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The United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has announced the termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Nepalis.

In a Federal Register notice, DHS Secretary Kristi Noem stated that after reviewing the current conditions in Nepal and consulting with relevant interagency partners, the country no longer meets the criteria required for TPS designation.

With this, around 7,000 Nepalis living in the US on the basis of TPS will have to return home.

The TPS for Nepal will officially end at 11:59 pm on August 5, 2025, which is 60 days after the publication of the notice.

“If you are currently a TPS beneficiary from Nepal, and have no other lawful basis to remain, you should begin preparations for departure,” the notice said. “Those planning to depart the US can use the CBP One mobile app to facilitate their return process.”

After the devastating earthquake that struck Nepal in 2015, the TPS had allowed around 15, 000 Nepalis to legally reside and work in the United States.

Even during the previous term of US President Donald Trump, he had taken ahead the process to revoke the TPS for Nepal.

At that time, Nepalis were urged to return to their country within 12 months.

With US President Donald Trump assuming his office for the second term, the US has continued the deportations of the immigrants found without official documents back to home.

Earlier on March 6, nine Nepalis, who were living and working illegally in the US, were brought to Kathmandu on a chartered flight.

Despite having established several legal frameworks promoting digital accessibility, Nepal lacks implementation resulting in significant gaps across healthcare websites. This writeup examines the current state of web accessibility in Nepal government’s health-related websites based on WAVE API analysis of the eight homepages, namely https://www.mohp.gov.np, https://www.dohs.gov.np, https://www.fwd.gov.np, https://www.digitalhealth.mohp.gov.np, https://www.nhpc.gov.np, https://www.iom.edu.np, https://www.bpkhis.edu and https://www.dda.gov.np  

Nepal doesn’t lack the legal instruments for digital accessibility, however, there seems to be a gap in their implementation. The Right to Information Act of 2007 ensures that every person has the right to access and regulate information. Nepal signed the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) on 3 Jan 2008, which also requires infrastructure so that information and communication is accessible to all. Health is similarly among the eight priority sectors for digital transformation in the Digital Nepal Framework. The National ICT Policy (2015) and the National Broadband Policy (2016) add weight to the drive for digital growth, but challenges in implementation persist.

The analysis of eight healthcare-related government websites reveal concerning patterns across multiple domains. This analysis was done using a Python program and WebAIM’s accessibility WAVE API. 

The eight homepages averaged 30.43 Errors, 23.00 Contrast Issues and 28.00 Alerts per site. These numbers indicate significant accessibility barriers for users with disabilities.

WebAIM defines errors as accessibility issues that are almost always barriers for users with disabilities and require immediate attention. Contrast issues occur when there is insufficient color contrast between text (or images of text) and its background, making content difficult or even impossible to read for users with low vision or color blindness. Alerts refer to potential accessibility issues that may not be definitive problems but still require review or further manual evaluation.

The eight homepages we analyzed had 62 empty links that don’t tell users where they will go when clicked. There are 51 images missing alternative text, which means people who can’t see the images won’t know what they contain. The site also has 46 linked images that are missing alternative text, making it impossible for screen reader users to understand where clicking these images would take them. Additionally, there are 19 buttons that have no text or labels, leaving users with disabilities confused about what these buttons do. Finally, the websites’ homepages contain 17 empty headings that don’t describe the content of their sections, making navigation difficult for people using assistive technology.

We believe several factors contribute to the current state of web accessibility in Nepal’s healthcare sector. One major factor is resource limitations, as widespread poverty and inadequate telecommunications infrastructure in rural areas restrict access to digital services. Another significant issue is the awareness gap—there is a general lack of understanding about the transformative potential of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), including websites, for improving the lives of persons with disabilities. Finally, policy implementation challenges persist; although legal frameworks exist, there is a lack of a suitable policy environment specifically designed to promote ICT accessibility.

Poor digital accessibility, especially in health-related websites, has severe consequences in Nepal, where difficult terrain, limited infrastructure, and frequent natural disasters like floods and earthquakes already hinder access to care. In rural areas, where physical services are scarce, digital platforms become essential. Yet, inaccessible websites exclude persons with disabilities, causing dangerous delays in receiving critical updates on safety protocols and medical aid. Government platforms must be accessible to ensure rapid, inclusive information delivery during crises, as inaccessibility in such moments can cost lives. In Nepal, an estimated two percent of the population with disabilities, including roughly 94,000 visually impaired and 79,000 hearing-impaired individuals, face significant barriers accessing healthcare information due to non-compliant website design on key health portals such as the Department of Health Services. We see basic keyboard navigation failures and violation of semantic markup standards which results in exclusion of people from vital emergency directives and service updates.

Based on the analysis, several strategies aligned with international standards could significantly improve digital accessibility in Nepal’s healthcare websites. First, accessibility policy implementation is essential—specific digital accessibility guidelines for government healthcare websites should be enforced based on the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG). Second, training and awareness efforts must be strengthened by investing in capacity building for web developers and content creators, equipping them with the necessary skills and knowledge on accessibility principles and techniques. Third, regular auditing should be incorporated into the website development and maintenance cycle to ensure that accessibility is not overlooked over time. 

Additionally, applying the 80-20 rule by prioritizing critical fixes—such as addressing empty links, missing alternative text, and contrast issues—can lead to significant improvements with relatively minimal effort. Lastly, the government can leverage the Rural Telecom Development Fund to finance accessibility initiatives and promote the development of assistive technologies in local languages. These strategies, if properly implemented, can help create a more inclusive digital healthcare environment for all, including persons with disabilities.

Poor web accessibility in Nepal’s healthcare websites creates a significant digital barrier that exacerbates existing challenges in healthcare access. These accessibility barriers—primarily empty links, missing alternative text and poor contrast—effectively exclude persons with disabilities from accessing critical health information in a country where 79.42 percent of the population lives in rural areas, facing financial, geographical and infrastructural challenges to healthcare access. The digital divide is particularly concerning as Nepal increasingly relies on digital health initiatives to overcome its rugged terrain, proclivity to natural disasters and limited physical infrastructure. While some sites like Digital Health show progress, others contain numerous barriers that prevent equal access for persons with disabilities. Addressing these issues will require coordinated efforts across technical, policy and awareness dimensions. As Nepal continues its digital transformation in healthcare, ensuring accessibility should be integrated into development processes from the beginning rather than added as an afterthought.

