects for Nepal, the WB stated in a press release.

The Electricity Supply Reliability Improvement Project (USD 120 million) will strengthen the electricity distribution network and enhance electricity supply to users in Koshi, Bagmati, Karnali, and Sudurpashchim Provinces.

The project, led by Nepal Electricity Authority, will focus on constructing new distribution substations, upgrading existing networks, and implementing an automated system for real-time monitoring of distribution networks to enhance operational efficiency, it said.

The Modernization of Rani Jamara Kulariya Irrigation Project - Phase 3 (USD 137 million) aims to improve irrigation services and agricultural productivity by expanding access to year-round irrigation services, increasing farm productivity, and enhancing climate resilience in Kailali district, Sudurpaschim Province.

Jointly implemented by Nepal’s Department of Water Resources and Irrigation and Department of Agriculture, this project will scale year-round irrigation to an additional 17,500 hectares benefiting 160,000 people.

“An uninterrupted electricity supply and adequate, year-round irrigation services are fundamental inputs for Nepal’s sustainable development,” said David Sislen, Country Division Director for Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.

“The projects emphasise improved connectivity and the promotion of clean electricity generated from hydropower, alongside integrated agricultural support services to farmers to help build resilience against climate and disaster risks.”

The projects also include capacity-building initiatives for the Nepal Electricity Authority and the Water Users Association to promote innovative solutions and strengthen institutional systems for the effective management and sustainability of infrastructure.

The Covid-19 pandemic has significantly transformed children’s social and family behavior in Nepal. They have become deeply engrossed in the digital world, prioritizing screen time over reading and writing. Their interest in spending time with family members, attending social gatherings, or participating in outdoor activities has noticeably declined.

Shifting interests and social behavior

Before the pandemic, children eagerly insisted on visiting fun parks, movies, and new places, making it challenging for parents to keep them at home. School-organized educational tours and picnics were filled with laughter, jokes, songs, and games, strengthening their bond with teachers and friends. However, in the post-Covid era, children have shifted their attention to personal gadgets. Instead of engaging in group activities, they form small interest-based groups and spend time playing online games. They show little interest in attending social events, preferring isolation over interaction. Even when encouraged to join group activities, they participate briefly and then withdraw.

Their eating habits have also changed—healthy food is often ignored in favor of junk food. Moreover, children have become more secretive about their activities and are reluctant to share experiences with teachers. This increasing detachment from group interactions has led to a decline in their ability to engage in social and extracurricular activities.

Changing attitudes towards guests and gatherings

Before the pandemic, children enjoyed having guests at home. They looked forward to receiving chocolates, gifts, and delicious food. They eagerly shared personal stories about their studies, friends, and school experiences. Additionally, when parents were away, children would often request guests to stay longer to avoid study-related restrictions.

However, post-Covid, children exhibit discomfort and irritation when guests visit. They see social gatherings as an intrusion into their private space and show minimal interest in engaging with guests. Greetings are often brief, and they fail to show appreciation for gifts. They avoid eye contact, give short responses, and quickly retreat to their rooms. The warmth and excitement of welcoming guests have been replaced by a desire for solitude.

Furthermore, children are increasingly protective of their private space. They dislike family members entering their rooms and hesitate to share what they are watching on their devices, fearing objections from parents. They prefer following their self-made schedules rather than those set by their parents. Their private room and gadgets have become their entire world.

Decline in outdoor activities and social interaction

The shift from outdoor play to indoor screen time is evident. Before Covid-19, children would insist on visiting parks, and their presence in community playgrounds was vibrant. This outdoor play significantly contributed to their physical, social, and psychological well-being. The playground was their real world.

Now, the parks and playgrounds are noticeably quieter. Children no longer push their parents to take them out; instead, they engage in digital activities within the confines of their rooms. Singing, dancing, and playing have been confined to the virtual space, reducing real-world social interactions.

Parents’ perception and household changes

Parents frequently complain that their children spend excessive time on gadgets but paradoxically feel relieved that they are not wasting time outside or engaging in conflicts with peers. Some even take pride in the fact that their children do not attend unnecessary parties or spend time with guests. The household has become quieter, with children withdrawing from family spaces like the kitchen and living room to spend more time in their private rooms. While this peaceful environment may seem beneficial, it raises concerns about children’s social development and emotional well-being.

The way forward

To address these challenges, parents must lead by example. Reducing their own gadget use in front of children is crucial. A well-balanced family schedule should be created, ensuring that screen time is limited, and interactive family moments are prioritized. Discussions on the advantages and disadvantages of digital devices should be openly conducted at home, school, and within the curriculum.

While we cannot entirely separate children from the digital world, we can integrate social norms and values into their digital experiences. Schools and parents must collaboratively design engaging schedules that cater to children’s interests while reinforcing moral education, family values, and the significance of travel and real-world experiences. By finding a balance between digital engagement and traditional values, we can help children develop into well-rounded individuals who appreciate both technology and social connections.

