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As the cold winds of winter sweep across Nepal, a familiar haze begins to settle over the cities. The dry air of winter traps dust and smoke close to the ground, turning the sky gray and the air heavy. With ongoing construction and unfinished roads scattered across the country, the dust rises and lingers, worsening the situation. Winter, which should be a season of calm, becomes a season of smog and sickness. The situation is more intensified now as the rain stopped and the roads’ dust started to rise more.

According to the State of Global Air (SoGA) 2025 report, air pollution caused 41,300 deaths in Nepal in 2023. Even more alarming, 85 percent of these deaths were linked to noncommunicable diseases such as heart and lung disease, lung cancer, diabetes, and dementia. The report also revealed that air pollution has now become the leading risk factor for deaths in Nepal, surpassing tobacco and high blood pressure. Around the world, 7.9m deaths were attributed to air pollution in 2023, showing just how serious this issue has become.

In Nepal, pollution levels are closely tied to changes in weather. The colder and drier months always see the worst air quality across major cities. According to the Air Quality Index (AQI), Kathmandu now ranks 46th among the world’s most polluted cities, with a moderate rating, while Delhi, India, continues to top the list. This shows how winter brings not only cold winds but also a blanket of harmful air that affects everyone, especially children and the elderly.

The World Economic Forum’s Global Risks Report 2025 ranks pollution as the sixth and tenth most pressing global risk in the short term (two years) and long term (10 years).

To address this growing problem, the government has started to implement plans to reduce air pollution during the winter months. Efforts include stricter monitoring of construction sites to control dust, encouraging the use of electric vehicles, and testing emissions from older vehicles. Authorities have also banned the open burning of waste and are promoting tree plantation campaigns to help absorb pollutants. Public awareness programs are being run to educate people about the dangers of air pollution and the need to reduce activities that contribute to it, such as burning firecrackers and waste.

Prakash Lama, program coordinator at Clean Air Network Nepal (CANN), explained that the organization has been actively working to mitigate air pollution through various programs, campaigns, and awareness initiatives. He emphasized that air pollution poses a serious threat to human health and requires collective effort to address.

CANN has been conducting awareness programs in schools and at the community level to educate people about the dangers of air pollution and to encourage individuals to take responsibility in reducing it. The organization also spreads awareness through radio programs and by mobilizing mass movements to engage the public more effectively.

CANN also organizes health campaigns where the lungs of children and elderly people are checked to assess the impact of air pollution on vulnerable groups. In addition, the organization has been monitoring air quality in various locations across the country by installing air quality monitoring devices, with support from the government, in most of the provinces, residential areas, and industrial zones.

According to Lama, one of the main reasons for high air pollution in the Kathmandu Valley is its geographic structure. Because the valley is surrounded by hills, air circulation is restricted, trapping pollutants within the area. During winter, the air becomes dry and rainfall decreases, worsening the pollution levels. Lama added that forest fires, vehicular emissions, and industrial dust also significantly contribute to the problem.

He noted that around 35–40 percent of air pollution in the valley is caused by transboundary pollution (pollutants that come from outside the region). In the Tarai region, this figure rises to nearly 70 percent, showing that cross-border pollution plays a major role in deteriorating air quality.

Dan Bahadur Waiba, an inDrive rider, shared that riding becomes extremely difficult on dusty days, and the situation worsens during winter. At times, he said, it even becomes difficult to keep his eyes open while riding. During winter, Waiba added, it’s often challenging to tell the difference between fog and dust, as the air turns thick and visibility drops significantly.

At the policy level, Lama pointed out that although the government has introduced regulations setting timelines for vehicle use and prohibiting older vehicles, these rules are not being properly enforced. 

Lama emphasized the need for the government to prioritize the promotion of electric vehicles (EVs) and make their adoption a major national agenda. Reflecting on the past, he recalled the use of trolley buses in Kathmandu, which were environmentally friendly, and expressed concern that Nepal seems to have moved away from such sustainable solutions in favor of market competition in the automobile sector.

Meanwhile, Waiba is planning to switch to an electric scooter after learning more about air pollution and vehicle emissions at an event he attended. He shared that the experience made him realize the importance of individual action in addressing environmental issues. Waiba expressed his belief that real change is possible when people become aware, learn, and choose to act responsibly.

Locals in Bhaktapur expressed frustration over the ongoing and incomplete road construction in several areas, including Suryabinayak Road, Sanga Road, and parts of Kavre. Residents living along these roads said that the constant dust has made daily life extremely difficult. Many shared that it has become hard to even stay inside their homes, as they need to clean their rooms every single day to keep the dust away.

They added that the situation is likely to worsen during winter, when there is little rainfall and dust levels are expected to rise further. The locals have urged the concerned authorities to speed up the construction work and take necessary measures to control dust and pollution in the area.

It doesn’t only hamper the residents but also human health which can cause many diseases. Research finds that air pollution reduces life expectancy by 3.4 years for the average Nepali and causes approximately 26,000 premature deaths annually. In addition to health, air pollution impacts labor productivity, tourism, and the aviation sector. The economic cost of poor air quality is equivalent to more than 6 percent of Nepal’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) each year, according to the Air Quality Life Index (AQLI).

Recently, the Department of Environment collaborated with the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) and launched the country’s first National Air Quality Management Action Plan (NAQMAP).  It marked a major step in Nepal’s broader effort to reduce air pollution nationwide and to establish a comprehensive framework for managing and improving air quality.

However, experts say that much more needs to be done. Clean fuels, reliable public transport, and strict enforcement of environmental laws are essential to bring lasting change. Reducing air pollution is not only the government’s responsibility but also a duty shared by every citizen.

It began like a spark—a few viral posts, a digital storm of frustration—and then, in less than 48 hours, entire governments fell in Nepal. Similar protests, revolts and revolutions are erupting across continents, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and beyond. What once took decades of blood and barricades, this new generation accomplished with hashtags, livestreams and open-source strategy.

To the older world, it looks impossible—even suspicious. Surely, some whisper, there must be a “deep state” behind it. Surely, no revolution can succeed without a charismatic leader, a party or a manifesto. They forget: this is not history repeating itself—this is history rewriting itself. GenZ is not waiting for a leader. They are the leader—collectively.

The death of representation

For centuries, humanity has lived under the illusion of representation — governments, kings, parties and parliaments all claiming to “speak for the people.” In reality, they spoke over the people—governing through distance, hierarchy and fear. The digital age shattered that illusion. Technology has exposed what was once hidden—the corruption, the manipulation, the spectacle of power feeding upon itself. The youth who grew up online, whose first teachers were memes, open data and AI chatbots, have no patience for deception. They are subconsciously tired of 'power over people'. They want 'power with people'. They may not yet articulate it in manifestos or doctrines, but their message is unmistakable: “We are done being governed.”