In Nepal, the journey of women in politics can symbolically be presented as a tug-of-war between progress and resistance. The deeply entrenched patriarchal norms limit the roles of women in political and public life. The Constitution of Nepal promulgated in 1990 brought about a glimmer of hope as Article 114 of the constitution mandated political parties to file five percent women candidates to contest in elections . But this did not guarantee that women would actually make it to parliament. As a result, between 1990-1999 elections, the percentage of women in parliament could not exceed six percent.

Nepal witnessed a surge in the number of female candidates in 2008 elections due to the provision in the 2007 Interim-Constitution ensuring a minimum of 33.33 percent reservations for women in parliament. This demographic representation celebrated an outcome of years of fight for equality, propelled by the decade long civil war 1995-2006. While it brought an increase in the demographic representation of female candidates, did it actually signify effective participation and empowerment, or did it simply mask the underlying systemic barriers that hinder the rise of women’s political power and decision-making?

Today, with the House of Representatives having a base requirement of 92 women (33.45 percent) out of the 275 total parliamentarians, we see how beneath Nepal’s democratic framework lies a troubling gap between promise and practice. The 33.33 percent representation quota for women was meant to be a minimum threshold, a starting point for inclusion. Unfortunately, many political parties treat it as a ceiling, not a base. This representation becomes even scarcer as we ascend the hierarchy ladder. In 2025, out of 22 ministries of the federal government of Nepal only one female is appointed a minister.

The quota system designed with the aim of democratizing opportunities were treated by the political parties as checkboxes they needed to tick. Political parties were responsible for exploiting the country’s constitutional provisions to empower women for their vested interests. By manipulating the loopholes parties are allowing the avoidance of the crucial measures mentioned in the regulations. The issue doesn’t end here women are placed in unelectable constituencies, sidelined from key decision making processes and reduced to symbolic placeholders. This challenge does not end once they enter the parliament. The complex interplay of socio-economic and institutional factors shape these women’s experiences and overall effectiveness in their work in politics.

Women continue to pass through various stages of scrutiny and criticism because patriarchal societal norms question their legitimacy as leaders. These factors not only discourage the women in the field but also the potential women candidates who wish to enter the political arena. Unaddressed challenges have consequences that extend outwards. On the grounds of tokenistic representation, without significance in participation, women may be continually excluded from significant policy formulation and lobbying processes—an antithesis to democratic governance. It also impairs the responsiveness of policies to address the needs of the diverse population. Additionally, gender imbalance representation in hierarchy further solidifies structural inequality and thus inhibits progress toward social justice and equality.

Overcoming these barriers requires systematic reforms and beyond-the-surface solutions. There is a need to wipe out the root sources of social-cultural, economic, and institutional conditions that make gender inequality by implementing such reforms and changing societal mindsets in a way that they eradicate such norms and values that perceive women as more subordinate than men. Only in that way can the future of this nation be remolded with the voices of women shaping its political destiny.

Nepal needs more than women in seats, it needs women in power. 

The US, under the Donald Trump administration, is steadily adopting a more aggressive stance toward China—an approach that is likely to reshape the foreign policy landscape for small South Asian countries like Nepal. Washington’s hardening posture is evident across multiple fronts: trade, technology, education and military strategy in the Indo-Pacific.

A major flashpoint has been trade. The Trump administration imposed a steep 145 percent tariff on Chinese goods—though currently paused—with expectations that the tariff war will escalate further. Simultaneously, the US State Department announced plans to revoke visas for Chinese students, especially those linked to the Chinese Communist Party or studying sensitive technologies, drawing sharp condemnation from Beijing.

The technological rivalry is already underway, but the conflict appears to be broadening. In a striking statement this week at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth declared that the United States is prepared to take a confrontational approach toward Beijing, a move that has unsettled many Asian capitals.

“As our allies share the burden, we can increase our focus on the Indo-Pacific: our priority theater,” Hegseth said. Emphasizing that the futures of the US and its Indo-Pacific allies are “bound together,” he noted that America's own security and prosperity are linked to those of its allies. “We share your vision of peace and stability, of prosperity and security, and we are here to stay,” he added.

Hegseth outlined a vision for the Indo-Pacific based on mutual interests, sovereignty and commerce—not conflict. “On this sure foundation of mutual interests and common sense, we will build and strengthen our defense partnerships to preserve peace and increase prosperity,” he stated.

Yet, he made it clear that the US will resist any attempt by China to assert dominance. “We do not seek conflict with Communist China, but we will not be pushed out of this critical region, and we will not let our allies and partners be subordinated or intimidated.” These remarks come at a time when US allies in South Asia are already facing economic strain due to the US-led trade war. The pressure is particularly acute for countries like Nepal, which have a limited maneuvering room in great-power rivalries.

Hegseth also raised alarm over China’s preparations to use force for the “unification” of Taiwan—a move he warned could trigger a global crisis. “There’s no reason to sugarcoat it: the threat China poses is real, and it could be imminent,” he said, stressing that while China’s exact intentions remain uncertain, the US and its allies must prepare with “urgency and vigilance.”

The Chinese Foreign Ministry (FM) stated on Sunday that Hegseth ignored the calls of regional countries for peace and development, promoted a Cold War mentality of bloc confrontation, smeared and attacked China, and exaggerated the "China threat theory"—remarks that were full of provocation. In fact, the US is the world's true hegemonic power and the biggest factor undermining peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region, China said.  In order to maintain its hegemony and advance the so-called "Indo-Pacific Strategy," the US has deployed offensive weapons in the South China Sea, stoked tensions, and created instability—turning the region into a "powder keg" and arousing deep concern among regional countries, said China’s FM. 

A military conflict over Taiwan would place enormous pressure on countries like Nepal to take sides—much like the diplomatic tightrope it walked during the Russia-Ukraine war. While Nepal officially supports the one-China policy, joint statements in recent years have gone further, explicitly stating that “Nepal opposes Taiwan independence.”

Foreign policy experts warn that such language could box Nepal into supporting a future Chinese military action, compromising its neutrality. Further reinforcing this strategic posture, US Air Force Secretary Troy Meink told graduating cadets this week that the Indo-Pacific will define the military challenges of their generation. “The Indo-Pacific will be your generation’s fight, and you will deliver the most lethal force this nation has ever seen—or we will not succeed,” Meink said. He warned that the strategic competition with China is wide-ranging and unpredictable, adding, “There will be no sanctuaries.”

