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Except for the CPN-UML, most major political parties have not opposed the March 5 elections to elect the new House of Representatives. All major parties generally agree that holding elections is the only viable way to end the ongoing political and constitutional deadlock.

The UML, however, has proposed an alternative political roadmap that calls for the restoration of the dissolved House, arguing that the current environment is not conducive to holding elections. The party has also branded the Sushila Karki-led government as “unconstitutional.”

The Nepali Congress (NC), though seemingly in favor of elections, remains ambiguous in its position. The party is currently entangled in internal disputes over convening its General Convention to elect new leadership. Acting party president, Purna Bahadur Khadka, appears more aligned with KP Sharma Oli’s proposal for restoration, while general secretaries Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, who favor elections over reinstatement, are reportedly in secret talks with Prime Minister Karki to create an environment conducive to polls.

The March 5 election timeline is looking increasingly difficult, both politically and in terms of security. There is a deep trust deficit between Prime Minister Karki and the top leaders of major parties. Karki is reportedly hesitant to hold formal meetings with them, fearing backlash from GenZ protesters who have accused the political class of manipulation and betrayal.

Talks between the government and political parties have begun, but largely for show. Only lower-ranking party leaders are participating, and Baluwatar is quietly engaging with less influential figures within major parties who lack decision-making power. Among the top leaders—KP Sharma Oli, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal—Deuba is currently abroad for medical treatment, while the other two remain in Kathmandu.

The Karki administration faces particular difficulty in engaging with Oli, who remains controversial due to the killing of 19 students during his tenure as prime minister. Karki is under pressure from Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah to arrest him, while the UML demands that the government revoke its decision restricting Oli’s foreign travel. UML leaders insist they cannot participate in elections while their party chair remains confined to the Kathmandu Valley.

Karki has also not reached out, at least publicly, to NC’s acting president Khadka or Maoist chair Dahal. Both leaders, insiders say, ignore the advice of their representatives attending meetings at Baluwatar. As such, real negotiations between the government and major parties have yet to begin. No formal dialogue has taken place among the three key political forces—the NC, UML, and CPN (Maoist Center).

Engaging with GenZ protest groups poses another challenge, as there is no unified leadership structure. With over two dozen groups claiming representation, neither the government nor the Election Commission has been able to hold substantive consultations with them.

Meanwhile, the government is preparing election-related policies and bylaws without meaningful consultations with political parties or with youth groups. Despite being formed in response to the protestors’ demands, the Karki administration has failed to reach any agreement with them to ensure a conducive electoral environment. As a result, the political climate remains far from ready for polls.

Security is another major concern. The government and Election Commission are in talks with security agencies to draft a comprehensive security blueprint. The Nepal Army’s role is expected to expand during the elections, though the exact modality remains undecided. The Nepal Police, already short on arms and ammunition, was further weakened during the Sept 8–9 GenZ protests. The government is considering seeking logistical assistance from India and China, but it remains uncertain whether that will be sufficient.

Even if the government manages to create a secure environment, political parties are not yet convinced that election campaigns can proceed safely. The police have yet to recover weapons looted during the protests. Youth wings of major political parties and several self-proclaimed Gen-Z groups remain in a confrontational mode. Unlike the largely peaceful 2022 national elections, the current context poses new and unpredictable security threats.

Time, meanwhile, is running out. Only 120 days remain before the March 5 deadline. If the government and parties reach an agreement soon, the EC could technically conduct the elections within 70–80 days. But given the current political trends, rapprochement between the government and major parties appears increasingly difficult.

Across all three major parties, establishment factions maintain firm control, making intra-party dialogue with rival groups largely symbolic. Beyond the NC, UML, and Maoists, other parties, such as the Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party, have yet to even begin preparations for the polls.

Nepal’s first and second largest parties in the recently dissolved House of Representatives — the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML — are expected to put forward at least three conditions before agreeing to participate in the elections, which are tentatively scheduled for March 5, if everything goes as planned.

In their initial reactions, these parties have not opposed the elections. After spending ten days under Nepal Army protection, top leaders of major political parties have started returning to their rented apartments, as their personal residences were selectively burned down by protestors. Many leaders are still in hiding due to ongoing threats and an environment of insecurity.

According to cross-party leaders, the first major condition for participating in the election is full-proof security. Parties argue that elections cannot be held in an atmosphere of terror, reminiscent of the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections. They have expressed doubts over the possibility of free and fair elections, especially as the morale of the security forces is reportedly low following widespread attacks on political offices across the country.

Secondly, major political parties have acknowledged the demands of the Zen-Z protestors but are calling for a thorough investigation into what they describe as targeted attacks on select political leaders and the destruction of vital state institutions such as the Parliament, Judiciary, and Singha Durbar. Although the Sushila Karki-led government has pledged to form a high-level investigation committee, no concrete progress has been made so far. A senior UML leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, stressed the need for a transparent investigation and prosecution of those involved in the violence and property destruction. The Nepali Congress has also demanded an investigation into the September 9 attacks, including the assault on its Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba.

