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Once a voice of protest through music, Balendra Shah aka ‘Balen’ is now at the center of Nepal’s political future—carrying both the hopes of a generation and the weight of rising expectations.

Shah has built an identity as an engineer, rapper, mayor and now the most preferred prime minister. Over the years, his music has resonated with the people, blending artistic expression with a clear sense of social direction. 

Through his songs, Shah questioned those in power, provoked thought, and sparked public conversation. His engineering background, meanwhile, translated into tangible work, helping rebuild earthquake-resilient homes and contributing to urban infrastructure projects. His political journey has since reinforced a simple but powerful argument: willingness to act is what politics most desperately needs. 

Most of his songs map social and political grievances onto a larger call for change, which resonates deeply among his followers. Farbin Napit, 21 says he has been a fan of Shah since grade seven. 

“Personally, I believe he was influenced by politics even before he became mayor, and I think he will do great—if not the best—for our country’s development and for raising Nepal’s profile on the world stage.”
Shah’s discography tells its own history. Sadak Balak, released 13 years ago, follows a homeless teenage boy without access to education—a portrait of Nepal’s street children struggling for survival.

Prahari—also released 13 years ago, is about the controversial moment when police cut people’s hair on the pretext of preventing crime, an action that triggered student protests in 2070 BS.

Other notable tracks include Aam Nepali Buwa, Tathya, Nepal Haseko, Balidan, Savage, Sabailai Hataar Cha, and Local Thito. A common thread runs through all of them: political awareness and a deep connection to social issues. At a 2014 rap battle with Little Grizl, Shah declared, “History is meant to be changed. Balen has not come yet!”  In hindsight, it reads less like a boast and more like a prophecy.

Those who have followed Shah reflect that sense of inevitability. Aayushi Shakya, 22 says she admires him because he is the first well-educated, well-known person to approach politics in this way.

“I started following him from his song Nepal Haseko. It was quite touching as a growing youth. I see him as a literate, self-confident person who truly believes he can change the nation. I also believe he will perform better than previous leaders.”

Samira Kiju, 20, says Shah is different from traditional politicians, which is refreshing. “I started following him more seriously around the 2022 Kathmandu mayoral election. Before that, I knew him mainly as a rapper, but his entry into politics made me pay closer attention.” She notes that Shah’s foray into politics never felt unconventional.

“He talked about social issues, corruption, and frustrations of youth through his music. So his political journey didn’t feel sudden. He always had political awareness—his journey into office made it official.”

Rajiv Maharjan, 20, has followed Shah since his mayoral campaign in Kathmandu. “As a person, I find him visionary, bold, and action-oriented. His rap showed social awareness; his political journey feels like a natural extension of that voice.” Rajiv is cautiously optimistic about Shah’s prime ministerial journey. “He has strong potential, but long-term results will matter most.” 

Krishal Maharjan, 19, echoes that admiration. Like others, he discovered Shah through music and thinks his political instincts were present long before he ran for mayor. 

A relative who knows Shah closely offered a more personal portrait. “He has a sharp memory and remembers people for a long time. He is very data-driven and tends to analyze things with a positive perspective.” The relative also pushed back against one common perception:“Some people think he is hard to approach, but he is actually open to those who reach out. He has clear plans and executes them smoothly. He speaks less, but when he does, his words are impactful.”

Political scientist Chandra Dev Bhatta says that public expectations from Shah are exceptionally high. “People are hopeful that Balen Shah will do his best for the nation. There is a strong sense of trust and optimism surrounding him.” He highlighted Shah’s working style as a defining characteristic. “Unlike many traditional political figures who tended to talk more and work less, Balen believes in working more and speaking less.”

On the question of political experience, Bhatta says while Shah may not have decades of political exposure, he has already proven himself as the mayor of Kathmandu. “He may not have long-term experience, but he has already proven himself through his work. “As an independent mayoral candidate, he not only won the election but also performed effectively.” 

Bhatta adds experience alone has never been a guarantee of a competent leader. “Willingness and intent matter as much as experience. Previous leaders may have had 50–60 years of experience, but that alone did not produce results. Shah’s commitment to change and his focus on action could be more impactful than rhetoric.”