While the Trump administration has significantly cut development aid to countries like Nepal, it has signaled an intention to deepen defense cooperation in the region. Given Nepal’s strategic location between China and India, observers believe the US is likely to step up military engagement with Kathmandu in the coming years, further complicating Nepal’s delicate geopolitical balancing act.

Nepal’s federal transition has devolved into one of the most expensive and socially divisive political projects in the nation’s history, characterized not only by staggering fiscal waste including billions in infrastructure losses and over 17,000 conflict-related deaths but also by profound human costs manifested through systemic violence, mass displacement, and institutional abandonment. While President Ramchandra Paudel’s 11-point policy agenda for FY 2025-26 demonstrates conceptual viability, its potential remains neutered by three decades of institutional paralysis and implementation failure, reflecting a fundamental disconnect between policy formulation and execution. 

The current wave of social unrest of encompassing victims of financial fraud, debt-ridden microfinance clients, disenfranchised educators and disillusioned healthcare providers reveals the paradoxical reality of Nepal’s federal experiment: a thinly-veiled centralization of power perpetuated by the recycled political elite that has dominated Nepal’s governance structures for decades. These entrenched actors have weaponized federal rhetoric while maintaining extractive governance patterns, transforming what should be a devolutionary framework into an institutional facade that legitimizes traditional patronage networks. The central crisis lies not in federalism’s design, but in its strategic subversion by a political class that has perfected the art of state institutional capture.

The political economy

Federalism, in theory, represents a dual imperative: preserving autonomy of subnational politics while ensuring coordinated governance under a constitutional compact. Esteemed political economists like JE Chubb and Wallace E Oates, etc argue that successful federations require institutional alignment between political structures and economic policies to enhance resource and power allocative efficiency and equitable growth. Nepal’s 2015 Constitution beautifully sought to operationalize these principles through power delineations (Annexes 6–9), among subnational politics envisioning a shift from unitary centralism to cooperative federalism.

The Ministry of Finance reveals concerning fiscal trends, marked by rising expenditures, inefficient debt management, and persistent structural imbalances. In FY 2022/23, consolidated government spending surged by 11.1 percent (Rs 11,656.07bn), with current expenditures (56.3 percent of total spending) far outpacing capital investments (31.85 percent). While net current expenditure grew by 8.5 percent (Rs 932.39bn), capital expenditure saw only a 7.6 percent increase (Rs 527.45bn), a troubling indicator of misaligned fiscal priorities that favor recurrent costs over productive investment. More alarming is the 38.9 percent spike in debt servicing (Rs 196.23bn), reflecting deepening fiscal stress and potential governance inefficiencies in public financial management. The federal government dominated expenditures (61.8 percent), while provinces and local governments key subnational politics in Nepal’s federal structure remained fiscally constrained (10.8 percent and 27.4 percent, respectively). Despite Rs 397.36bn in intergovernmental transfers, the limited fiscal autonomy of subnational governments raises concerns about decentralization in practice.

Revenue collection (Rs 1,042.64bn) narrowly exceeded current expenditures, yet the federal deficit ballooned to 9.33 percent of GDP (up from 5.95 percent in FY 2021/22), signaling unsustainable fiscal practices. This deterioration suggests structural weaknesses in revenue mobilization, compounded by over-reliance on intergovernmental transfers rather than endogenous revenue generation. The Department of Customs (FY 2023-24) data underscore Nepal’s chronic trade imbalance, with imports (Rs 1,611.73bn) dwarfing exports (Rs 152.38bn) with an import-to-export ratio of 10.45:1. With 91.97 percent of trade value tied to imports, Nepal’s economy remains critically dependent on foreign goods, exposing vulnerabilities to external shocks. Export composition remains undiversified, dominated by low-value-added goods (soybean oil, sunflower oil, synthetic yarn), reflecting a failure to industrialize or move up the value chain. Meanwhile, remittance inflows
(Rs 1,051.77bn, up 9.4 percent) provide temporary stability but mask deeper structural flaws—Nepal’s economy is consumption-driven rather than production-oriented, perpetuating dependency rather than development. Without structural reforms, tax base expansion, export diversification and genuine fiscal decentralization, Nepal risks entrenching a low-growth, high-debt trajectory, where federalism becomes a facade for centralized inefficiency rather than a driver of equitable development.

Public goods and services

Key governance institutions spanning education, healthcare, social protection, disaster resilience, agriculture, security, courts services, public administration services and natural resource governance have regressed into systemic wickedness, marking a profound failure of the state’s foundational obligations. This institutional disintegration has precipitated a near-total breakdown in service delivery, rendering even the most basic public goods and services inaccessible to ordinary citizens. The education and health system, theoretically a mechanism for equitable advancement, now functions as a hollowed-out structure, marred by dilapidated facilities, chronic teacher deficits and catastrophic learning deficiencies. Private schools are out of control in many ways. Parallel decay plagues healthcare, which has bifurcated into a privatized escape for the affluent and a crumbling public sector plagued by staffing crises, medication scarcities and exploitative costs. The rural development languishes due to technocratic neglect and incoherent policy, and natural resource governance has devolved into institutionalized predation by political elites. This comprehensive institutional failure underscores a broader neoliberal devolution: the state has abdicated its role as a welfare guarantor, instead morphing into an extractive apparatus servicing elite patronage networks. The outcome is a pure privatization of basic rights: education, healthcare and security; transforming constitutional entitlements into exclusionary commodities. Nepal thus exemplifies a state in which governance failure is not incidental but engineered, sustaining hierarchies of access while eroding the very notion of public sovereignty.

Socioeconomic implications

These structural deficiencies have precipitated severe trade imbalances and accelerated youth outmigration, as domestic economic opportunities remain stifled. The inability to channel revenues into productive capital investments perpetuates a cycle of underdevelopment, exacerbating dependency on remittances and foreign credits. Unless Nepal addresses these institutional and governance failures, its fiscal policies will continue to fall short of generating sustainable, inclusive growth. Nepal’s political class has weaponized federalism to consolidate power rather than decentralize it.

Conclusion: Revolt or renewal?