48 hours that shook the world

What took the French Revolution years of bloodshed and the Arab Spring months of protest, the GenZ revolution in Nepal did in two days.

• How?
• Because networks move faster than armies.
• Because code travels quicker than bullets.
• Because consciousness, once shared, cannot be contained.

These uprisings are not about replacing one ruler with another—they are about rejecting the very idea that anyone should rule.

Governance sans government

For the first time in human history, we possess the tools to organize without centralized authority. Imagine digital direct-democracy platforms built on blockchain, AI moderators ensuring fairness and open-source decision-making systems where every voice counts—instantly and equally. This is not a utopia. This is a prototype.

From community-managed food chains to transparent public budgeting through smart contracts, from AI-powered education to global data-driven healthcare—governance without government is already emerging in fragments. GenZ will simply connect the fragments.

The only dilemma ahead

The only dilemma GenZ faces now is a psychological one—they have shaken the old systems, but they may not yet fully see the vision of government-less governance. In moments of uncertainty, they risk falling back into the same old representative traps—supporting one or another version of the systems they just overthrew.

The challenge, therefore, is not to revert, but to reimagine. The future demands that GenZ move forward, not sideways—that they design governance beyond governments, coordination beyond control, and community beyond hierarchy. If they dare to continue the experiment, they might just complete the democratic dream humanity began dreaming centuries ago.

From voting to evolving

Democracy, as we know it, was built for a slower world—when messages took weeks to travel and citizens met once every five years to vote. But GenZ doesn’t wait five seconds to express themselves.

They are building an always-on democracy—participatory, responsive, transparent. They will not vote once and surrender. They will live in a continuous loop of co-creation, decision, feedback and correction—a living, breathing organism of collective intelligence. AI will not rule them; it will serve them—as a neutral tool to manage data, not to manipulate truth.

The end of fear

Every system of control has thrived on fear: fear of chaos, fear of punishment, fear of one another. But the GenZ revolution is not born of fear—it is born of clarity. They have realized that humanity’s greatest experiment—government—has reached its evolutionary limit. It cannot evolve faster than the world it tries to govern. It cannot think collectively enough to solve collective crises.

The liberation that philosophers only imagined and (godless) religions only promised is now a technological possibility: a world without rulers, where cooperation replaces coercion and community replaces authority.

A global self-reboot

The GenZ uprisings are not the end of civilization. They are the upgrade. Old systems will resist, of course. Power never surrenders easily. But no wall can hold back a generation that speaks in code, builds reality in the cloud and dreams beyond flags and borders. The real question is no longer whether governments will survive—it is whether they are still necessary.

In the near future, we may look back on presidents, parliaments and police states the way we now look at feudal lords—relics of a primitive stage in human evolution. And somewhere, between a livestream and a blockchain vote, a GenZ coder will whisper the words that mark the dawn of a new civilization.

Over 128, 000 visited Nepal in October this year.

This month, being a tourist season as well, has seen a significant flow of tourists.

Statistics released by the Nepal Tourism Board (NTB) shows that 29, 060 came from South Asia, 23, 127 from other Asian countries, 40, 500 from Europe, 6, 814 from Oceania, 16, 407 from America, 3, 548 from the Middle East, 443 from Africa and 8, 444 from other countries to Nepal.

The NTB stated that a total of 943, 716 tourists visited Nepal from last January to October. In October, 17, 298 tourists arrived in Nepal from India. Similarly, 13, 286 from the United States, 8, 718 from the United Kingdom, 6, 755 from China, 6, 366 from Germany, and 6, 177 from Australia visited Nepal.

Likewise, 5, 535 tourists from Sri Lanka, 5, 045 from France, 4, 641 from Bangladesh and 3, 038 from Myanmar had visited Nepal in October.

Nepal has intensified its preparations as the date for the 30th Conference of the Parties (COP30) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change draws closer.

COP30 is taking place from November 10 to 21 in Belem, Brazil.

It is stated that COP30 will focus on discussions around topics such as fossil fuel consumption displacement, enhancement of forest, ocean and biodiversity conservation, transformation of agriculture and food systems, human welfare and social development, and technology and capacity building. The Brazilian government has put forward a proposal for that.

Similarly, Nepal has also begun preparations to raise the issues such as the Sagarmatha Call for Action related to protecting the mountains drawn from the conclusions of the Sagarmatha Sambaad (Dialogue), held in Kathmandu on May 16-18 this year.

The Ministry of Forests and Environment has forwarded preparations for COP30 by conducting phased meetings with relevant government, non-government, and development partner representatives.

The Ministry stated that for COP30, it will present its agenda based on a global review of the conference achievements, climate-induced losses and damages, adaptation, mitigation, carbon finance, and Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, along with the conclusions of the Sagarmatha Dialogue.

Dr Maheshwar Dhakal, the Joint Secretary and Head of the Climate Change Management Division at the Ministry, said that the Ministry will present an agenda based on climate finance, transparency frameworks on climate issues, mountain issues, capacity building and technology transfer, and climate justice.

He stated that in the conference Nepal will highlight the issues it has faced due to climate change by presenting examples of major climate-related damages the country has recently endured.

Dhakal mentioned that unlike in the previous COP summits where high-level sessions used to be held on the first and second days of the inauguration by inviting high-level political leadership, at the COP30  the high-level sessions will be held three days before the conference and the political and technical sessions will be convened separately.

Draft of National Position Paper readied

“We have already completed most of the preparations required from the Ministry’s side, and due to the country's latest situation, the delegation attending the COP30  will be as small as possible,” said Dr Dhakal, the Division Head and Joint Secretary.

According to him, the draft of the National Position Paper for COP30  has been prepared while the task of holding necessary discussions with and taking suggestions from stakeholders is in its final stage.

It may be recalled here that Nepal's position paper for COP29 had focused on securing increased, accessible climate finance, especially for mountain-specific issues like glacier melt and glacial lake outburst floods. Key agendas included adaptation and mitigation strategies, the implementation of the loss and damage fund, carbon trade agreements, and technology and capacity enhancement, all aimed at addressing the country's climate-induced vulnerabilities and supporting its low-carbon development goals.