Bhatta is also aware of the challenges that lie ahead for Shah after he has been sworn-in as the prime minister. Meeting high public expectations, ensuring good governance, managing fractious political landscape, and navigating complex geopolitical relationships will test whether Shah can prove his mettle at the national stage. 

Prime Minister of Pakistan Shehbaz Sharif has congratulated President of Rastriya Swatantra Party Rabi Lamichhane and its senior leader Balendra Shah on their remarkable victory in the 2026 elections in Nepal.

In a congratulatory message, Prime Minister Sharif said the strong mandate reflects the trust and confidence of the Nepali people in new and dynamic leadership.

He also expressed Pakistan’s willingness to work closely with the newly elected Government of Nepal to further strengthen the historic friendship and cooperation between the two countries, according to the Pakistani Embassy in Kathmandu.

Barring any dramatic political developments, Balendra Shah is poised to become Nepal’s next prime minister  following the strong electoral performance of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) in the March 5 election for the House of Representatives.

RSP Chairman Rabi Lamichhane and senior leader Shah have already begun receiving congratulatory messages from the international community after the party emerged as the largest force in parliament. 

Despite their rapid political rise, however, both leaders remain relatively inexperienced in the realm of foreign policy and international relations. 

Over the past three decades, a number of leaders have engaged with these countries, and vice versa. However, under Balen’s leadership, the situation will be entirely new. Aside from existing institutional memory, bilateral issues will be discussed afresh. 

Shah served as mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City for three years but engaged with the international community only in a limited capacity. During his tenure, he avoided several official visits to major countries and showed little interest in expanding international ties. Some of his remarks and decisions related to foreign countries also stirred controversy.

Lamichhane briefly headed the Ministry of Home Affairs, a role that gave him opportunities to meet foreign diplomats and visiting delegations in Kathmandu, providing him with some exposure to the concerns of major powers.

Although both leaders have spoken little about Nepal’s foreign policy, the RSP election manifesto offers clues about the priorities of a potential Shah-led government. The party advocates what it calls “balanced and dynamic diplomacy,” aiming to transform Nepal from a traditional buffer state into a “vibrant bridge” between its two giant neighbors — India and China — through strategic partnerships, connectivity and development cooperation. The party has also emphasized leveraging the economic rise of India and China to accelerate Nepal’s development.

 In the past three years, Shishir Khanal, who headed the party’s international department, often spoke publicly on foreign policy issues on behalf of the RSP. In talks with representatives of foreign countries, Khanal states that his party’s key priorities are good governance and economic prosperity, and that any dialogue with other countries should be based on these agenda.

During the same period, Swarnim Wagle, an RSP lawmaker, also commented frequently on foreign policy matters and is therefore likely to play a key role in shaping the foreign policy direction of the incoming government. For years, Wagle has argued that Nepal must better understand the aspirations and concerns of rising powers such as India and China. “Rising powers have legitimate interests and aspirations, and they also have certain red lines which we must understand,” Wagle has said in the past.

In a recent post on X following a phone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Lamichhane said the RSP-led government would prioritize development diplomacy. This suggests that Nepal’s primary engagement with major powers would focus on economic collaboration rather than broader strategic issues.

“We look forward to a partnership with India that scales new heights through cooperation in connectivity, cultural tourism, energy and trade, ensuring a prosperous future for the people of both countries,” Lamichhane wrote. Modi, in the same conversation, reaffirmed India’s commitment to working with Nepal’s incoming government on “mutual prosperity, progress and well-being.” He expressed confidence that bilateral ties would scale new heights in the coming years.

However, contentious issues such as the boundary dispute and the 1950 India-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship are likely to resurface when Shah eventually visits New Delhi.  In his role as the mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City, he raised the issue regarding the map.  As in the past, the new government may face domestic pressure to raise these matters with India. Relations with New Delhi remain crucial for Nepal’s domestic political and economic stability. 

The United States also congratulated the Nepali people for holding the election and said it looked forward to working with the incoming government on the shared goals of prosperity and security. The reference to “security” has sparked debate within Nepal’s political and security circles. Washington appears eager to begin a new chapter in bilateral relations with a government led by younger leaders who are exposed to western values and culture. 

Ahead of the election, Samuel J. Paparo, commander of the United States Indo-Pacific Command, visited Nepal and praised the country’s role in promoting regional stability, disaster preparedness and peacekeeping. Meanwhile, Bill Huizenga, chairman of the US House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on South and Central Asia, said recent elections in Nepal and Bangladesh present new opportunities for US engagement in South Asia.