Nepal’s federal experiment has collapsed not from constitutional flaws but through calculated sabotage by an entrenched oligarchy that has converted governance into patrimonial rule, hollowing out the 2015 Constitution’s devolutionary vision through pseudo-federal institutions maintaining feudal power structures. The political theater of recycled leaders staging mass spectacles merely legitimizes an extractive regime where federalism serves as institutional camouflage for centralized kleptocracy, with parties operating as patronage cartels prioritizing graft over governance, systematically eroding meritocracy and converting state apparatus into private wealth engines. This deliberate institutional subversion leaves Nepal facing existential alternatives: either radical democratic restructuring through constitutional and political overhaul or revolutionary breakdown when governance systems implode, with survival contingent on dismantling the recycled elite's stranglehold and creating authentic accountability mechanisms. The Nepali paradox offers a seminal case of how constitutional progressivism fails when implemented without disrupting entrenched power cultures and incentive structures.

The author is former chairperson of NEPSE

Despite a notable rise in remittance inflow this fiscal year, Nepal is spending more foreign currency on imports and overseas education. According to recent data, the country received Rs 1.19trn in remittances in the first nine months of the current fiscal year—a 10 percent increase compared to the same period last year.

However, the outflow of foreign currency has been even greater, primarily due to a surge in imports and spending on foreign education. Nepal’s total imports rose by 12.2 percent during this period, reaching Rs 1.39trn. Last year, imports had declined by 2.8 percent in the same timeframe.

Imports from India, China, and other countries increased by 7.7 percent, 14.4 percent, and 24.9 percent respectively. The major import items included raw soybean oil, rice, vehicles and spare parts, edible oil, and sponge iron. Meanwhile, imports of petroleum products, crude palm oil, aircraft parts, chemical fertilizers, and paper declined.

On the export front, the country earned Rs 188.2bn from goods exports—a 65.2 percent rise. While this indicates a slight improvement in foreign currency earnings through exports, the trade deficit remains significant. The trade deficit increased by 6.4 percent to Rs 1.21trn.

Another major drain on foreign currency is overseas education. In the first nine months of this fiscal year alone, Nepal spent Rs 103.84bn on education abroad, accounting for 60.94 percent of the total travel-related expenditure. The amount is a steep rise from Rs 95.85bn in the same period last year, and nearly Rs 15bn was spent in just one month (mid-February to mid-March).

Travel expenditure under the services account rose by 19 percent to Rs 170.39bn during this period, with education-related expenses comprising the largest share.

Economists have raised concerns about this trend. Economist Dilliraj Khanal said while remittance helps in the short term, its long-term impact is questionable if it is not utilized productively. He warned that relying heavily on foreign employment while failing to create domestic opportunities is making productive land idle and hindering national development. “If foreign employment stops due to global instability, it could have disastrous consequences,” he cautioned.

Despite these concerns, the rise in remittance has contributed to improved foreign exchange reserves and banking liquidity. By mid-April, Nepal’s foreign exchange reserves had increased by 18.9 percent to Rs 2.43trn, sufficient to cover 17.1 months of merchandise imports and 14.2 months of goods and services imports, according to the Nepal Rastra Bank.

The overall balance of payments remained positive, with a surplus of Rs 346.23bn. The current account also posted a surplus of Rs 210.22bn, compared to Rs 179.83bn in the same period last year. Additionally, foreign direct investment (equity only) reached Rs 8.96bn, up from Rs 6.49bn last year.

Meanwhile, consumer inflation eased, providing some relief to the public. According to central bank data, point-to-point inflation in mid-April stood at 3.39 percent, down from 4.61 percent a year ago. Prices of food and beverages, spices, and fish and meat decreased, contributing to overall price stabilization. However, prices of ghee and oil, fruits, pulses and legumes, and non-alcoholic beverages went up. In the non-food category, annual inflation in miscellaneous goods and services rose by 8.69 percent, clothing and footwear by 7.01 percent, alcoholic beverages by 6.07 percent, household furnishings by 5.59 percent, and tobacco products by 4.83 percent.

The inflow of remittance in the past nine months has reached Rs 1, 191. 31 billion.  This is the rise by 10 percent compared to the corresponding period last year that recorded the 17.2 percent rise in the remittance inflow in corresponding period previous fiscal year.

This year's rise in the USD terms is 7.3 percent.

"Remittance inflows increased 10.0 percent to Rs 1, 191.31 billion in the review period compared to an increase of 17.2 percent in the same period of the previous year. In the US Dollar terms, remittance inflows increased 7.3 percent to 8.74 billion in the review period compared to an increase of 15.2 percent in the same period of the previous year," the Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) said in its report about Macroeconomic and Financial Situation of Nepal (Based on Nine Months Data Ending Mid-April 2024/25).

Similarly, net secondary income (net transfer) reached Rs 1, 301.94 billion in the review period compared to Rs 1, 174.54 billion in the same period of the previous year.

The number of Nepali workers, both institutional and individual, taking first-time approval for foreign employment stands at 358,222 and taking approval for renew entry stands at 249,652. In the previous year, such numbers were 327,842 and 211,226 respectively.

The government of India gifted 15 electric vehicles to the government of Nepal.

Indian Ambassador to Nepal Naveen Srivastava on Sunday handed over the vehicles to Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba as a gift of India for logistical support to the government of Nepal for facilitating the effective organization of the first edition of the ‘Sagarmatha Sambaad’.

The Sagarmath Sambaad is schedueld to be held in Kathmandu on May 16-18, 2025 on the theme of 'Climate Change, Mountains and the Future of Humanity'.

India handed over the vehicles at the request of the government of Nepal, saying that it would be useful in further augmenting the logistical arrangements for conducting the Sambaad, reads a statement issued by the Indian Embassy in Kathmandu.

Speaking at the program, the Indian ambassador noted that these vehicles would help facilitate the movement of guests and officials during the Sambaad. He recalled similar logistical support extended by the Government of India to the law enforcement agencies and the Election Commission of Nepal for the conduct of federal and provincial elections in 2022.

He extended his best wishes to the Government and the people of Nepal for the Sambaad, and reaffirmed India’s continued commitment to partnering with Nepal to promote mutual progress and development, according to the statement.

Receiving the vehicles on behalf of the Government of Nepal, Minister Rana expressed gratitude for India's support for facilitating the organization of Sambaad. She acknowledged India’s role as one of Nepal’s oldest and largest development partners.