Nepal today looks like a textbook case of “illiberal democracy.” The country holds competitive elections and changes governments through the ballot box, but core liberal rights—free expression, religious liberty, equal treatment before the law, and checks on executive power—are consistently narrowed or unevenly enforced. This combination of electoral competition and weakened civil liberties is what scholars mean by an illiberal democracy: a political system that is democratic in form yet illiberal in practice.

Start with the scoreboard. Freedom House rates Nepal “Partly Free,” with a 2024 global freedom score of 62/100, made up of 28/40 for political rights and 34/60 for civil liberties. The summary makes clear why: formal institutions exist, yet corruption persists, key rights are unevenly protected, and transitional-justice bodies remain unfulfilled. These are not the marks of a liberal rule-of-law state but of an electoral system that struggles to protect basic freedoms beyond election day.

Recent history shows how fragile constitutional norms can be. In 2020 and again in May 2021, then–Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli dissolved the lower house, triggering a constitutional crisis. Nepal’s Supreme Court ultimately reinstated parliament and ordered the appointment of a rival as prime minister in July 2021. The Court’s intervention was a democratic backstop, but the attempted dissolutions themselves were classic illiberal moves—executive bids to sidestep legislative constraints.

Freedom of expression illustrates the pattern even more starkly. Authorities have repeatedly used the Electronic Transactions Act (ETA)—a law ostensibly aimed at cybercrime—to detain or investigate critics and journalists for online speech. Human Rights Watch has documented arrests and called for reforms to stop abuse of the ETA, while the Committee to Protect Journalists reported in February 2024 that two reporters were arrested under Section 47 of the Act following posts about alleged police misconduct. The message such prosecutions send is chilling: criticism can be criminalized if it travels over the internet.

The trend accelerated this week. On Sept 4, Nepal announced it would block major social media platforms—including Facebook and, reportedly, others—that did not register with the government and appoint local compliance officers. Officials framed this as “responsible” regulation; opposition parties and rights groups warned it was a broad tool for censorship. No liberal democracy should be comfortable with a government switch that can throttle the main channels of public discourse.

Religious freedom is constrained by law in ways that are hard to square with liberal principles. Nepal’s 2015 Constitution proclaims secularism, but the 2017 Penal Code criminalizes “converting” another person and contains “blasphemy-style” offences that penalize outraging religious feelings, with penalties that can include imprisonment. The International Commission of Jurists has warned that these provisions are vague and open to abuse, chilling legitimate religious teaching and expression. Liberalism protects the individual’s right to persuade as well as to believe; criminalizing peaceful proselytism curtails that liberty.

Rule of law also suffers from pervasive corruption—another hallmark of illiberal systems where institutions are captured or politicized. Transparency International’s 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index gives Nepal a score of 34/100 and ranks it 107th of 180 countries. That low score signals weak safeguards and uneven enforcement, which in turn erodes equal treatment before the law and citizens’ trust that public power serves public, not private, ends.

Transitional justice remains a long, unfinished project, undermining accountability for grave abuses during the 1996–2006 conflict. Parliament adopted a new law in Aug 2024 to restart the process, but Amnesty International and others flagged serious gaps, and victims’ groups criticized the 2025 appointments to the two commissions as politicized. Human Rights Watch’s submission to Nepal’s 2025 Universal Periodic Review describes continuing impunity and warns that the social media bill would add new speech crimes with prison terms. A liberal order requires credible accountability for past crimes and robust protection for present dissent; Nepal is still falling short on both.

Citizenship rights show progress mixed with persistent discrimination. In May 2023, President Ramchandra Paudel authenticated amendments to the Citizenship Act, clearing a path to documents for hundreds of thousands—especially in the Tarai—who had long been effectively stateless. Yet rights groups note remaining gender-based discrimination, including limits on women’s ability to pass citizenship on equal terms, illustrating how formal fixes do not automatically produce equal rights in practice. An illiberal democracy often delivers partial reforms that leave basic inequalities intact.

To be fair, Nepal has also seen liberalizing decisions from its courts, notably the Supreme Court’s 2023 interim order enabling registration of same-sex marriages, with the first registration recorded that November. These are genuine steps toward a more open society, and Freedom House credits them as improvements. But those bright spots coexist with a broader environment where speech can bring handcuffs, religion is policed, corruption is entrenched, and executive power tests constitutional limits. Liberal democracy is not only about counting votes; it is about guarding rights. On that test, Nepal still falls short.

Nepal’s voters deserve better than a choice between instability and control. A liberal path is available: repeal or overhaul the ETA and any new social media law to protect legitimate speech; narrow or scrap anti-conversion clauses that criminalize peaceful persuasion; empower truly independent anti-corruption and human rights bodies; and make transitional justice credible, victim-centered, and insulated from political horse-trading. Until reforms like these take hold, the most accurate description of Nepal’s political system is an illiberal democracy: electoral, yes—but not fully free.

We don’t want to turn this beautiful planet, the only living planet, into one huge waste dump, do we?

Facts first. 

Global pollution is rising due to rapid economic growth, population increases, and insufficient environmental management, the World Bank states: This poses serious health risks for people and ecosystems, particularly in low- and middle-income countries.  Contributing to these challenges, the global economy relies on deeply intertwined supply chains, sustained by more than 100bn tons of raw materials entering the system each year. Intensive material consumption depletes natural resources and causes negative environmental impacts at every stage of the product lifecycle. Global waste is expected to increase to 3.4bn tons by 2050.

Pollution undermines sustainable economic growth, exacerbates poverty and inequality in both urban and rural areas, and significantly contributes to climate change. As the largest environmental cause of disease and premature death, pollution is estimated to result in several times more deaths than from AIDS, TB and malaria combined. 

Much of the summer that has just passed by witnessed worsening air pollution levels, choking a large section of the national population due to wildfires, drought conditions, emissions from vehicles that run on dirty fuels and emissions from beyond the national borders. This should have come as a wakeup call for the federal government, prompting increased investments in firefighting equipment, enforcement of stringent emission control measures and serious steps toward a green economy.

Melting Himalayas, polluted water bodies, rising temperatures, rapid losses of flora and fauna, lungs craving for a breath of fresh air and ever-growing waste dumps—they all point toward a climate emergency. 

Granted that we as a nation have a nominal carbon footprint, but we still need to take some serious steps to curb pollution pervading the air, water, ether and land. While the major onus is on our governments at the center, provinces and locals to curb pollution within the national jurisdictions, we as a people should also desist from activities that contribute to this scourge. 

How about honking less and less? How about minimizing the use of plastics? How about turning down the volume of our audiovisual systems? How about curbing the use of vehicles that run on dirty fuels? 