However, these demands are expected to face resistance from Zen-Z protestors, making it a challenging balancing act for Prime Minister Sushila Karki. She cannot afford to sideline either the protestors or the political parties if elections are to proceed smoothly. Society remains divided between two extremes — some believe the new government should completely ignore political parties, while certain party leaders continue to downplay the significance of the Zen-Z protests. Finding a reconciliatory path between these opposing views poses a serious challenge for the government.

Moreover, the major political parties — CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), and Nepali Congress — have already declared the dissolution of Parliament unconstitutional. They are likely to file cases in the Supreme Court to determine its legality. These parties may decide to participate in the elections only after a verdict is issued. Past experience suggests that the Supreme Court can take several months to deliver rulings on constitutional matters, and internal disagreements among justices could further delay the process. In 2020 and 2021, the Supreme Court had invalidated the dissolution of Parliament by then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, although the context now is markedly different.

As of now, political parties have yet to resume their usual activities. Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba is undergoing treatment in an army barrack after being seriously injured in an attack on him and his spouse, Arzu Rana Deuba. CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has returned to a rented residence in Bhaktapur and issued a statement on Constitution Day. The Nepali Congress has held its first meeting of top leaders to discuss current issues. Meanwhile, CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has publicly supported the Zen-Z protestors’ demand for a directly elected president.

The Karki-led government has only just begun its work, forming a four-member cabinet so far. Prime Minister Karki is facing challenges in expanding the cabinet. President Ram Chandra Poudel had advised her to include representatives from major political parties, but Karki rejected the suggestion, arguing that appointing discredited political leaders could send the wrong message and provoke further protests. This decision, however, may make governance more difficult, as political parties could oppose every move she makes. The possibility of political parties taking to the streets once the situation stabilizes cannot be ruled out. Additionally, tensions between the President and the Prime Minister may escalate. President Poudel has already publicly stated that he will not endorse any ordinances except those related to elections, signaling potential friction between the two offices.

Nepal's major political parties have strongly opposed Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s decision to dissolve the Federal Parliament, calling it unconstitutional and undemocratic.

Karki, who was appointed Prime Minister on September 12 with a mandate to hold general elections within six months, announced the dissolution of Parliament shortly after being sworn in. She also set March 5 as the date for the next election.

In a joint statement, eight major political parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Janata Samajbadi Party, Janamat Party, Loktantrik Samajbadi Party, and Nagarik Unmukti Party—expressed serious concern over the move, stating they "totally disagree" with the decision.

"We promulgated a new constitution on the foundation of people’s long struggle for democracy and sacrifice. Any move against the constitution is unacceptable to us," the statement reads.

The parties argue that the dissolution violates Article 76(2) of the Constitution and goes against previous verdicts of the Supreme Court of Nepal. They have demanded the immediate restoration of Parliament and called for a parliamentary session to address national issues, including those raised by recent protestors.

According to the statement, the parties believe that public demands must be resolved within the constitutional and parliamentary framework.

Meanwhile, the fourth and fifth largest parties in Parliament—Rastriya Swatantra Party and Rastriya Prajatantra Party—have not issued any public statements regarding the dissolution.

Day two of the CPN (UML) Second Statute Convention, underway at the Godavari Sunrise Convention Centre, continued with panel discussions on various reports presented earlier during the convention.     

According to Rajendra Gautam, Chief of the UML Publicity Department, ten panels have been formed based on provincial, valley, and central party structures to hold the discussions. The Koshi Province panel has already concluded its discussions and begun drafting its report.     

Leaders from the respective panels are expected to present their reports tomorrow. Party Chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli will address the feedback from the panel discussions. If any issues remain unresolved, they will be settled through voting before the party statute is prepared in an integrated manner.     

The convention is scheduled to conclude tomorrow, Sunday. (RSS)

Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has said that Nepal earned a profit of Rs 4.5bn from power trade. He shared this information with the public through a social networking site post on Saturday.    

"We have successfully exported electricity worth Rs 4.5bn, more than our imports this year. We are gradually reducing the volume of electricity imports,” he wrote.    

The Prime Minister also stated that although power outages had been ended for the public in the past, it had continued for industrial purposes. However, power supply to industries has now been extended as well. (RSS)

CPN-UML has allocated responsibilities for the management of its second statute convention to be held in September.

Responsibilities have been entrusted to the central leaders to make the convention a success, informed UML central office secretary Bhishma Adhikari.

According to him, the meeting held on Wednesday under the chairmanship of Secretary General Shankar Pokhrel assigned the organizational department to determine the number of representatives for the convention.

Similarly, the responsibility for the management of health has been assigned to Krishna Gopal Shrestha, the head of the Health and Population Department.