The steel industry is one of the largest producers of greenhouse gases and is responsible for nearly 7-9 percent of global carbon dioxide (CO₂) emissions, primarily due to its extensive application of fossil fuels like coal in conventional blast furnaces. As global warming intensifies, economies worldwide are confronted with the necessity to decarbonize and align with international climate regulations, for instance, negotiations in COP 26 conference to limit the rise in the global temperature to 1.5 degrees Celsius. Green steel has thus emerged as a revolutionary solution for industrial decarbonization, offering a cleaner option to conventional steel manufacturing. Unlike traditional steel, which is produced using coal, green steel is produced using processes that avoid or minimize carbon emissions by utilizing renewable energy sources such as green hydrogen powered by clean electricity. By investing in green hydrogen production, Nepal can be a front-runner in South Asia's clean energy transition, reducing its dependence on fossil fuel imports and enabling a circular economy.

Conventional vs green steel

Over the last two fiscal years, Nepal’s coal imports have risen to meet growing industrial demand, led by steel production. Coal imports during FY 2023-24 totaled about 1.17m tons, from 1.09m in FY 2022-23. From an environmental perspective, 2.83m tons of carbon dioxide was emitted by the coal imports in FY 2023-24. Moreover, conventional steelmaking is a significant source of greenhouse gas emissions—releasing up to 1.8 to 2.9 tons of CO₂ per tonne of steel by employing the conventional blast furnace–basic oxygen furnace (BF-BOF) route. At the same time, electric arc furnace steel (to which the Nepali industry is increasingly shifting) yields around 0.6 tons of CO₂ per ton, especially using scrap or sponge iron. Green steel, manufactured from green hydrogen as a reducing agent rather than coal, is almost carbon neutral. It is reported that around 50 kg of hydrogen is required to produce 1 tonne of steel. Nonetheless, green steel production is initially very costly due to the high price of green hydrogen and renewable infrastructure. 

Import trends

​Nepal has approximately 83 registered iron and steel industries, with 54 specializing in Thermo-Mechanically Treated (TMT) bar manufacturing. The country’s steel melting capacity has significantly increased over recent years, crossing 2m tonnes per annum. In FY 2023-24, Nepal’s total steel and iron market was estimated to be more than $1.12bn and is expected to increase in the upcoming years. Nepal obtains 80 percent of its necessary raw iron materials from India through imports that include MS billets, steel sheets and MS wire. Steel melting capacities in Nepal have grown beyond 2m tons per year during the last few years. In fiscal year 2023-24, Nepal’s sponge iron imports increased by 55 percent year-on-year, reaching a total of around 800,000 tonnes, from 500,000 tonnes in FY 2022-23. Moreover, the total import of iron and steel for FY 2023-24 was reported to be around 1.8m tonnes, and that for FY 2022-23 was reported to be around 1.6m tonnes, highlighting the importance of steel industries in Nepal. 

Nepal’s iron ore reserves

Nepal is aggressively upgrading its iron ore mining capacity to increase local steel production and reduce reliance on costly imports. Nepal has around 10 major iron ore deposits and several minor occurrences across the country, with a total estimated reserve of approximately 208m tonnes, which is expected to be sufficient to meet the country’s steel demand for the next 100 years. Thosey in Ramechhap district is believed to be the oldest iron and steel ore deposit discovered in Nepal with the mine being established in 1893 at Ekan Phedi which was later relocated to Thosey. 

Some of the most extensive reserves lie in the Jhumlabang deposits of Rukum East and the Dhaubadi reserves in Nawalparasi East. Jhumlabang is the biggest iron ore deposit that contains around 200m tonnes of hematite ore in 100 hectares, and Dhaubadi has around 99m tonnes in the same hectare. Moreover, Dhaubadi Iron Company Limited has sent iron ore samples from the Dhaubadi deposit in Nawalparasi to China for a detailed analysis. 

Preliminary results indicate that producing sponge iron is the most feasible option based on the ore’s composition. Currently, the company is in the process of preparing a detailed project report (DPR) to move forward with commercial production. Other deposits at Thoshe (Ramechhap), Labdi Khola (Tanahun), Jirbang and Chitwan provide more chances to boost national production. To utilize these resources, the government has initiated mining development projects at the Jhumlabang and Dhaubadi sites. Major companies like Jagdamba Steels, Jay Ambe Steel, Narayani Ispat and Sarbottam Steel have contributed to this growth through substantial investments. 

A technological impediment

Nepal faces a severe technological barrier since it needs modern reduction systems based on hydrogen together with advanced electrolyzers to produce green hydrogen for steelmaking. The technologies possess substantial capital requirements along with specialized expertise that Nepal currently does not possess. The steel sector of Nepal depends heavily on blast furnace technology, which requires coal as a reduction agent to operate. 

Moving toward green steel operations demands extensive facility upgrades, which both require enormous funding and take a significant amount of time. The government must provide full-scale policy backing for the transition through green hydrogen production subsidies or tax breaks along with R&D funding and industrial regulatory standards that encourage sustainable practices in the industrial sector. Progress in clean energy and industrial decarbonization will face delays because of insufficient permanent policies. Private investors face challenges securing investments for green steel projects as they are reluctant to fund long-term initiatives that depend on unproven new technologies. 

The path ahead

The potential exists for Nepal to establish itself as a sustainable steel production leader through hydropower resource utilization together with its local iron ore reserves. Nepal can reduce its carbon footprint and establish a circular economy by confronting these barriers, decreasing its need for imported coal and iron ore. 

​According to the white paper, Nepal’s estimated installed hydropower capacity is expected to be 28,500 MW by 2035, while the peak demand only reaches 7,581 MW, leaving a surplus of around 21,000 MW. Without proper planning, more than half of the surplus electricity could go waste, which would create a loss of more than Rs 5trn per year. However, if only 10,000 MW of surplus electricity were used, it could generate 1500 kilo tonnes of green hydrogen annually, which could in turn generate around 30m tonnes of green steel, which is well above the expected steel demands. Moreover, 30m tonnes of green steel could generate a yearly revenue of Rs 22.5trn. Producing 30m tonnes of steel using conventional processes would mean consumption of 23m tonnes of coal and release of more than 50 million tonnes of CO2 in the atmosphere. Hence, by strategically utilizing its surplus hydropower and iron ore, Nepal has a unique opportunity to lead in green steel production, significantly reducing carbon emissions and generating substantial revenue.

Mero dukha ma roi dine, mero khushi ma ramaai dine,

Sabai bhanda maathi chha, mero euta saathi chha…

That tribute to friendship, set to an unforgettable tune—which I rashly attempted at our National Day (“King’s Birthday Party”, KBP) last week—comes from Sugam Pokharel. To my mind, it beautifully captures the relationship between the UK and Nepal. This year, when I came to write my KBP Speech, it inspired a metaphor about two old friends trekking together.