And how about having indoor plants? Pollution control cannot wait. Let’s join hands against this scourge.

Nepal is in the grip of one of the gravest crises in its recent history. What began as a youth-led movement against corruption and political stagnation has exposed deep fractures in the country’s political system and raised urgent questions about the future of its democracy.

On Sept 8, thousands of young people, primarily from the GenZ demographic, gathered in Kathmandu to protest corruption, unemployment, and the government’s controversial ban on 26 social media platforms. The ban, announced by Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s administration, was justified on the grounds that the platforms were not formally registered in Nepal. For many youths, however, it symbolized an attempt to silence dissent and stifle the online activism they had relied on to hold leaders accountable.

The protesters had already mobilized campaigns such as Nepokids, which exposed the lavish lifestyles of politicians and their families. That day, they marched toward the restricted zone around the Federal Parliament. When some entered the compound and set parts of the building on fire, police responded with live ammunition, killing 19 demonstrators. The use of lethal force shocked the nation and ignited mass outrage. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned that night, and the government hastily announced the lifting of the social media ban. But the damage was done.

On Sept 9, tens of thousands of people poured into the streets of Kathmandu and beyond, demanding justice for what they called a massacre. As protests spread like wildfire and turned violent, Oli resigned in the afternoon. His departure, however, did little to calm the situation. What began as a protest against corruption and authoritarian overreach descended into chaos. Infiltrators, some linked to suspected criminal groups and political spoilers, transformed demonstrations into waves of arson, lynching, looting, and assaults. GenZ representatives distanced themselves from the violence and appealed for calm, but their calls went unheeded.

Scenes of destruction dominated both social media and news channels: crowds ransacking and burning state institutions such as the parliament, the Supreme Court, ministries inside the Singha Durbar complex, and police stations. There were prison riots and mass escapes in different parts of the country. Private residences of prominent politicians were also attacked. Former prime minister and Nepali Congress president Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife Arzu Rana Deuba, the foreign minister, were assaulted inside their home before being rescued by the Nepali Army. Media outlets were not spared either, as angry mobs set fire to the offices of Annapurna Media Network and Kantipur Media Group.

The delay in deploying the Nepali Army to restore order raised serious questions. Only by midnight did the Army intervene, assuming full responsibility for security. So far, more than 30 people, including security personnel, have lost their lives, and different parts of the country are still under curfew and prohibitory orders.   

This situation did not emerge overnight. It was the culmination of years of growing disillusionment with the political class. Since the restoration of democracy in 1990, three major parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have dominated the political landscape. Over three decades, they rotated in power but failed to deliver stability, prosperity, or accountability. Instead, they became synonymous with corruption, patronage, and personal enrichment.

Government offices turned into hubs of bribery, where basic services became nearly inaccessible without paying officials. Meanwhile, leaders and their families flaunted wealth, living in stark contrast to millions struggling with unemployment and poverty. Bureaucrats, rather than serving as a check, colluded with politicians to deepen corruption.

In recent years, comparisons with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, both rocked by mass protests against corrupt elites, circulated widely in political circles. Analysts warned that unless Nepal’s leaders stepped aside for a younger generation, frustration could erupt into something uncontrollable. Instead of heeding these warnings, senior leaders tightened their grip, refusing to retire or allow generational change.

Opposition forces, including the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and royalist groups, sought to exploit popular anger. Earlier this year, the RPP staged large demonstrations, some of which turned violent. Former King Gyanendra Shah openly backed a royalist revival, though divisions within the monarchist camp weakened the movement. For mainstream parties, this brought temporary relief.

But Oli’s decision to ban social media reignited the anger. In a society where traditional institutions had lost credibility, digital platforms were one of the few tools young people trusted to challenge corruption and mobilize peers. The ban was thus seen as both authoritarian and deeply out of touch, adding fuel to an already volatile situation.

Now, Nepal faces a momentous political test. Demands from Gen Z protesters—particularly for an end to corruption and a stable government—must be addressed. Yet political stability also requires preserving the constitutional framework.

There are growing calls for President Ram Chandra Poudel and Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel to act strictly within the constitution while picking the head of interim government. Civil society, the media, and the legal community have warned that any deviation could push Nepal into uncharted territory.

Constitutional experts argue that the only viable way forward is to dissolve parliament and call fresh elections under the 2015 constitution. Abandoning the constitution, however, would be disastrous. Drafted after the abolition of the monarchy, it was the product of seven years of painstaking negotiation. Despite criticism from Madhes-based and royalist groups, it remains Nepal’s most inclusive charter to date. Rewriting it in today’s polarized climate would be nearly impossible.

The three major parties still control more than two-thirds of parliament, meaning no political roadmap can succeed without them. Yet their leadership has lost legitimacy in the eyes of young people. Unless they bring in new leaders and show genuine willingness to reform, protests are unlikely to subside.

The violence has struck a fragile economy already under strain. Nepal faces rising external debt, difficulty paying civil servants, and eroding investor confidence. The Sept 9 attacks paralyzed the private sector, long considered the country’s growth engine. Thousands of jobs have been lost. Without quick stabilization, more youths will migrate abroad, draining Nepal of much-needed human capital.

Education has been disrupted, with private schools and colleges targeted. Tourism, which peaks in September, has been devastated by attacks on hotels and travel businesses. Trade, too, has stalled as customs offices were vandalized. Without urgent international aid, Nepal risks sliding into deep recession within months.

International partners, particularly India, China, and Western donors, must play a constructive role in supporting Nepal’s democratic institutions, stabilizing the economy, and deterring external actors from exploiting the turmoil.

Despite the destruction of parliament, courts, and ministries, state institutions must not grind to a halt. The judiciary has pledged to resume partial services, and ministries should operate from makeshift offices. 

Nepal now stands at a crossroads. The crisis is both a warning and an opportunity. It has revealed the extent of public anger against a corrupt elite, but also the determination of a new generation to demand accountability.

The Ministry of Finance has begun the preparations for the transition strategy to be adopted when Nepal is upgraded from the Least Developed Country Group to a Developing Country status.

How does the World Bank determine interest rates?

If we think that the World Bank is a global central bank that determines interest rates for the world, that would be wrong. There is no global currency, so there is no global central bank to manage it and determine interest rates for it. The Washington, DC-based World Bank is a global financial assistance institution with membership of about 200 countries, whose objective is to carry out various activities, including poverty alleviation, by providing funds for capital investment.