At a congressional hearing on US policy in the region, Huizenga described South and Central Asia as a dynamic region where young populations are increasingly drawn to Western cultures and values. For the administration of Joe Biden, trade and security remain key priorities.

Following the 2025 September Gen Z movement that triggered the political upheaval, China initially remained largely silent. However, with the arrival of a new ambassador in Kathmandu, Beijing has become more vocal. China also congratulated Nepal on successfully conducting the election. 

Speaking at a press briefing on March 6, Mao Ning, spokesperson for China’s Foreign Ministry, said Beijing valued its traditionally friendly ties with Nepal and looked forward to strengthening the strategic partnership between the two countries. China’s key priorities include implementing agreements reached during Chinese President Xi Jinping’s 2019 visit to Nepal and advancing projects under the Belt and Road Initiative.

Although RSP leaders historically had limited engagement with major powers, international outreach toward the party increased after it emerged as the fourth-largest party in the 2022 general election. Senior RSP leaders have since visited India and held meetings with leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian government officials.

China has also cultivated contacts with RSP leaders. In 2024, a 14-member delegation led by Wagle visited China but cut short the trip following Lamichhane’s arrest. Another senior RSP figure, Indira Rana, the former deputy speaker of the now-dissolved House of Representatives, frequently traveled to China and participated in programs organized by the Chinese embassy in Kathmandu.

As Nepal prepares for a possible political transition under a new generation of leaders, the coming months will test how the RSP balances relations with global and regional powers while pursuing its vision of development-driven diplomacy.

Prime Minister of Bhutan, Tshering Tobgay congratulated Rastriya Swantantra Party President Rabi Lamichhane and senior leader Balen Shah through social media for the victory in the election. 

Prime Minister Tobgay also mentioned that he is looking forward to working deeply, further deepening the warm friendship between the two countries with the government. ‘We look forward to further deepening the warm friendship between the two countries,’ he wrote in the congratulatory message.

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) senior leader Balendra Shah has been elected the House of Representatives (HoR) from Jhapa-5.

Shah won the poll by defeating former prime minister and CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli by a wide margin. 

According to the Office of the Returning Officer, Balendra Shah secured 68,348 votes, while Oli managed 18,734 votes.

In the vote counts completed this evening, Samir Tamang of Shram Sanskriti Party got 9,233 votes, while Mandhara Chimariya of Nepali Congress secured 1,821 votes and Laxmi Prasad Sangraula of Rastriya Prajatantra Party got 1,536 votes. 

Of the total 163,379 voters, 106,568 voters cast their votes in the election on March 5.

Balendra Shah, the candidate of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) for the House of Representatives (HoR) elections-2026 from Jhapa-5, is leading the initial vote tally. 

According to the District Election Officer's Office, Shah has secured 1,478 votes following the count of 2,303 votes so far.

CPN-UML Chair and candidate KP Sharma Oli has secured 385 votes.

Likewise, in Jhapa-2, RSP candidate Indira Rana Magar is leading the tally with 1,599 votes, while Devraj Ghimire of CPN (UML) has obtained 275 votes.

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) Party President Rabi Lamichhane cast his vote at the Kathmandu Upatyaka Drinking Water Limited (KUKL) Polling Center in Chucchipati. 

Prior to casting his vote, he addressed journalists, sharing his optimism that this election would pave the way for a political resolution in the country. 

President Lamichhane is a candidate for the House of Representatives elections from Chitwan Constituency-2. 

Similarly, senior leader Balendra Shah also cast his vote at the Annapurna School Polling Center in Gairigaun, Tinkune, Kathmandu Metropolitan City-9. 

Former mayor of KMC, Sah is a candidate from Jhapa District Constituency-5. 

The March 5 parliamentary election is not merely a battle for seats, but for the ideological essence and the mode of governance of the nation. The newly formed Nepali Communist Party (NCP), created by the merger of ten unique communist groups, aims to reclaim the hegemony of the left. The Nepali Congress (NC), revitalized and fragmented with Gagan Thapa at the helm, marks a new generation of leadership that is moving away from the Sher Bahadur Deuba era. CPN-UML is trying to revive under the same KP Sharma Oli despite the backlash from the people.