The UK and Nepal have been travelling together for more than 200 years. We have come to a fork in the path. One track goes straight on. It would take us forward but gain no height. It represents Nepal’s existing business model, reliant on remittances and grant aid. The steeper path would take us more swiftly—up the hill—beyond which lie global capital markets.  

The UK recommends the steeper path—a shorter route to the happy and prosperous Nepal we all want to see. Together, we have mapped out the ascent, fixed some ropes. These include Government achievements such as a positive Sovereign Credit Rating, Nepal’s first international bond (supported by $22m from British International Investment), and important economic reforms backed up by legislation.

Which is just as well. Because the UK has been looking down the apparently easier path and sees several obstacles. Landslides—triggered by things like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and global trade disputes. We are going to have to climb. The exercise will be good for us!

Here are some of the topics which—being old friends—we discuss amicably along the way:

The national budget

Nepal has a modest supply of provisions but never uses as much as it could. The UK is Nepal’s strongest advocate. But our arguments for climate finance and other benefits are undermined when Nepal does not use its own resources; and use them well.

Concessional international loans

Nepal’s rucksack is full of World Bank and ADB resources. The UK helped procure those entitlements and urges Nepal to take advantage of them. Currently, these sources of finance are largely untouched.

Education

The UK is a big fan of what we call Trans-National Education. We mean any kind of connection between providers in Nepal and abroad which allows Nepal’s young people to get the education they deserve without leaving the country. At affordable prices. The UK has lots of TNE to share. We think it would reinforce Nepal’s economy. It might even attract the other country’s students to this beautiful land.

The diaspora

Many brilliant Nepalis living in the UK are making huge contributions. But the UK doesn’t want them to lose touch with their roots. We want them to help develop Nepal. For this, the UK hopes Nepal will recognise the equivalence of qualifications obtained at British universities. Nepal’s current arrangements seem designed to prevent its children ever investing here.

The last part of the ascent is the steepest. Nepal’s progress is attracting global attention. In London—for example—financiers are starting to talk about Nepal as a destination for investment. They have a sentimental attachment, refreshed by a spectacular visit to Nepal by the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh. Since then, the UK media and dinner party conversations have been reminding the British public about Nepal’s friendliness and beauty, our proud Gurkha ties, as well as its status as the UK’s “first ally in Asia”.

As well as beauty, these private financiers are coming to understand that Nepal is a land of investment opportunities. But they will not bring their money here until they know they can repatriate their profits. Even the famous Sherpa known as Dolma Impact Fund has had trouble doing that.

This is the altitude we are at today. Close to the summit, beyond which it will be much easier going, downhill all the way to The City of London.

Perhaps it is the rarified air. But my old friend seems conflicted. I recognise the signs. The UK had doubts when we opened our economy to foreign investment. We worried about competition. Loss of control. In practice, however, we found that foreign investment brought not just jobs, but also technology transfer, productivity gains and other good things besides. It is now our life blood. So, let’s continue this journey together.

The author is the British Ambassador to Nepal 

Nepal will issue Everest permits only to climbers with experience of scaling at least one of the Himalayan nation’s 7,000-meter (22,965 ft) peaks, according to the draft of a new law aimed at reducing overcrowding and improving safety, Reuters reported.

Nepal, which is heavily reliant on climbing, trekking and tourism for foreign exchange, has faced criticism for permitting too many climbers, including inexperienced ones, to try to ascend the 8,849-meter (29,032 ft) peak.

This often results in long queues of climbers in the “Death Zone,” an area below the summit with insufficient natural oxygen for survival.

Overcrowding has been blamed for the high number of deaths on the mountain. At least 12 climbers died, and another five went missing on Everest’s slopes in 2023 when Nepal issued 478 permits. Eight climbers died last year, according to Reuters.

Minister for Foreign Affairs Arzu Rana Deuba has said that Nepal is always against terrorism and strongly condemns terrorism in any manifestation. Addressing a gathering organized by the Indian Embassy in Nepal to pay tributes to those who lost their lives in the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir, India, she made it clear that Nepal is always against terrorism and in favor of peace. “Nepal strongly condemns all forms and manifestations of terrorism. Nepal always stands against terrorist activities carried out anywhere, anytime and for any purpose,” she said.

Stating that double standards should never be adopted while dealing with terrorism, she clarified that Nepal is firmly committed to ensuring that its territory is not used by any terrorist group for any reason and against any country and people. Therefore, Minister Rana said that Nepal has also strongly condemned in strongest possible terms the terrorist attack that took place in Pahalgam, Kashmir.

She also said that Nepal stands by the people and the government of India at this hour of sorrow and stands shoulder to shoulder with India in the fight against terrorism. Recalling the deep ties between Nepal and India, Minister Rana said that this relationship is not only a matter of diplomacy but also a matter of shared history, culture and cooperation for centuries. “Our open borders are a symbol of trust in each other and our family ties also bind us. We have always stood together in times of happiness or crisis. When the earthquake devastated Nepal, India was the first to extend a helping hand,” she said.

Minister Rana also thanked the Government of India for helping to repatriate the mortal remains of Nepali youth Sudip Neupane, a victim of the Pahalgam tragedy, and other affected people to Nepal. On the occasion, she paid tributes to those who lost their lives in the terrorist attack and extended condolences to the bereaved families. 

Nepal and India have intensified their diplomatic engagements over the past few months. The surge in high-level ministerial visits and agreements underscores a pragmatic approach taken by the two countries to boost economic, environmental and security partnerships while navigating existing challenges.

Within this short span, two senior Indian ministers visited Nepal, while three Nepali ministers traveled to India for talks. Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba’s discussions with India’s External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar in New Delhi focused on political and economic collaboration, while Minister for Forest Ain Bahadur Shahi Thakuri’s meeting with his Indian counterpart focused on transboundary environmental conservation. During Minister for Water Supplies Pradeep Yadav’s visit to New Delhi, the two countries signed an agreement expanding cooperation in water resources management, sanitation and hygiene. The two countries have expressed commitment to address water scarcity and improve public health through joint infrastructure projects and knowledge-sharing.