Loan from the World Bank

The World Bank is an international financial institution that provides loans to countries around the world for capital projects. It consists of two institutions: the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), and the International Development Association (IDA). The World Bank is a component of the World Bank Group. The IBRD provides assistance to middle-income and poor but creditworthy countries, and it also acts as an umbrella for more specialized agencies under the World Bank.

The IBRD was the original arm of the World Bank responsible for the reconstruction of post-war Europe. Before becoming a member of its affiliated institutions (the International Finance Corporation, the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency, and the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes), a country must be a member of the IBRD. As a least developed country, Nepal has long been receiving large amounts of official development assistance (ODA) and grants. This aid used to be free or at very low interest rates (concessional loans). Now, with the upgrade, the form of this assistance is likely to change dramatically.

This simply means that as a poor country, the money that is available at free or very low interest rates will now decrease. The interest rate on loans is likely to increase, meaning that the money needed for development may have to be paid at higher interest rates than before. Nepal’s public debt increased by Rs 231.8bn in the last fiscal year. Nepal’s public debt is now Rs 264.9bn. Of this, Rs 138.2bn is foreign debt. According to public data, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank contribute 80 percent to Nepal’s development assistance.

As of June 2024, the government’s outstanding public debt was Rs 243.8bn. During this period, the appreciation of the US dollar against the Nepalese currency has been adding additional burden to public debt. There is also concern that this may increase Nepal's external debt burden. Similarly, Nepal will lose its access to special funds such as the Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF). These funds have been playing an important role in climate change adaptation and various development projects. Now, the reduced availability of these funds is likely to make it more difficult for Nepal to raise financial resources for climate risk reduction and other development programs.

The reduction in the availability of grants and concessional loans will also put Nepal under increasing pressure to finance projects in key social sectors such as infrastructure development, education and health. As development partners are changing their development assistance policies, Nepal needs to find new sources of finance for its development. The International Development Association provides loans to the world’s poorest countries.

In Nepal, the World Bank has been providing loans to Nepal at an interest rate of 0.75 percent, but the Ministry of Finance recently has announced that it has now increased it to 1.5 percent. As the day of Nepal’s graduation from LDC is approaching, the possibility that the World Bank may have increased the interest rate on loans it provides cannot be ruled out. It is worth noting that Nepal is scheduled to formally graduate from LDC status in 2026. This is an initial indication that its impact is starting to be seen in the interest rate that Nepal has to pay on its foreign debt.

In this context, it seems that the World Bank has increased the interest rate on loans it has been providing to Nepal with effect from this July. The Asian Development Bank has also been charging 1.5 percent interest. However, this is considered a concessional loan. The World Bank has been charging the lowest interest rate on loans among development partners.

After the upgrade, loans will be available from donors only at a relatively high interest rate and this may put Nepal in the grip of additional debt, and it has come to light that the World Bank has increased the interest rate.

In addition, it has been made public that the World Bank has not only increased the interest rate but also reduced the loan repayment period. Nepal used to take loans to repay within 40 years. Now, it is said that the maturity period of the loan has also been reduced from 24 to 30 years by adding six more years.

Earlier, such periods were of two types, 40 and 38 years. Now, the Ministry of Finance has stated that it has been made for 30 years. It is also necessary to move forward in coordination with all parties, making the transitional strategy relevant to the time. Although it is estimated that the upgrade will have positive effects on Nepal's development and commercial investment, contribute to the development of new trade and economic partnerships, build a sustainable development, build a national image, and increase credibility, it is not that easy.

It is also expected to have an impact on sectors such as commodity exports, prices, and employment. Nepal is scheduled to graduate from LDC to developing country status in November 2026.

Key challenges and measures

After the upgrade, Nepal will lose some of the special benefits of LDC status, such as preferential market access for goods and services, flexibility in implementing World Trade Organization (WTO) rules, international development measures, and special financing. Nepal has embarked on a new journey after meeting the per capita Gross National Income (GNI) criteria and qualifying for development from a LDC. The United Nations Committee for Development Policy (UN CDP) had previously recommended the Himalayan nation for upgrade in its final assessment.

Graduation for Nepal is an important step towards realizing the national aspiration of a prosperous and developed Nepal. Nepal will continue to access all LDCs-specific assistance measures by 2026. Apart from Nepal, Bangladesh and the Lao People’s Democratic Republic have also been recommended for graduation by the CDP, which has been good for the country. ‘Developing’ is a relative term, a stage like a work in progress—a stage before something reaches its final state. Nepal in 2025  is certainly more developed than Nepal in 2010, which was more developed than Nepal in 2000. But looking at the global average trend, Nepal has not been able to keep pace with the development happening around the world.

So can Nepal be considered developing? No, not when compared to other countries, but when compared to Nepal in previous years. The majority of Nepalis are only concerned with survival, development is a long way off. It is necessary to dispel the illusion that the Nepali people as a society are still very uneducated, very deeply ‘superstitious’, rarely know the meaning of ‘human rights’ and have not yet reached the complexity and sophistication in thinking required to compete with other developing countries of the world.

Nepal must make proper use of the available resources. Peace and security must be maintained in the country. Since Nepal can commercially produce up to 43 thousand megawatts of hydropower, it should try to produce as much hydropower as possible from fast-flowing rivers. There is a risk of reversal at every graduation, mainly due to outflow shocks such as the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, climate-induced disasters, and trade shocks, which are also major threats to the Nepalese economy.

Similarly, Nepal presents a unique case as it is the first country to be upgraded from the LDC category without meeting the Gross National Income (GNI) criteria. Due to the persistence of many problems, including low standards, it faces the difficult task of achieving sustainable economic growth to progress from the current low-middle income country to a high-income country. There are several economic implications of the upgrade. After upgrade, Nepal will lose some of the special benefits that come with LDC status, such as preferential market access for goods and services, flexibility in implementing WTO rules, international development measures, and special financing.

Although Nepal will be eligible for the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) available to developing countries, it is much less generous than the duty-free, quota-free market access that many advanced economies offer to LDCs. Raising the necessary financial resources for the investments needed to put LDCs on a rapid growth path has been a major challenge in implementing the Doha Development Agenda, adopted by the United Nations to provide differential treatment that is closely aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals.

In addition, Nepal will lose access to Aid for Trade (AfT) under the Enhanced Integrated Framework (EIF) and the United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNCDF) five years after upgrade.

Additionally, once a country graduates from the Least Developed Country (LDC) category, the minimum grant element of Official Development Assistance (ODA) loans decreases until it is classified as a Low Income Country (LIC); however, Nepal has also become a ‘Low-Middle Income Country’ (LMIC), due to which the lending conditions have become relatively tighter. That being so, the coming years will be a period of both opportunities and challenges for Nepal to navigate its way from a LDC to a developing middle-income country. Consequently, a smooth, irreversible, inclusive, resilient, and sustainable transition is critical for an upgrade.