However, these forces are just ‘old’ contenders for the election. The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), along with its strategic allies, has chosen former Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balen Shah as their prime ministerial candidate, hoping to capture the anti-incumbency sentiment of almost 19m voters and bring a technocratic revolution in the nation.

The election is marked by the presence of a number of ‘heavyweight’ contests where senior leaders face existential risks from each other or from emerging challengers. Based on the 2022 electoral baseline and the strategic realities of the 2026 race, here are the 11 most important constituencies that could determine the future balance of power in Nepal’s politics.

Jhapa-5

Jhapa-5 has come to occupy the center-stage in the election of 2026, with a direct confrontation between the Chairperson of the UML and former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and RSP’s Prime Ministerial Candidate Balen Shah. The constituency has traditionally been a stronghold of the UML, and it is interesting that Shah has chosen to fight this election in an attempt to take on the ‘titan’ in his own den.

Oli won this seat in the election of 2022 with relative ease, garnering 52,319 votes, more than twice the number of votes garnered by his closest contender from Nepali Congress, who managed only 23,743 votes. Shah has a considerable pull among the youths and new migrants in semi-rural districts like Jhapa. Although Oli still enjoys considerable support through the organizational strength of the UML and the traditional voter base of the party, especially among the elderly populations, the election here will now be a direct contest between ‘political longevity’ and ‘youths’. Even a slight loss of vote share by Oli will make this election a neck-and-neck contest.

Sarlahi-4

The newly elected President of the Nepali Congress, Gagan Kumar Thapa, is making a unique move by giving up a secure seat in Kathmandu-4 and opting for a contest from Sarlahi-4 in Madhes. Thapa is pitted against Amresh Kumar Singh, who emerged victorious as an independent candidate in 2022 and joined RSP recently. Singh polled 20,017 votes, while Nagendra Kumar Yadav of Nepali Congress secured 18,252 votes to finish second in the electoral race. Singh, who had won from the same constituency as a NC candidate in the 2017 polls, chose to contest as an independent after he was denied a party ticket.

Thapa is a national figure with minimal roots in Sarlahi-4, while Singh enjoys a strong support base because of his image as an anti-establishment leader. Also in the race are UML, NCP, JSP, and a number of independent candidates. In this contest, it remains to be seen whether Thapa’s image as a national figure will be able to overcome the issue of identity-based voting in Madhes. Thapa’s failure will be a disaster for his prime ministerial ambition, while Singh’s win will establish him as a giant-killer.

Rukum East

NCP Coordinator and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is contesting from Rukum East, a district he calls the ‘new headquarters’ of the party. He is challenged by a symbolic but very powerful contender in Sandeep Pun of the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party, who is the son of a leading martyr of the Maoist insurgency.

Dahal’s decision to contest from Rukum East is his return to the revolutionary stronghold to ensure a smooth entry into the new parliament with waning support in the urban areas. However, Pun represents a section of the ‘Maoist base’ who feels betrayed by the leadership’s merger politics and corruption. Most importantly, there are reports that the UML has agreed to extend its tacit support to the candidates of Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party in this region to clip the wings of Dahal’s power.

Chitwan-3

Chitwan-3 features a high-stakes encounter between Renu Dahal, the former Mayor of Bharatpur Metropolitan City and daughter of NCP Coordinator Pushpa Kamal Dahal, and Sobita Gautam of the RSP. In 2022, Rastriya Prajatantra Party’s Bikram Pandey had won from here defeating then CPN (Maoist Center)’s Bhojraj Adhikari by 9,747 vote margins.

Dahal aims to reclaim her father’s legacy seat by showcasing her developmental achievements as Bharatpur Mayor. Meanwhile, Gautam, a rising star of the 2022 RSP wave, has moved constituencies to challenge the ‘first family’ of the NCP. This contest is a referendum on whether the ‘service delivery’ model of the Dahal family can withstand the RSP’s ‘new force’ narrative.

Kathmandu-4

Kathmandu-4 has become an open battlefield following Gagan Thapa’s departure. In 2022, Thapa won comfortably with 21,302 votes, while UML finished second with 13,855 votes. The 2022 results highlight why the seat is volatile. Although RSP did not field a direct candidate, it secured 9,412 proportional representation votes, indicating a strong appetite for change. NC received only 11,808 PR votes, suggesting much of its support was tied to Thapa’s personal appeal rather than party loyalty. The UML showed a similar gap, with 13,855 direct votes against 10,560 PR votes, while RPP posted a notable 6,881 PR votes.