Meanwhile, India’s Minister for Power Manohar Lal Khattar’s visit focused on cross-border electricity trade and hydropower development. Officials of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) and Power Grid Corporation of India signed an MoU to advance two critical trans-border transmission lines in the presence of Khattar and Energy Minister Deepak Khadka. Complementing this, a recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) in agricultural science and technology, signed by Agriculture Minister Ramnath Adhikari and India’s Minister for Agriculture and Farmers’ Welfare Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Kathmandu aims to enhance food security and sustainable farming through joint research and innovation. Security and trade ties have also seen progress. The Nepal-India Joint Working Group and director general-level talks addressed border management, cross-border crime and trade facilitation which are crucial for Nepal’s reliance on Indian ports. India recently renewed Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) certifications for over 100 industries, which will help resume long-stalled export of products like cement, steel and agro products to India. 

There are some concerning issues as well. Nepal harbors resentment with India over delayed Eminent Persons’ Group (EPG) Report and handling of border issues. Recent allegations of India’s support for Nepal’s pro-monarchy movement, though swiftly denied by India, highlight the delicate nature of Nepal’s domestic politics. India’s wariness of Nepal’s engagement with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) adds another layer of complexity. Despite these tensions, both nations have prioritized economic and developmental partnerships. Such partnerships are crucial for Nepal given withdrawal of the USAID support and impending graduation from Least Developed Country (LDC) status, which could impact international development support to Nepal.  

The one-on-one meeting between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of the BIMSTEC meeting earlier this month and Wednesday’s telephone conversation between the two leaders following the terrorist attack in Pahalgam of Kashmir signal a commitment to strengthening ties. While Oli’s potential visit to New Delhi remains uncertain, this pragmatic approach—emphasizing mutual benefits while gradually addressing contentious issues—is paving a promising path for Nepal-India relations.

It has been over a week since the World Exposition opened in Osaka, where an estimated 28m visitors are expected over the six-month event. Among the 158 participating countries—including Nepal—nearly all have set up their pavilions. However, Nepal failed to open its pavilion on the inauguration day (April 13) due to construction delays, exposing governance shortcomings.

The delay stems from a dispute between the Nepali government and the contractor. Two years ago, the government selected a private company to construct the pavilion, yet poor coordination and unresolved issues prevented its timely completion.

Jitendra Basnet, spokesperson for the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Supplies, cited cost overruns, budget shortages and logistical lapses as key reasons for the delay but declined to provide further details. Other officials also refused to comment.

A senior official involved in the project, speaking anonymously, revealed that the conflict arose over payment procedures. Nepal Rastra Bank required contractors to pay a 30 percent tax before transferring funds from Japan, which the contractor refused. Visa complications further stalled progress. “Despite two years of preparation, we couldn’t complete the pavilion—it’s embarrassing,” the official admitted.

Government authorities are now scrambling to resolve the dispute and open the pavilion soon. Durga B Subedi, Nepal’s Ambassador to Japan, said he would assess the situation in Osaka next week before commenting. Meanwhile, it remains unclear whether Nepal will have high-level representation at the expo.

The Nepal Pavilion was intended to showcase the country’s cultural heritage, natural beauty and other attractions. With 119,000 visitors on opening day—and other nations’ pavilions drawing large crowds—the delay could hurt Nepal’s tourism and economic prospects at the event.

Held at Yumeshima (“Dream Island”), a reclaimed industrial site in Osaka Bay, the expo—with the theme “Designing Future Society for Our Lives”—features futuristic exhibits from over 160 countries and organizations across 80 uniquely designed pavilions. This is Osaka’s second expo after the hugely successful 1970 , which set a record with 64m visitors until Shanghai’s 2010 event.

As Nepal advances toward its climate commitments under the Paris Agreement and national plans, one target stands out as both urgent and ambitious: achieving net zero carbon emissions. This goal, though complex, is not impossible—especially if Nepal harnesses one of nature’s most powerful, yet often overlooked, climate allies: the Vetiver grass system.

With rising temperatures, rapidly melting Himalayan glaciers, unpredictable monsoon patterns, and an alarming increase in landslides and flash floods, Nepal is already living the harsh realities of climate change. While industrialized countries focus on energy transition, electric vehicles, and technological carbon capture, countries like Nepal—with limited industrial emissions but high vulnerability—must champion nature-based solutions that are affordable, scalable, and regenerative.

This is where Vetiver grass (Chrysopogon zizanioides) offers a uniquely powerful opportunity. Traditionally known for its use in soil conservation, erosion control, and slope stabilization, vetiver is now gaining recognition as a natural carbon sink. Its dense and deep root system, which can grow over three to five meters underground, allows it to sequester large quantities of atmospheric carbon dioxide into the soil.

Recent studies have shown that Vetiver grass (Chrysopogon zizanioides) has the potential to sequester 15 to 20 metric tons of CO₂ per hectare per year—a rate that rivals or even surpasses many tree-based afforestation projects. What sets Vetiver apart is its rapid growth cycle and its massive, fibrous root system, which penetrates 3 to 4 meters deep into the soil within a single growing season. Unlike trees, which can take decades to reach maturity and store significant carbon, Vetiver achieves measurable carbon sequestration in just months.

The deep-rooted nature of Vetiver is critical: carbon stored below 1 meter in the soil is far less likely to be disturbed by erosion, fire, or agricultural tilling, meaning the captured CO₂ remains stable and locked in the ground for decades, if not centuries. This makes Vetiver not only effective, but a highly reliable long-term carbon sink.

Moreover, the Vetiver System allows multiple planting and harvesting cycles per year depending on climatic conditions and management practices, which further accelerates carbon absorption. Each cycle contributes fresh biomass, organic matter, and root expansion—deepening the soil’s carbon bank.

From a land-use perspective, Vetiver can be strategically integrated into a variety of landscapes to maximize both environmental and economic benefits. On degraded and barren lands, Vetiver plays a crucial role in restoring soil fertility while sequestering significant amounts of carbon. Along flood-prone riverbanks, it stabilizes the soil, reduces erosion, and captures sediment-rich carbon, contributing to cleaner waterways. When planted on road and highway slopes, Vetiver prevents erosion and helps create resilient green corridors. Additionally, when used along agricultural field boundaries, it serves as a protective buffer that not only shields crops from wind and water damage but also enhances carbon storage capacity, supporting sustainable farming practices.

A major advantage of Vetiver is its low maintenance: it requires minimal irrigation, no pesticides, and thrives in poor soils. This makes it ideal for large-scale deployment in Nepal, especially through community forestry programs, local governments, youth cooperatives, and eco-enterprises.

In a time when Nepal seeks to meet its Net Zero Carbon target within the next five years, adopting the Vetiver System at scale could be the most cost-effective, nature-based, and scientifically sound strategy available.