The country needs to make serious efforts towards poverty alleviation to develop its productive capacity, expand its export base, diversify its economy, and sustain its tertiary education levels in the long term.   Engaging the private sector, civil society, and the international community is equally important as it pursues the Sustainable Graduates agenda. To foster innovation, job creation and economic diversification, it is important to provide incentives and technical support to micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs).

This support could include e-commerce platforms, digitally enabled green innovations, and tools for digital and financial literacy. Public-Private Partnerships (PPP): Encouraging public-private partnerships, especially in infrastructure development, will leverage the capabilities of the private sector to deliver large projects.

The 7th meeting of Nepal-India Boundary Working Group (BWG) concluded in India by adopting updated modalities for the inspection, repair and maintenance of boundary pillars along the Nepal and India boundary.

The meeting concluded on Tuesday also agreed on the need to adopt new technologies in the domain of survey and mapping in order to make the work of the BWG and its associated mechanisms more efficient, according to a press release issued by the Foreign Ministry.

The Nepali delegation was led by Director General, Department of Survey, Prakash Joshi, and the Indian delegation by Surveyor General of India, Shri Hitesh Kumar S. Makwana.

The meeting reviewed the implementation of the outcomes of the 6th BWG meeting held in August 2019 in Dehradun as well as the progress of works of the 11th Survey Officials’ Committee (SOC) meeting held in September 2019 in Dehradun. 

The meeting concluded with the signing of agreed minutes. Both sides agreed to hold the next meeting of the Survey Officials’ Committee (SOC) in Nepal in August 2025 and the next meeting of the BWG in Nepal at a mutually convenient date.

The BWG is a joint body constituted by the Governments of Nepal and India in 2014 to carry out works in the fields of construction, restoration and repair of boundary pillars and other technical tasks.

The International Tiger Day is being observed across the country by organizing various programs today to raise awareness in the community for the conservation of Royal Bengal tigers. 

This Day is observed on July 29 every year with an objective of spreading public awareness for Royal Bengal tiger conservation following the decision from the Tiger Summit of heads of state and government in St Petersburg of Russia in 2010.

The Ministry of Forest and Environment is observing the Global Tiger Day by organizing different programs.

As per the census carried out in 2022, the number of tigers had reached 355 in Nepal. Nepal has become successful in increasing the number of tigers than its commitment. 

In the Summit, Nepal had promised to double the population of tigers from 121. As per the tiger census-2009, the population of tigers was 121 in Nepal.

With the increasing number of tigers in Nepal, different issues including their management, reducing human-wildlife conflict and improving their habitat have become challenging. 

Likewise, debates have been initiated about the number of tigers and Nepal's tiger carrying capacity. Some experts argue that Nepal's tiger carrying capacity is around 400.  

The Department of National Parks and Wildlife Conservation, National Trust for Nature Conservation, World Wildlife Fund and Geological Society of London are carrying out a study with the coordination of the Ministry of Forest on tiger carrying capacity of Nepal.

Nepal has been celebrating the Global Tiger Day since 2067 BS and conducting tiger census. 

Royal Bengal tigers are found in Nepal, India, China, Bhutan, Russia, Bangladesh, Vietnam, Myanmar, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Laos.

The number of tigers in the globe was estimated to 100,000 till 1900.  It decreased to 3,200 in 2010. According to the World Wildlife Fund, the population of tigers reached 4,500 in 2022 due to conservation efforts from around the world.

A nation once deeply rooted in patriarchal traditions, Nepal continues to bear traces of the oppressive legacy. The influence can be seen in the male dominance in politics which fuels the perception that women are secondary players in leadership. Women in politics continue to face a pervasive narrative, rooted in historical stereotypes: men are meant to be strong leaders and women are supposed to be good supporters. Generalized instances of underperformance by women are frequently used to question the collective competence of women leaders. This fallacy not only reinforces irrelevant stereotypes but also disregards the reality that political efficacy is not determined by gender but by individual’s capability, dedication and output.

Renu Chand, a central committee member of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), Member of the Constituent Assembly and current National Assembly member firmly rejects the narrative that women’s electoral losses reflect their incompetence. “Every male who gets a ticket to run for the election doesn’t win; the same should go for women; this is how election results work” says Chand, rejecting the narrative that women’s electoral losses reflect on their personal incompetence. She dismantles the flawed logic that equates electoral losses with weakness for a particular gender only. Chand’s words highlight the double standard that continues to define Nepal’s political landscape; the idea that women must constantly prove they belong, while men are allowed to fail without being labeled or consequence.

Chand further sheds light on the overlooked struggles of women in politics - their inherent multitasking abilities of balancing family and professional roles, showcasing their resilience. She mentions, “some may struggle due to various relevant reasons but it is inaccurate to brand all women in politics as incapable”. Selective criticism on the basis of gender is simply used as a tactic to uphold patriarchal norms and discourage women leaders from pursuing leadership roles. It works by amplifying the shortcomings while ignoring similar failings in men. This bias leads to the continuation of the stereotype that men are better suited for leadership. She recalls how, during Nepal’s civil war during 1995-2006, many women joined the movement and they fought hand in hand with men. “But as soon as the civil war ended, many women were sent back to households while men continued to pursue their political career” she adds.

Member of Parliament Roshan Karki, also a senior leader of National Democratic Party (RPP), highlights, “women are inherently more giving in nature and often sacrifice their career, particularly as mothers, wives and to support their families”. She points out that, “in families where men are involved in politics, women frequently step back to let their male counterparts advance. This self-sacrificing nature along with the societal structures that favor men, pose a disadvantage for women in general”.

Nepali women have been held back, not because of lack of potential but due to denial of equal access to opportunities or acceptance. In Nepal the preference for male children is very strong and that is reflected in terms of educational attainment and other opportunities as well. While this is changing in modern times, its impact is still visible. Former Member of Parliament and Constituent Assembly member Shanti Pakhrin, a member of Communist Party of Nepal (UML), puts emphasis on the transformative journey that women of Nepal have undertaken from restricted domestic roles to prominent leadership positions, women are coming to the forefront. “Since the starting line was not the same for all, we cannot expect the same results instantly”. Pakhrin emphasizes the need for positive feedback rather than negative criticism. In addition, it is equally important to understand that meaningful change requires time and continual support and promotion. 