Starting from a base of nearly 10,000 votes without an FPTP candidate last time, RSP sees a clear opening and has fielded Pukar Bam in the race. Congress candidate Sachin Timalsina is a new face, making a smooth transfer of Thapa’s vote bank uncertain. UML’s Rajan Bhattarai, contesting for the third time, faces an equally tough challenge as urban and GenZ voters increasingly question traditional party dominance. Bam, who has made his name for his civic activism, makes him a credible contender, positioning Kathmandu-4 as one of the clearest indicators of whether urban political change will translate into electoral victory.

Kathmandu-5

The constituency of Kathmandu-5 is witnessing a hot and crowded contest between NC General Secretary Pradeep Paudel, UML’s senior leader Ishwar Pokharel, RPP leader Kamal Thapa, and RSP’s Sashmit Pokharel. The constituency is a symbol of the larger struggle between reformism, communism, and royalism.

Pokharel seeks to reclaim the seat he lost in 2022, emphasizing his seniority and past ministerial record. Paudel, now a key figure in the Thapa-led NC, relies on his reputation as a clean, reformist leader. The entry of Thapa and Sashmit creates a four-way contest that makes the outcome highly unpredictable. This race will determine if the ‘youth wave’ that favored Paudel in 2022 has matured into a stable constituency or if the fragmented vote will allow the UML to return or the RSP’s Sashmit, who has worked with Balen Shah’s team in Kathmandu Metropolitan City.

Saptari-2

CK Raut, the chairperson of the Janamat Party, seeks to retain Saptari-2 after his historic defeat of Upendra Yadav in 2022. Raut secured 35,042 votes, while Yadav managed only 16,979. The landslide victory marked the arrival of Janamat as a serious political force. This constituency remains the focal point of the Madhes, where regional identity clashes with the Janamat Party’s ‘alternative’ development narrative. Raut faces a re-energized field as national parties like the UML and NC have prioritized this seat to curb the Janamat Party’s expansion. While Raut’s 2022 margin was massive, the 2026 contest involved a more fragmented Madhesi vote, with several ‘new forces’ attempting to slice into his youth base. Also, Raut’s Janamat Party in recent months has experienced a split. This time, he is facing JSP’s Umesh Kumar Yadav. The result will indicate whether Janamat’s success was a one-time wave or a lasting realignment.

Chitwan-2

Chitwan-2 is noteworthy as the least competitive and most politically significant seat. In 2022, the seat was won by Rabi Lamichhane with a landslide victory of 49,300 votes, leaving behind the candidates of the Nepali Congress and the UML. The same was repeated by Lamichhane in the by-elections of 2023, securing an even higher number of votes. In 2026, Lamichhane is up against relatively low-profile candidates of the traditional political parties. Unless there is a major swing in voter preference, Chitwan-2 is likely to be with the RSP party.

Sunsari-1

Sunsari-1 is turning out to be one of the most unpredictable contests in the eastern part of Nepal. In the 2022 election, JSP’s Ashok Rai won the seat with a narrow margin of only 453 votes, defeating RSP’s Goma Tamang, who received 16,606 votes. The same unpredictability has been witnessed in the 2026 election, but with a twist.

Harka Sampang, the former Mayor of Dharan Sub-metropolitan City who resigned to contest the general election, has formed the Shram Shakti Party. Contesting on the symbol of ‘two hands holding soil’, Sampang brings a unique, labor-oriented populism to Sunsari-1. Sampang’s campaign is characterized by its grassroots activism, including door-to-door cleaning drives and a focus on ‘soil and sweat’. He faces Samir Tamang of the RSP and candidates from the JSP, NC and UML, who are struggling to match his ‘stubborn’ local visibility. This battle will signal whether local, issue-based movements can transcend to the national legislative level.   