Nepal’s net zero ambition is bold—but it is within reach. In Vetiver, we have a low-cost, high-impact, nature-based solution already tested across different terrains of Nepal. As the world looks for scalable climate solutions, Nepal has the chance to lead by example—not by waiting, but by planting. The Vetiver System is not just about green landscapes; it’s about a green future.

With the goal of achieving net-zero carbon emissions within the next five years, the vetiver system in Nepal shows promising potential. In 2022, Nepal emitted approximately 56.7m metric tons of CO₂ equivalent greenhouse gases. According to studies, vetiver grass can absorb around 15.24 metric tons of carbon per hectare per year. Based on this, Nepal would need to plant vetiver across approximately 333,335 hectares to offset its annual carbon emissions.

To achieve this goal within five years, vetiver would need to be planted on 66,667 hectares of land annually. Out of Nepal’s total 4.1m hectares of arable land, the proposed plantation area represents only 8.13 percent, making it both practical and achievable. To help visualize these facts clearly, a visual infographic has also been prepared, showing how Nepal can realistically achieve its net-zero target using the vetiver system.

To maximize impact, strong policy support and cross-sectoral alignment are essential. The government should formally recognize Vetiver systems within national carbon offset strategies and incorporate Vetiver-based interventions in future updates of Nepal’s Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). Additionally, it is crucial to facilitate streamlined carbon credit certification mechanisms, allowing local communities, municipalities, and private firms to access benefits from global carbon markets. By taking these steps, Nepal can accelerate progress toward its net zero targets while simultaneously unlocking significant opportunities for climate finance and green investment.

While carbon sequestration is a central focus, Vetiver offers multi-dimensional value across environmental and socio-economic domains. It plays a vital role in soil and water conservation by reducing erosion, restoring fertility, and enhancing groundwater recharge. In the context of disaster risk reduction, Vetiver strengthens slopes and embankments, offering natural protection against landslides and floods. It also generates livelihood opportunities through its use in handicrafts, essential oil extraction, composting, and livestock fodder. Moreover, Vetiver supports biodiversity and ecological regeneration by reviving degraded landscapes and fostering the growth of native flora and fauna.

In Nepal, the perception of health remains narrowly confined to physical well-being, while mental health continues to be dismissed as an afterthought. Despite the growing global emphasis on psychological well-being, the discourse on mental health in Nepal remains largely overshadowed by stigma, misinformation, and systemic negligence. The repercussions of this neglect are severe, affecting individuals across all age groups, particularly in underprivileged communities and remote areas where mental health resources are virtually nonexistent. The lack of awareness and accessibility, coupled with deeply ingrained cultural misconceptions, has exacerbated the crisis, rendering mental health care a privilege rather than an essential component of public health.

The mental health crisis manifests itself across different life stages. Children, often burdened with academic pressure and familial expectations, are rarely given the emotional support necessary for their psychological development. Many struggle with anxiety and depression from a young age, yet their distress is either trivialized or attributed to laziness. Adolescents and young adults, grappling with career uncertainties, societal expectations, and the growing influence of social media, face increasing mental health challenges, yet they are often met with dismissive responses such as being told to ‘toughen up’. The situation becomes more complicated for adults who deal with financial burdens, workplace stress, and family responsibilities, with limited avenues to seek professional help. 

Among the elderly, mental health issues such as depression and dementia are either misunderstood as a natural part of aging or completely ignored, leaving them in a state of isolation and neglect. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that nearly 15 percent of the global elderly population suffers from a mental disorder, a figure that is likely to be higher in Nepal due to the absence of proper mental health interventions.

The situation is even more dire in Nepal’s remote and underprivileged communities, where mental health remains a subject of myth and superstition. Many rural areas lack professional mental health practitioners, forcing those in distress to rely on traditional healers or shamans, whose methods often involve spiritual rituals rather than evidence-based interventions. 

A 2021 study published in the Journal of Global Health Reports indicated that over 80 percent of mental health patients in rural Nepal first consult a faith healer before considering medical help, if at all. The lack of accessible mental health services, coupled with a deep-rooted belief that mental health disorders are caused by supernatural forces, discourages individuals from seeking professional care, further entrenching the cycle of suffering and silence.

Despite the increasing prevalence of mental health issues, Nepal’s healthcare infrastructure continues to marginalize psychological well-being. Hospitals and clinics are largely focused on treating physical ailments, while mental health remains a neglected domain within the broader healthcare system. According to the Nepal Health Research Council (NHRC), mental health services account for less than one percent of the total healthcare budget, a stark contrast to the country’s rising burden of mental illness. Unlike physical health checkups, which individuals proactively schedule, mental health concerns are consistently postponed or ignored altogether. Seeking therapy is still widely considered an indulgence rather than a necessity, with many perceiving it as a service reserved for the wealthy or those who are ‘weak.’

One of the primary barriers to mental health care in Nepal is the prohibitive cost of therapy. While a general physician’s consultation may cost a nominal fee, psychotherapy sessions remain expensive and largely out of reach for the average Nepali citizen. A 2022 report by the Nepal Mental Health Foundation found that the cost of a single therapy session in Kathmandu ranges between Rs 1,500 to Rs 3,500, a significant expense for families struggling with daily financial constraints. Given this economic reality, individuals are more likely to allocate their limited resources to immediate physical health concerns, leaving mental health at the bottom of their priority list.

The path forward requires a multifaceted approach that integrates mental health into Nepal’s overall healthcare system and societal framework. Greater investment in mental health infrastructure is imperative, ensuring that psychological services are available at primary healthcare centers across the country. Nationwide awareness campaigns must be implemented to challenge the prevailing stigma and educate individuals on the importance of mental well-being. Moreover, mental health services must be made affordable through government subsidies and the inclusion of mental health coverage in insurance policies. Educational institutions and workplaces should incorporate mental health discussions into their curricula and professional environments, fostering a culture where seeking help is normalized rather than ridiculed.

Nepal cannot afford to continue neglecting mental health. The consequences of untreated psychological distress extend beyond individual suffering, affecting families, communities, and the nation as a whole. To build a healthier and more resilient society, it’s crucial to recognize that mental health is just as vital as physical health. Therapy should not be seen as a luxury but as a fundamental right, accessible to all regardless of socioeconomic status or geographical location. Only through systemic reforms, awareness, and cultural shifts can we dismantle the barriers that prevent individuals from seeking the help they deserve.