Member of Constituent Assembly, Rita Shahi, a member of Nepali Congress Party, adds to Pakhrin’s narrative by saying, “there is a tendency to impose the incapability narrative while ignoring society’s own role in empowering women”. People easily bring out the incapability narrative but no one ever questions what have I done to make women capable or empowered? What is my contribution? 

Echoing Pakhrin’s call to recognize women’s collective progress, Shahi adds another layer by addressing the issue of compartmentalizing women’s issues stressing that treating these concerns as separate will lead to the marginalization of more than half the population. To avoid this, it is necessary to view women’s issues as central to the overall progress of the society.

Women who are in politics of Nepal are slowly and steadily dismantling the barriers that take the form of a deeply ingrained myth of capability and incapability based on gender bias. By showcasing their resilience and determination in the face of these barriers and their stories of balancing family and a career, pioneering achievements and enduring scrutiny reveals their profound strength. This represents a transformation of the political landscape. As Nepal steps into a new era that opens doors for future generations of Nepali women leaders in various sectors, there is a call for action that rings loud and clear: to move beyond limiting beliefs and build a future where every woman’s voice is not just heard but also respected and empowered. The creation of a just society now depends on the young generation, a society where people support the rise of women who are to Nepal’s progress, growth and development.

Nepal have entered the final of ACC Men's U-16 East Zone Cup defeating Malaysia by nine wickets on Thursday.

In the semi-final match held at Selangor Turf Club, Malaysia, today, Nepal achieved the 91-run victory target at the loss of one wicket in 11.4 overs. 

For Nepal's victory, Parimarjan Yadav contributed the highest 59, including five boundaries and five sixes.  Similarly, Shiwansh Bajgain scored 23 runs (not out).

For Malaysia, Nagin Sathnakumaran took one wicket.

Earlier, elected to bat first after losing the toss, Malaysia were limited to 90 runs in 43.1 overs. 

Malaysia's Muhammad Fathul Fatri gathered the highest 38 runs while Captain Deeaz Patro scored 10 runs. Other players except the two could not made double digit runs.

Nepal's Abhay Yadav took four wickets while Shubham Khanal sent three batsmen to the pavilion.

Similarly, Captain Bipin Prasad Khanal and Sachin Bhatta took one wicket each.

With today's victory, Nepal would face the second team reaching the semi-final for the title. Hong Kong and Singapore are playing for the second semi-final match.

Nepal, the Group 'A' winner and Malaysia, the runner-up of Group 'B', had reached the semi-final.

Earlier, Nepal had won all four matches they played under the group stage. They defeated Singapore, Japan, Indonesia and Bhutan.

Nepal had clinched the title of last year's series by defeating Malaysia.

The Himalayan village of Samjung did not die in a day.

Perched in a wind-carved valley in Nepal’s Upper Mustang, more than 3,962 meters above sea level, the Buddhist village lived by slow, deliberate rhythms—herding yaks and sheep and harvesting barley under sheer ochre cliffs honeycombed with “sky caves”—2,000-year-old chambers used for ancestral burials, meditation and shelter.

Then the water dried up. Snow-capped mountains turned brown and barren as, year after year, snowfall declined. Springs and canals vanished and when it did rain, the water came all at once, flooding fields and melting away the mud homes. Families left one by one, leaving the skeletal remains of a community transformed by climate change: crumbling mud homes, cracked terraces and unkempt shrines.

A changing climate

The Hindu Kush and Himalayan mountain regions—stretching from Afghanistan to Myanmar—hold more ice than anywhere else outside the Arctic and Antarctic. Their glaciers feed major rivers that support 240m people in the mountains—and 1.65bn more downstream.

Such high-altitude areas are warming faster than lowlands. Glaciers are retreating and permafrost areas are thawing as snowfall becomes scarcer and more erratic, according to the Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development or ICMOD.

Kunga Gurung is among many in the high Himalayas already living through the irreversible effects of climate change. “We moved because there was no water. We need water to drink and to farm. But there is none there. Three streams, and all three dried up,” said Gurung, 54.

Climate change is quietly reshaping where people can live and work by disrupting farming, water access, and weather patterns, said Neil Adger, a professor of human geography at the University of Exeter. In places like Mustang, that’s making life harder, even if people don’t always say climate change is why they moved. “On an everyday basis, the changing weather patterns ... it’s actually affecting the ability of people to live in particular places,” Adger said.

Communities forced to move

Around the globe, extreme weather due to climate change is forcing communities to move, whether it’s powerful tropical storms in The Philippines and Honduras, drought in Somalia or forest fires in California. In the world’s highest mountains, Samjung isn’t the only community to have to start over, said Amina Maharjan, a migration specialist at ICMOD. Some villages move only short distances, but inevitably the key driver is lack of water. “The water scarcity is getting chronic,” she said.

Retreating glaciers—rivers of ice shrinking back as the world warms—are the most tangible and direct evidence of climate change. Up to 80 percent of the glacier volume in the Hindu Kush and Himalayas could vanish in this century if greenhouse gas emissions aren’t drastically cut, a 2023 report warned.

It hasn’t snowed in Upper Mustang for nearly three years, a dire blow for those living and farming in high-altitude villages. Snowfall traditionally sets the seasonal calendar, determining when crops of barley, buckwheat, and potatoes are planted and affecting the health of grazing livestock. “It is critically important,” Maharjan said.

For Samjung, the drought and mounting losses began around the turn of the century. Traditional mud homes built for a dry, cold mountain climate fell apart as monsoon rains grew more intense—a shift scientists link to climate change. The region’s steep slopes and narrow valleys funnel water into flash floods that destroy homes and farmland, triggering a wave of migration that began a decade ago.

Finding a place for a new village

Moving a village—even one with fewer than 100 residents like Samjung—was no simple endeavor. They needed reliable access to water and nearby communities for support during disasters. Relocating closer to winding mountain roads would allow villagers to market their crops and benefit from growing tourism. Eventually, the king of Mustang, who still owns large tracts of land in the area nearly two decades after Nepal abolished its monarchy, provided suitable land for a new village.

Pemba Gurung, 18, and her sister Toshi Lama Gurung, 22, don’t remember much about the move from their old village. But they remember how hard it was to start over. Families spent years gathering materials to build new mud homes with bright tin roofs on the banks of the glacial Kali Gandaki river, nearly 15 kilometers away. They constructed shelters for livestock and canals to bring water to their homes. Only then could they move.