Tanahun–1

Tanahun-1 has turned out to be one of the most revealing constituencies in the country. In 2022, Nepali Congress leader Ram Chandra Paudel won this seat by securing 25,361 votes. The second position was taken by the UML party with 19,981 votes, and RSP was nowhere in the picture. However, in the 2023 by-election, it was RSP’s Swarnim Wagle who won by an overwhelming margin. This shows that there has been a tremendous shift in voters’ behavior. In 2026, Wagle will face Nepali Congress candidate Govinda Bhattarai, UML’s Bhagwati Neupane, and NCP candidate among others.

Gulmi-1

Gulmi-1 has emerged as one of the most unpredictable electoral arenas in the Lumbini province, as the traditional bipolar struggle between the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML is shattered by the entry of formidable new challengers.

In 2022, Chandra Bhandari secured a hard-fought victory against the UML’s Pradeep Gyawali. The 2026 battle is defined as a ‘four-way contest’. Gyawali seeks to reclaim his former seat by relying on a strong UML organizational base, while Bhandari faces the challenge of maintaining his vote. The dynamic is fundamentally altered by Sagar Dhakal (RSP), who previously gained national prominence for challenging Sher Bahadur Deuba in Dadheldhura, and Sudarshan Baral (NCP), a senior leader and former provincial minister representing the unified leftist front. This multi-cornered fight is a critical test of whether the ‘new wave’ can dismantle established strongholds in rural heartlands.

The socio-political genesis of the 2026 election

This catalyzing event for an early election was the widespread civil unrest that gripped Nepal in 8-9 Sept 2025. While this unrest was tipped by a government crackdown on social media platforms, there were simmering frustrations with corruption, economic stagnation, and the perceived arrogance of the ruling parties. Ultimately, this unrest resulted in a minimum of 76 deaths. The GenZ movement, with its decentralized and digital nature, effectively delegitimized the government of KP Sharma Oli and forced a constitutional reset. 

The appointment of Sushila Karki as interim Prime Minister was a stabilizing force that allowed for elections to be conducted while the traditional parties purged and merged themselves. The period between this uprising and the scheduled March 5 elections has been one of unprecedented political machinations. The Election Commission (EC) has finally verified a voter list of 18,903,689 voters for this 2026 cycle. While this represents a 5.09 percent increase from 2022, 1.1m voters represent a new voter turnout, primarily from the youth who spearheaded this GenZ movement.

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah resigned from his post on Sunday. 

He submitted his resignation to Deputy Mayor Sunita Dangol.

In his resignation letter, Shah stated that he stepped down voluntarily in accordance with the Constitution of Nepal 2072, the Local Government Operation Act 2074, and prevailing legal provisions of Kathmandu Metropolitan City. The resignation takes effect immediately.

Reflecting on his tenure, Shah said that he worked honestly and with dedication for the welfare of the city and its residents.

He further expressed hope that the metropolis’s leadership, service delivery, and development efforts would become more effective, transparent, and result-oriented in the future, wishing success to the Municipal Executive.

Following his resignation, Shah is set to enter active politics. He

 has also been preparing to contest the upcoming elections from Jhapa-5.

The Central Committee meeting of the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has approved the unification agreement of RSP and Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah.

A meeting of the RSP Central Committee held last night endorsed the agreement forged between the RSP and Mayor Shah, RSP general secretary Kabindra Burlakoti said.

The meeting has also decided to work for good governance, prosperity, democracy and social justice through the implementation of the deal, which the party has termed a 'huge courage, sacrifice and reflection of hope' for national interests.

Earlier in the wee hours of Sunday, the RSP and Mayor Shah reached a seven-point agreement on various issues in the lead up to the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives.

The agreement was reached and signed by RSP President Rabi Lamichhane and Mayor Shah.

According to the agreement, the movement against corruption and ill governance waged by the youths shall be owned, and the demands of the injured and martyred families will be appropriately addressed.

Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) President Rabi Lamichhane and Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah have reached a seven-point agreement on various issues in the lead up to the March 5 elections to the House of Representatives.

RSP President Lamichhane and Mayor Shah signed the agreement this morning. 

According to the agreement made public over the social media, the movement against corruption and bad governance waged by the youths shall be owned, and the demands of the injured and martyred families will be appropriately addressed. 

Similarly, it has been agreed that Rabi Lamichhane will remain the central president of the party while Balendra Shah will be the prime ministerial candidate for the upcoming House of Representatives elections. 

He will be the leader of the parliamentary party following the elections.