My journey with sharbat began on a bright day in a television studio. During an interview on Nepal Television, the discussion touched many topics, but my heart kept returning to one subject—our humble, refreshing, and deeply traditional drink: sharbat. It was then I realized this drink is more than a thirst-quencher. It’s a symbol of our identity and a reflection of our heritage. 

The word ‘sharbat’ comes from the Arabic word sharba, meaning ‘a sip’ or ‘something to drink.’ Its roots trace back to ancient Persia and the Arab world, where it was more than a cool refreshment. It was believed to have healing powers. Scholars and traditional healers used ingredients like rose, lemon, cardamom, and fennel to prepare these sweet herbal drinks.

As it traveled across the Islamic world—from Baghdad to Cairo, and later into the Ottoman Empire and Mughal India—sharbat was refined and reinvented. In India, Emperor Babur famously had ice brought from the mountains of Kabul just to enjoy sharbat in the summer heat. Regional ingredients like bael fruit and raw mango gave rise to new variations like aam panna.

Sharbat eventually made its way into Nepali kitchens and local culture. Here, it evolved again—crafted from ingredients found in our own soil, like khudo (traditional sugarcane molasses) and native lemons such as kagati and sun kagati. Today, sharbat is part of many Nepali households, but it deserves a more honored place in our national identity.

Nepal is a land rich in natural beauty, biodiversity, and culture. But some of our simplest traditions remain underappreciated. Sharbat is one of them. In a world full of imported soft drinks that are unhealthy, expensive, and harmful to local economies, sharbat offers a refreshing and sustainable alternative.

It’s healthy, easy to make, and full of local flavors. It energizes and cools the body, thanks to its natural ingredients. The molasses (khudo) provides organic sweetness, while the fresh lemon juice adds a zesty boost of vitamin C—good for digestion and immunity.

And sharbat is versatile. You can serve it chilled at a roadside tea shop, mix it into a cocktail at a luxury hotel, or enjoy it with momo during family gatherings. It belongs everywhere.

Here is a basic recipe that anyone can make at home, in restaurants, or at events:

Ingredients:

• 1 liter of natural or spring water
• 2–3 tablespoons of khudo (sugarcane molasses)
• Juice of 3–4 kagati or sun kagati lemons
• Optional: A few crushed mint leaves or a dash of rose syrup

Instructions:

• Mix water and khudo until fully dissolved.
• Add freshly squeezed lemon juice.
• (Optional) Add mint or rose syrup for extra flavor.
• Chill in the fridge or serve over ice.

This is more than just a recipe—it’s a taste of Nepal’s soil and spirit.

On that day at Nepal Television, I found myself passionately speaking about why sharbat should be served in every embassy, hotel, and street corner in the country. Imagine welcoming foreign guests at international conferences with a glass of chilled sharbat. Picture tourists arriving at resorts in Chitwan or trekking lodges in the Himalayas, greeted with this simple, delightful drink. What better way to share a piece of our culture?

With rising health concerns around sugary sodas and energy drinks, Nepali sharbat stands out as a natural and nutritious alternative. It hydrates, refreshes, and nourishes. It’s free from chemicals and full of the natural goodness of local lemons and molasses.

Sharbat can be enjoyed any time of day. It doesn’t spike blood sugar the way sodas do. And because it uses ingredients found across Nepal, it supports a healthy lifestyle while also supporting local farmers.

Promoting sharbat means investing in Nepal’s local economy. If more people start using khudo, it increases demand for locally grown sugarcane. If restaurants and hotels serve lemon-based sharbat, it helps citrus farmers. If street vendors sell sharbat, they gain income while sharing local flavors with visitors.

More than that, it’s about pride. In a globalized world dominated by multinational brands, serving sharbat is a way of saying: ‘This is who we are.’ It’s our version of Japan’s matcha tea, India’s lassi, or Qatar’s lemon-mint. It’s uniquely Nepali.

During the FIFA World Cup in Qatar, I was part of the culinary team that helped upgrade the Qatar Airways inflight menu. One of the highlights was introducing the Qatari drink ‘lemon mint’—simple, refreshing, and rooted in identity. That moment made me think: why shouldn’t Nepal have its own national drink?

We already do. It’s in our homes, our farms, and our traditions. It’s called sarbat—our version of sharbat.

This is more than a campaign for a drink. It’s a campaign for national pride, health, and economic empowerment. I urge families, restaurants, tourism operators, and government officials to make sharbat part of everyday life.

Let’s serve it at international events. Let’s include it on hotel menus. Let’s encourage farmers to grow more lemons and sugarcane. Let’s support local producers of khudo. Let’s inspire young entrepreneurs to bottle Nepali sharbat and sell it to the world.

Every glass of sharbat we serve is a step toward self-reliance. It’s a drink that quenches more than thirst—it speaks to our roots, our resilience, and our rich culture. It’s affordable, accessible, and full of potential.

The author is a London-based R&D chef