Some villagers still herd sheep and yak, but life is a bit different in New Samjung, which is close to Lo Manthang, a medieval walled city cut off from the world until 1992, when foreigners were first allowed to visit. It’s a hub for pilgrims and tourists who want to trek in the high mountains and explore its ancient Buddhist culture, so some villagers work in tourism.

The sisters Pemba and Toshi are grateful not to have to spend hours fetching water every day. But they miss their old home. “It is the place of our origin. We wish to go back. But I don’t think it will ever be possible,” said Toshi.

AP

Nepali Embassy in Dhaka, in collaboration with the Nepal Tourism Board, hosted a Nepal-Bangladesh Tourism Meet under the theme Destination Nepal: From the Bay of Bengal to the Himalayas in Chattogram, Bangladesh, on Wednesday.

Speaking on the occasion, Ambassador Ghanshyam Bhandari emphasized the vital role tourism and people-to-people connections play in Nepal-Bangladesh relations. He shed light on the growing ties between the two countries and called for greater efforts to ‘truly connect the heights of the Himalayas with the depths of the Bay of Bengal’. 

He highlighted the ongoing efforts of the Government of Nepal to improve tourism infrastructure.

Ambassador Bhandari also appreciated the important contributions of travel and tour entrepreneurs in further positioning Nepal as a preferred tourist destination, reads a statement issued by the Embassy.

Similarly, Rohini Prasad Khanal, Officiating Director of Tourism Marketing & Promotion Department at the Nepal Tourism Board, delivered a presentation on Nepal’s diverse tourism products and potential, urging the participating travel agents and tour operators to strengthen efforts towards building more robust tourism linkages between the two countries. 

Highlighting Bangladesh as one of Nepal’s major source markets, he expressed optimism about an increased flow of Bangladeshi tourists in the days ahead, according to the statement.

Likewise, Mount Everest Summiteer Babar Ali shared brief remarks about his experiences in Nepal during his successful summit to Mount Everest in 2024 and his recent ascent to Mount Annapurna.

The programme also featured a raffle draw, with tour packages and round trip air tickets for the Dhaka–Kathmandu sector sponsored by Nepali tour and travel agencies, Himalaya Airlines and Biman Bangladesh Airlines.

Over 120 participants including Chattogram-based representatives of ATAB, TOAB, hotels and airlines, and leading organizations from the tourism and hospitality sector attended the event, the statement further reads.

Air pollution is the number one risk factor for death and disability in Nepal, according to a new report by the World Bank (WB).

Single-sector solutions are not sufficient to meet any clean air target. Public policy and investment need to optimize air quality actions across sectors, prioritizing those with the most cost-effective solutions, says the WB in a new report.

The report, 'Towards Clean Air in Nepal: Benefits, Pollution Sources, and Solutions', serves as a foundational assessment of air pollution in the country and the airshed of the Indo-Gangetic Plain and Himalayan Foothills (IGP-HF).

The report states that Kathmandu Valley and Tarai are Nepal’s air pollution hotspots, with no significant improvement over the past decade. Air pollution reduces life expectancy by 3.4 years for the average Nepali and causes approximately 26,000 premature deaths annually. In addition to health, air pollution impacts labor productivity, tourism, and the aviation sector. The economic cost of poor air quality is equivalent to more than 6 percent of Nepal's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) each year.

“Clean air and economic growth are not in conflict. In fact, the cost of inaction on pollution is far greater than the cost of taking bold steps today," said Minister for Forests and Environment, Ain Bahadur Shahi Thakuri. “From setting stricter industrial emission standards to promoting electric transport, the government is committed to cleaning Nepal’s air."

As pointed out in the Report, the multi-sectoral and multi-regional nature of air pollution requires action on many fronts. They include vehicle emissions, industrial emissions, household cooking, forest fires, and trans-boundary solutions.

The Report suggested actions to reduce vehicular emissions, like continuing to electrify vehicle fleets, including cars, motorcycles, buses, and trucks is critical to address air pollution. This needs to be complemented by strengthening the vehicle inspection and maintenance system and reducing road dust.

Similarly, support for cleaner technology and fuel adoption in industries—   including electric and pellet boilers and furnaces in small and medium enterprises—will help promote cleaner industries. Industrial facilities such as brick and cement factories also need to be supported to burn cleaner and more efficient fuels.

Supporting households to adopt cleaner and, preferably, electric cookstoves is key to cutting household sources of air pollution. Biomass-fueled stoves create both indoor and ambient air pollution.

Forest fire prevention by reducing the fuel load and developing effective awareness programs is critical for reducing the likelihood of forest fires. Effective response systems to put out fires are also needed, the Report said.

The Report also suggests partnering effectively with neighboring countries is critical. Transboundary airflows carry pollutants across borders. The Indo-Gangetic Plain and Himalayan Foothills Region share an airshed, meaning that pollutants can travel across borders, affecting air quality in multiple countries.  Nepal's unique geographical location, particularly the bowl-shaped Kathmandu Valley surrounded by mountains, exacerbates the problem.

Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has resumed the export of 40 MW of electricity to Bangladesh via India. Power from Nepal to Bangladesh was exported for the first time for 12 hours on July 15 last year. It resumed from June 15 this year.

A power sale agreement had been signed between NEA, Bangladesh Power Development Board and NTPC Vidyut Vyapar Nigam Limited of India last year, which led to export of electricity for only 12 hours last year.  Nepal has been exporting excess electricity during the rainy season to neighboring India for five months every year. This year, starting today, NEA will export electricity to Bangladesh for the next five months, until Nov 15.

Subarna Sapkota, deputy manager of the NEA Electricity System Control Department, shared that 146.88m units of electricity will be exported in five months. The government will earn Rs 1.29bn in five months through the sale of electricity.  The selling rate of electricity exported under the agreement is 6.4 US cents per unit. 

The electricity will be supplied to the Bhermara substation in Bangladesh via Muzaffarpur, Behrampur, India from Nepal’s 400 kV Dhalkebar substation. Meanwhile, the NEA has continued its electricity exports to neighboring India and started exporting the green electricity to the Indian state of Haryana from this year. It had been exporting 185 MW of electricity since June 1, which increased to 200 MW from Saturday. As per the agreement between Nepal and India, the selling rate of this electricity export is InRs 5.25 per unit.

NEA has also started exporting 80 MW to the Indian state of Bihar since 12 last night. In addition, additional electricity is being purchased and sold in the Indian market through the Dhalkebar-Muzaffarpur 400 kV and 132 kV transmission lines. As electricity generation in Nepal has increased with the onset of the rainy season, the surplus electricity is being exported to India and Bangladesh.