Likewise, the responsibility for volunteer mobilization has been assigned to Bhanu Bhakta Dhakal, the coordinator of the people's organization, and the management of the secretariat and food has been assigned to Adhikari, the office secretary, it has been informed.

The responsibility for the promotion of the general convention has been given to Rajendra Gautam, the head of the Promotion and Publication Department, while central member Hemraj Rai will handle the welcome dance and various cultural programs.

Central member Binod Shrestha will take charge of transportation and platform management affairs.

Delegates of the general convention will have to arrange their own accommodation, according to the decision. If delegates are unable to arrange accommodation on their own, the relevant district or provincial contact coordination committee shall be responsible for the management.

Leader Lalbabu Pandit has been entrusted with the responsibility of the department for this.

A total of 2,279 delegates have been designated for the party's second statutory general convention, which will take place on September 5-7 at the Sunrise Hall in Godawari, Lalitpur.

Former President Bidya Devi Bhandari is desperately trying to join CPN-UML, vowing to uphold the ideology of her late husband, Madan Bhandari, who advocated for Nepal’s communists to adapt to multiparty democracy. Some argue that Bhandari’s re-entry is justified, while others say it is inappropriate for a former head of state to rejoin party politics.

The UML has officially refused to renew the party membership of Bhandari, blocking her from rejoining active politics. The party clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

Party chair and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has long maintained that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. He contends that the Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, even after retirement.

Bhandari, who approved two unconstitutional decisions of the Oli-led cabinet to dissolve the parliament, recently said she is aware that this incident will continue to follow her. She, who endorsed the controversial recommendations for parliament dissolution at Oli’s recommendation, however, says that she was not under any pressure while endorsing it. According to her, she just implemented what the cabinet decided, and followed the constitutional provisions.

Once seen as close political allies—supporting his ambitions and him advancing her profile—the Oli-Bhandari alliance is decidedly over. 

Bhandari’s election in 2015 as Nepal’s first female president presented an image of a neutral head of state in line with Nepal’s constitution. But behind the mask of impartiality lay a fraught relationship with the ruling communist force—and its most dominant leader, Oli.

Let’s revisit the principal flashpoints of the contentious choices of Bhandari while she served as president: the National Assembly process delays, the controversial swearing in of her second term, the two dissolutions of Parliament, and the citizenship and financial-governance ordinance standoffs that pulled her further into partisan controversy. It leads up to the present standoff over UML leadership, explaining how the erstwhile united front has since fragmented under pressures of constitutional interpretation, personal ambition, and shifting political norms.

Shortly after the 2017 general elections, the outgoing government led by Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba presented an ordinance for calling the first National Assembly elections. Pursuant to Article 129, these elections had to be held within certain timeframes, yet Bhandari left the ordinance hanging for weeks, delaying the formation of the upper house. She was accused by critics of succumbing to UML pressure to slow a process that was Congress-skewed; Prime Minister Deuba condemned openly ‘undue influence’, and the debate ignited a national uproar over government paralysis.

In a surprising twist, Bhandari ratified the ordinance on 29 Dec 2017—but only after retracting the original proposal and replacing it with the Congress‑sponsored version. This abrupt volte‑face cleared the way for a new government, but did little to assuage concerns about her impartiality. The episode hinted at an emerging modus vivendi: Bhandari would delay until political pressure reached fever pitch, then step in to resolve crises on terms that often advantaged Oli’s party.

Barely weeks into Oli’s premiership, a second test of Bhandari’s resolve emerged. In Feb 2018, Deuba’s government nominated three members to the upper house. Bhandari refused to endorse them, deferring action even after Oli replaced Deuba on Feb 15. Once Oli sent his own slate of nominees, she approved them immediately—effectively dismissing Deuba’s choices without public explanation.

By then, crucial weeks had slipped by, delaying the assembly’s functioning. Legal scholars denounced the move as a violation of Article 79, arguing that the president’s discretion must not be wielded as a partisan weapon. Though no formal penalties followed, the episode further eroded Bhandari’s reputation for neutrality—and cemented her reputation within UML circles as a loyal ally.

When Bhandari took office again in March 2018, she was faced with another constitutional impediment. Her swearing-in by Chief Justice Gopal Parajuli took place just a few minutes after a Judicial Council notification had ostensibly retired Parajuli on the basis of having exceeded the retirement age. Legal appeals soon challenged the validity of the presidency as well, arguing that the oath taken unlawfully invalidated her mandate.

Though the Supreme Court ultimately allowed the challenge to proceed, the controversy underscored the delicate interplay between executive and judicial branches. Critics argued that Bhandari’s eagerness to proceed with the ceremony—despite clear legal questions—revealed a willingness to ignore procedural safeguards whenever political expedience demanded.

The apex of Bhandari and Oli’s controversial partnership came in late 2020. After losing a confidence vote on Dec 20, Prime Minister Oli advised dissolution of the House of Representatives under Article 76 (1), and Bhandari issued the proclamation that same night. The suddenness of the move—announced at midnight, without parliamentary debate—triggered nationwide protests and mass legal challenges. Seven ministers resigned in protest, and constitutional lawyers decried the act as a blatant usurpation of popular mandate.

The Supreme Court in Feb 2021 invalidated the dissolution as unconstitutional, ordering the House to convene. Unfazed, Oli instructed—and Bhandari sanctioned—a second one in May 2021, this time under Article 76 (5). Protests and petitions again followed. On July 12, the court nullified the second proclamation and named Deuba prime minister, rebuking the president for serially signing off on acts unconstitutional.

These back‑to‑back decisions—rubber‑stamped with minimal scrutiny—fractured public trust. Observers chastised the president for sacrificing constitutional fidelity to prop up Oli’s political fortunes, and for ignoring warnings about the humanitarian costs amid a surging pandemic.

Beyond parliamentary maneuvers, Bhandari’s role in citizenship law reforms sparked further debate. In May 2021, during the Covid-19 pandemic and political crisis, she promulgated a citizenship amendment ordinance at Oli’s behest, only to see the Supreme Court stay its implementation as “colourable legislation” bypassing parliament. Oli did so to please his coalition partners.

The turning point was in Aug 2022, when a gender‑equitable Citizenship Amendment Bill passed both houses. Bhandari vetoed it with fifteen recommendations, but when parliament flared up at the unchanged text, she let it lapse by failing to sign it within the 15‑day constitutional deadline. Deuba was the prime minister.  Tens of thousands of children, especially those born to Nepali women and foreign men, remained stateless. Opponents branded the move as a ‘pocket veto’ legally equal to constitutional violation; five top ruling-party officials publicly criticized the move and threatened impeachment.

Bhandari defended her action as maintaining the sanctity of the constitution. Nevertheless, her denial of assent to a democratically passed bill involved her in further charges of abusing presidential discretion for political ends while disguising it with ceremonial facade.

Several additional controversies have marked Bhandari’s presidency, painting a portrait of a head of state who often blurred the line between ceremonial duty and political involvement.

In Oct 2017, when then–Prime Minister Deuba had presented an ordinance on medical education to the House of Representatives, President Bhandari retained it in her custody for nearly three weeks. Her delay had come under widespread public backlash, particularly from civil society and activist Dr Govinda KC. She signed the ordinance only on Nov 10—much beyond executive standards—drawing charges that she had exercised presidential discretion for political reasons.

In Nov 2020, Bhandari once more courted controversy by wading directly into the internal struggle of the then-ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP). She met with factional leaders such as Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Madhav Kumar Nepal, Bamdev Gautam, and Oli to attempt to mediate a solution to the party’s internal crisis. This was seen as a grave breach of presidential impartiality by analysts, some of whom stated that she behaved more like a political patron than as a constitutional head of state.

In Dec 2020, the Oli Cabinet pushed through an ordinance amending the Constitutional Council Act to allow council decisions with minimal quorum. President Bhandari swiftly approved it, enabling controversial appointments across constitutional bodies bypassing parliamentary hearings. Critics saw this as unchecked rubber-stamping of executive excess.

On 21 Sept 2022, Bhandari made a pre-recorded address to a Chinese-funded Global Security Initiative forum in Beijing in contravention of reportedly advised by Deuba government’s Foreign Ministry. Her presence was strongly condemned for being a breach of diplomatic etiquette and risking Nepal’s tenuous foreign policy balance.

Again in Oct 2022, Deuba was the prime minister and President Bhandari refused to promulgate a government ordinance presented to amend several laws—including the Money Laundering Prevention Act and Foreign Investment Act—that were necessary for Nepal’s compliance with Financial Action Task Force (FATF) deadlines. Her inaction was condemned for suppressing vital anti–money laundering reforms and for exacerbating Nepal’s slowing efforts to deliver international obligations. She is also blamed by critics for Nepal’s Feb 2025 gray‑listing, which affected foreign investment and bank costs.

Finally, in March 2023, she was faulted for allegedly renaming the formal Twitter identity of the President’s Office (@PresidentofNP) to her name (@BidyaDBhandari), stripping it of official verification. The move raised public and institutional ire, as her replacement was barred from occupying the verified cyberspace, which was condemned as misuse of official facilities for individual purposes.

Every episode has eroded the myth of politically neutral presidency and strengthened the image of Bhandari as a partisan official instead of a fair-minded umpire above factional turmoil. The same controversies that plagued her government now fuel suspicions regarding the true motives for her actions. In UML ranks, there is skepticism as to whether her ascent predicts yet another cycle of internal civil strife.

Bhandari’s eight‑year tenure was marked by contradictions: sworn to uphold Nepal’s constitution, yet accused of stretching its limits; cast as the ultimate ceremonial figure, yet wielding real—and often decisive—discretion. Her partnership with Oli brought the promise of stable governance but delivered repeated constitutional crises. Now, as she lays claim to lead the very party she served from the ceremonial chair earlier, Bhandari has to face the record of those standoffs: the dead ordinances, the contested oaths, the dissolutions abhorred by the judiciary, and the citizenship reforms balancing.

The CPN-UML has stated that the issue of former President Bidya Devi Bhandari’s party membership renewal has become ‘automatically inactive’. Speaking at a press conference held at the party’s central office in Chyasal on Wednesday, UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel clarified that as per the party statute, only the Central Committee can decide on membership renewal. Since the committee has established that there is no requirement for Bhandari to return to active politics, the question of membership does not arise.

“We decided that the ex-president should not return to politics. So, the issue of renewing her membership in her party is no longer relevant. We have shelved it,” Pokharel said. He said that Bhandari had submitted her membership renewal application and fee a year ago, but the matter was not disclosed but was kept secret until the internal debate took place. It became known only after Bhandari herself disclosed it.

“Since her honored previous position, it was viewed as a delicate issue. We did not wish to expose it without due deliberation. But as she publicly disclosed it, the party was forced to react,” Pokharel explained.

The UML has also contended that it is against the constitution for an ex-head of state to resume partisan politics. The party contends that Constitution of Nepal 2015 does not envision the active political stances taken by a ceremonial head of state, a symbol of national unity and neutrality, after retirement. “The Nepali democratic system envisions the President as a constitutional, not an executive head. So, returning to party politics after serving as President cheapens the office,” wrote a UML release.

The statement pointed out that Bhandari is a highly respected figure in Nepali politics and had behaved with dignity—both as a party member and as the President. She was even honored during UML’s Diamond Jubilee as a ‘Pride of the Republic’. But, citing constitutional values and precedence, the party concluded that allowing an ex-president to engage in partisan politics would cast doubt on their previous decisions and impartiality.

At the same time, General Secretary Pokharel claimed that the UML has not excluded anyone from running for leadership in the coming party convention. In reply to the rumors that recent amendments of the statutes—removing two-term and age-70 limitations—were made so as to provide KP Sharma Oli with uncontested leadership, Pokharel claimed the amendments were debated from an institutional point of view. “Anyone who fulfills the party’s requirements can run.” “The offer is open and democratic,” he said, adding that most members of the Central Committee consider Oli to be the most suitable to take the party through the next general elections.

The party’s ninth Central Committee meeting had concluded late Tuesday night after passing eight resolutions. The debate over Bhandari’s political role took up much of the meeting, and a minimal dissent was voiced. However, Oli concluded the meeting by announcing that Bhandari’s party membership issue had not been endorsed. The UML leaders warned that allowing a former president to return to party politics could set a negative precedent, potentially politicizing the constitutional office of the President.

Prime minister and CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli has said that a person who has already become the President entering politics is a serious issue.During a politburo meeting held at the party office in Chyasal on Friday, he said that a person who has reached a prestigious position in the country and has become the Supreme Commander of the Nepal Army, entering politics is a serious issue.

According to Publicity Department Chief Rajendra Gautam, Chairman Oli had said that the party would take a decision on former President Bidya Devi Bhandari at the appropriate time.

A few days ago, ruling Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba held a meeting with Prime Minister Oli and expressed his objection to former President Bhandari entering into politics.

Former President Bhandari announced her return to active UML politics on June 28.

The CPN-UML has passed a proposal to end the provisions of 70 years of age bar and two-term cap in the party leadership.

A secretariat meeting of the party held under the chair of party chairman and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli concluded last night took this decision.

UML assistant general secretary Pradip Gyawali said that the two decisions were made by giving a final touch to the statute amendment proposal tabled by party vice-chairman Bishnu Prasad Paudel for the second statute convention.

The statute convention of the UML is taking place from September 5-7 in Lalitpur.

The amendment proposal tabled by vice-chairman Paudel would be taken to the politburo meeting today and then to the central committee meeting.

Likewise, the UML will have now 15-member office-bearers, 84-member politburo committee and 251-member central committee.

Gyawali shared that the UML will have two types of party members -- general members and organized members.

The new decisions would be implemented after their approval from the party's statute convention.

The Secretariat meeting of the CPN-UML is being held today. 

The meeting under the chairmanship of Prime Minister and party Chair  KP Sharma Oli is scheduled to be held at the UML headquarters in Chyasal, Lalitpur at 1 pm.

Secretary of the UML Central Office Bhishma Adhikari said that the meeting will discuss preparations for the statute general convention, the party's organizational activities, and contemporary political issues.

The CPN-UML called its Parliamentary Party meeting on January 28.

UML's Chief Whip in the House of Representatives (HoR), Mahesh Bartaula, informed that a meeting of the Parliamentary Party has been called at 1 pm in the Lhotse Hall of the Parliament Building, New Baneshwar on January 28 (Tuesday).

He said that the agenda of the meeting is preparations for the winter session of the Parliament starting from January 31.

This week, Nepal’s two major communist parties—CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist Center)—held their long-overdue Central Committee (CC) meetings. Both Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli of the UML and Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Center share a common trait: they dominate their respective parties, using CC meetings as a formality to project inclusiveness, while key decisions are made unilaterally.

In the UML’s CC meeting, there was no meaningful discussion on pressing issues such as constitutional amendments. Yet, shortly after the meeting, Oli announced that amendments might be possible by 2030. The CC meeting lacked any substantive criticism of Oli’s leadership, with dissenting voices muted or expressed cautiously. This comes on the heels of the party expelling leaders Bhim Rawal, Binda Pandey and Usha Kiran Timalsina for opposing the decision to accept land from a controversial businessman for the party’s office construction. With the Supreme Court validating the land deal, Oli grew more assertive, urging party members to refrain from criticism.

During a party gathering after his China visit, Oli openly admired Xi Jinping’s unchallenged authority and expressed a desire for a similar dynamic in his party, where decisions faced no opposition. After seven months, the UML’s CC meeting was finally convened, but its purpose seemed more symbolic than functional. Critics labeled it a “rubber-stamp CC,” meant only to endorse decisions made by the top leadership without genuine consultation.

The CPN (Maoist Center) is in a comparable state. Chairman Dahal faces some resistance from senior leaders Janardhan Sharma and Barsha Man Pun, both vying to succeed him. However, this rivalry benefits Dahal by keeping them divided. The Maoist CC meeting made populist decisions to placate party members, such as rejecting alliances with the Nepali Congress (NC) and UML, opting instead to collaborate with revolutionary forces. It also pledged to restore the party’s organizational strength. However, as with UML, critical decisions on alliances and governance remain solely at Dahal’s discretion, with the CC expected to comply unquestioningly.

This week also saw a flurry of party activities concerning possible constitutional amendments. The Maoists proposed a directly elected executive head, a fully proportional electoral system, 50 percent female representation in state bodies and other progressive measures. Meanwhile, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) formed a task force under Santosh Pariyar, a former UML cadre, to draft its position on the issue. While RSP leaders, including its Chairman Rabi Lamichhane, are less ideological, Pariyar’s influence could shape the party’s stance. However, Oli downplayed the entire debate, reiterating that constitutional amendments might not occur until 2030. UML insiders suggest that Oli’s reluctance stems from opposition to radical agendas that conflict with his party’s stance, despite amendments being a key promise of the coalition government formed last year.

Inside the NC, preparations for the 15th General Convention are becoming a contentious issue. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba has remained silent on the timeline, while senior leaders like Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa have already begun campaigning for party leadership. Some party members claim Deuba prefers postponing the convention until after the next national elections, fearing it could exacerbate internal factionalism and weaken the party’s electoral performance in 2027.

Meanwhile, in the Madhes region, discussions among Madhes-based parties about unity, alliances or a loose coalition are gaining traction. Grassroots pressure is mounting for these parties to unite ahead of constitutional amendments and the 2027 elections. However, historical divisions and rivalries make such efforts challenging, leaving the outcome uncertain.

On Tuesday morning, Nepal was jolted by a 6.8 magnitude earthquake centered in Tingri, Tibet, roughly 80 kilometers north of Mount Everest. The tremor felt across Nepal, Bhutan and India was the strongest since the devastating 2015 earthquake that claimed over 9,000 lives. This recent quake serves as a stark reminder of Nepal’s vulnerability to seismic activity, underscored by the frequent small-scale tremors in western Nepal in recent months. In 2023, a magnitude-5.7 earthquake in Jajarkot caused fatalities, highlighting the urgent need for preparedness.

Amid these concerns, there was a brief moment of respite as Nepal’s mountains received snowfall this week. While the snowfall offers temporary relief, the rapid melting of glaciers remains alarming. Nepal’s iconic snow-capped peaks are increasingly turning into barren black rocks, a stark indicator of climate change. Though the mountain regions anticipate more snowfall, there is no certainty. Unfortunately, Nepal currently lacks effective measures to address this environmental crisis.

Two months after the formation of the new government under the coalition of CPN-UML and Nepali Congress, a cross-party committee has been set up to create a common program. The committee members are Bishnu Rimal and Pradeep Kumar Gyawali from the UML and Prakash Sharan Mahat and Gagan Kumar Thapa from the NC.

This decision to draft a common minimum program comes after extensive talks between Prime Minister and UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli and NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba. The current coalition is also supported by four fringe parties, Janata Samajbadi Party, Loktantrik Samajbadi, Nagarik Unmukti Party and Janamat Party, the latter of which has not joined the Cabinet. Both UML and NC leaders acknowledge that a common policy should have been developed shortly after the power-sharing agreement was signed. Now, even after two months, it appears that there has been little meaningful dialogue about the coalition’s priorities.

The only official agreement between the UML and NC so far is a brief seven-point document signed by Oli and Deuba on July 1 midnight. According to NC leader Mahat, the core elements of the coalition’s program focus on good governance, economic development, and constitutional amendments, but little progress has been made. Despite earlier promises to advance constitutional amendments, there have been no discussions on this issue.

Without a unified policy document, differences between the parties are becoming more visible. For instance, Prime Minister Oli and Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba differ on foreign policy. Rana has stated that Nepal will only implement China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) after thorough consultations, a stance she has communicated to Beijing. Oli and Deuba are also not on the same page on matters relating to India. If the coalition fails to establish common positions on major foreign policy issues, it could lead to tensions. Similar divisions have emerged within key ministries, such as Home Affairs led by the NC and Finance led by the UML.

Over the past two months, no significant disputes have arisen between the NC and UML, but the absence of a common minimum program has left ministers unable to effectively carry out their duties. Last week, NC President Deuba publicly stated that there are no fundamental differences between the two parties on key national issues. He acknowledged that while they remain political competitors, any disputes will be resolved through dialogue and negotiation.

In another recent development, both parties have agreed not to form an electoral alliance with the CPN (Maoist Center) in the upcoming elections, which has fostered a sense of trust within the coalition. However, Oli and his supporters claim that both internal and external forces are already conspiring to remove him from power. Leaders from both parties recognize that managing potential conflicts between them will be a major challenge. A few days back, speaking at a party meeting, Oli expressed frustration that the NC is not fully defending the government, and some fear that anti-Deuba factions within the NC may not support the coalition.

Notably, NC General Secretaries Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, and senior leader Shekhar Koirala have openly criticized the government for its failure to improve public services and address corruption scandals. They have also launched efforts within the NC to prevent Deuba from becoming Prime Minister again. There are fears that internal dynamics of NC could pose a threat to the sustainability of the current government.

During a recent NC Central Working Committee meeting, Sharma urged Deuba to refrain from seeking the prime ministership, but Deuba dismissed the suggestion. The UML is closely monitoring these developments within the NC. In recent months, the government has struggled to operate effectively, and this slow pace has caused frustration within both the NC and UML. Despite ambitious agendas, many ministers are finding it difficult to deliver results, while the main opposition, the Maoist Center, is threatening to hit the streets against the government.

Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak has shared that the government has set a target of developing Dodhara Chandani of Kanchanpur as the largest checkpoint.

"Discussions are underway for developing Kanchanpur as the tri-national border", mentioned Home Minister Lekhak.

He explained that a decision was already taken to establish immigration office at Tinkar of Darchula in the near future which would connect Kanchanpur with China.

At a press meet organized by Press Union Kanchanpur at Mahendranagar today, the Home Minister stressed that India was ready to construct Dohara Chandani dry port, adding, activities for its construction would begin soon.

Stating that a new political equation between the two largest parties in the Parliament—CPN-UML and Nepali Congress was made, he urged one and all not to doubt the understanding reached between the two parties.

"The government has been formed by signing a seven-point agreement between the two parties. This alliance will exist till the coming election", underlined the Home Minister.

On the occasion, he shared, "I have taken the Nirmala Panta murder case seriously. This case will be thoroughly investigated."

A 13-year-old Nirmala Panta of Bhimdutta Municipality-2 in Kanchanpur was murdered after the rape on July 26, 2018.

On March 4, Pushpa Kamal Dahal of CPN (Maoist Center) broke alliance with the Nepali Congress (NC) to form a new governing coalition with the CPN-UML. At the time, many political analysts saw this as a significant step towards left unity and eventual unification of communist parties. While UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli was not particularly enthusiastic, senior leaders from his party the Maoist Center were optimistic about the unification.

It was assumed that both Oli and Dahal had recognized that the split of the erstwhile Nepal Communist Party (NCP) was a mistake, and that the two parties—UML and Maoist Center—should unite again. However, a lack of trust between Oli and Dahal led to the breakup in their alliance this week. The partnership between the two communist parties lasted just four months. This distrust between Oli and Dahal dates back to 2021 when the then NCP dissolved, resulting in the revival of the Maoist party and a split in the UML, with Madhav Kumar Nepal forming a separate party, CPN (Unified Socialist), which continues to collaborate with Dahal. 

On Sunday, with support from the NC, UML leader Oli became the prime minister. This development has significantly reduced, if not entirely closed, the prospects of left unity in the near future. The NC and UML justify their alliance by citing the need to ensure political stability and address the country’s economic issues. This rationale mirrors the left unity in 2018, which had promised political stability and economic development, resonating well with the people and securing nearly two-thirds of the votes for the left parties. The new coalition faces numerous challenges. Firstly, it must maintain internal cohesion to effectively address the country's current problems. Secondly, it needs to revitalize the economy. Additionally, it must tackle issues of good governance and corruption. The coalition has also pledged to amend the constitution but has not provided details on how this complex task will be achieved.

A major challenge for the coalition will come from within their respective parties. Historically, a lack of communication and coordination between the government and the parties has led to government collapses. Therefore, the leadership of both NC and UML must not overlook party dynamics if they wish to maintain the coalition. Oli and Deuba must be particularly careful in managing internal government differences. There have been many past instances of disagreements between the prime minister and ministers from the coalition parties in the past. Policy and appointment disagreements have also strained relations between coalition partners. The new coalition will face similar challenges, and the key question is how Oli and Deuba will manage these differences.

Another challenge arises from internal party dissatisfaction. Leaders like Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Kumar Thapa within the NC are unhappy with the selection of ministers, a common issue since the 1950s. Oli and Deuba must address these internal concerns seriously, as suppressing dissatisfaction will hinder government effectiveness.  The coalition must also address the country’s economic issues. Immediate measures are needed to coordinate efforts between the Ministry of Finance and Nepal Rastra Bank. International financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank are willing to assist, and the government should seize this opportunity.

To prevent the youth exodus abroad, the government must create job opportunities. On the international front, there are challenges in creating a favorable environment for Nepal’s economic development. The recent Investment Summit showed international interest in investing in Nepal, and the new government should build on this momentum. This involves winning the trust of key development partners, including India, China, and the US. However, even before Oli's oath ceremony, some Indian media portrayed him as a 'pro-Chinese' leader, highlighting the complexities in foreign policy among coalition partners.

While there are no fundamental differences between the NC and UML in dealing with major powers, there are visible differences in their priorities and approaches. For example, the NC is hesitant about moving forward with China’s BRI, while UML leaders advocate progress. Although Dahal, Oli, and Deuba all oppose high-interest loans from China, UML leaders have criticized the lack of progress. Similar differences exist in dealing with other countries like the US, the UK, and development partners such as Korea and Australia. Effective foreign policy will require coalition partners to consult with each other.

Frequent changes in the coalition have led to public skepticism about the government’s stability. The coalition must convey a message of stability; otherwise, it will be ineffective. Investors are wary due to frequent coalition changes over the past year and a half. If the UML-NC coalition fails to deliver, there will be no remaining alternatives, as all government formation options have already been tried.

Oli: A sharp-witted and shrewd politician 

KP Sharma Oli, elected as Nepal’s prime minister for the third time, was born on 23 Feb 1952, in Terhathum district of eastern Nepal, as the eldest son of Mohan Prasad and Madhumaya Oli. In 1963, his family moved to Jhapa district, where Oli began his political career. He became a full-time political activist and joined the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN) in 1970. That same year, he was arrested under the Public Offense Act for his involvement in the cause of democracy and the establishment of a republican state.

On 22 May 1970, Oli went into hiding to lead the movement as a full-time leader. In 1972, he was nominated as the chief of the Jhapa Movement Organizing Committee. In 1973, he was arrested on various false charges, including subversive acts, and was imprisoned for 14 years, including four years of solitary confinement. During his imprisonment, the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist-Leninist) or CPN (ML) was formed on 26 Dec 1976, and Oli was regarded as a founding leader.

Released from jail in 1987, Oli was assigned responsibilities as a Central Committee member of the CPN (ML) and served as the in-charge of the Lumbini Zone until 1990. In 1990, he became the founding chair of the Democratic National Youth Federation, Nepal (DNYF), a youth wing of the party. The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) or CPN (UML) was founded on 6 Jan 1991, by merging two large communist groups, with Oli as a founding central leader.

In 1991, Oli was elected as a member of the House of Representatives from Jhapa-6 and was re-elected from Jhapa-2 in 1994. He served as the Minister for Home Affairs from 1994 to 1995 in the first popularly elected communist government under Prime Minister Man Mohan Adhikari. He held various party positions, including chief of the Central Department of International Affairs and chief of the Central Department of Publicity. From 1999 to 2002, he was the deputy leader of the main opposition party in Parliament.

Oli was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs in the interim government led by Nepali Congress’s Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala from April 2006 to March 2007. Although he lost the election for the Constituent Assembly in 2008, he continued to hold key party positions, including chief of the Central Department of Party School and chief of the Central Department of International Affairs.

In Nov 2013, Oli was elected as a member of the Constituent Assembly from Jhapa-7 and was elected leader of the parliamentary party in 2014. He became the chairman of the UML in July 2014. Oli first served as prime minister from 11 Oct 2015, to 24 July 2016, and again from 15 Feb 2018 to 13 July  2021.

Oli is known for his sharp wits and being a shrewd politician who is never the one to shy away from controversy. He is fond of reading the works of philosophy, political economy, literature, arts and culture. He has also been active in social works and loves to play various sports including table-tennis.