The name of the political party and its election symbol will be that of the Rastriya Swatantra Party, and the party's office in Kathmandu. 

Issues such as involving youth in the party's organizational structure have been included.

Furthermore, the updated structure of the party following the agreement shall be registered at the Election Commission, while a call shall be made to all alternative political forces to join the RSP.

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah, popularly known as Balen, continues to enjoy significant support among young voters, though his popularity has shown signs of decline following the GenZ protests. Critics argue that his inability to respond effectively to incidents of vandalism and arson during the Sept 8–9 protests dented his image as a mayor.

As a result, it remains uncertain whether Shah commands the same level of public support he did during the 2022 local elections. Despite this uncertainty, Shah remains a key political figure among emerging and alternative political forces, at least in perception.

Several newly-formed parties appear eager to secure his backing ahead of upcoming elections. A few weeks ago, Kulman Ghising, who recently launched the Ujyalo Nepal Party, met Shah seeking his support whereas on Dec 22, Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) Chair Rabi Lamichhane held discussions with Shah, fueling speculation about possible political collaboration.

Balen has given a clear signal that he supports emerging political forces challenging traditional parties, but it remains uncertain whether he will publicly endorse or align himself with any of them. So far, his message suggests support for new political parties but it is unclear whether he would engage in active politics like Rabi. 

To unite emerging political forces, Balen has initiated consultations with political leaders, Gen Z representatives, artists, media professionals, and members of civil society. Over the past few years, he has remained in continuous dialogue with people from all walks of life.

A case in point: After the GenZ protests, the Nepali Army reportedly offered him the premiership, but he declined it.

Although it is unclear whether these new political forces will unite, there is a growing sentiment among them that electoral cooperation is essential to challenge the dominance of traditional parties—namely the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML.

This view has also come from several self-proclaimed GenZ leaders, who are pressing alternative political groups to form a united front. Among the new parties, the Rabi Lamichhane-led Rastriya Swatantra Party remains the most influential.

Emerging as the fourth-largest party in the House of Representatives in the 2022 elections, the RSP disrupted Nepal’s conventional political landscape.

Although the party faced internal setbacks after the GenZ movement, including the departure of some key leaders, it partially recovered through unification with the Bibeksheel Party.

After his recent release from jail, Lamichhane has intensified political consultations. He met Prime Minister Sushila Karki to pledge the RSP’s support to the government.

However, his meeting with Mayor Shah attracted wider attention and triggered renewed debate over the possible consolidation of new political forces ahead of the March 5 elections. Such an alliance, if it materializes, could pose a serious challenge to Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML.

Despite facing multiple charges related to cooperative fraud, Lamichhane continues to enjoy personal popularity. A strong communicator, he has a distinct ability to dominate headlines and connect directly with the public. He is skilled in the art of communication as he can share his ideas, feelings and information clearly and effectively, while also listening to and responding to his supporters.

Unlike leaders of traditional parties, Lamichhane’s appeal is largely personality-driven rather than party-based. Many supporters voted for him as an individual rather than for the RSP as a political party. Therefore, whether the RSP can sustain its growth in Lamichhane’s absence is a moot question.
In contrast, Balen does not directly communicate with the masses.

Since becoming the mayor of Kathmandu, he has rarely engaged with the public or faced the media. Instead, he often uses social media platforms to vent his anger and criticize mainstream political parties. Like Lamichhane, Balen also stokes anti–mainstream party sentiment. At the same time, he has not shown any clear ideological inclination.

But Lamichhane and Balen both are non-ideological.  Their stance on key constitutional issues—including federalism and full commitment to the 2015 Constitution—remains ambiguous. Notably, during last year’s pro-monarchy protests, the RSP maintained silence. 
Nevertheless, Lamichhane avoids conventional political jargon and focuses instead on governance failures and everyday problems facing the people—a strategy that resonates with frustrated voters. Lamichhane was widely popular until two years ago; however, allegations related to cooperative fraud have affected his public standing.

This populist appeal gives Lamichhane the potential to draw voters away from the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, particularly in urban constituencies. If the RSP, the Ujyalo Nepal Party, Balendra Shah and other alternative forces form an electoral alliance, it could significantly erode the traditional voter base of mainstream parties, at least in urban areas.

However, these new political forces face structural limitations. Their organizational presence in rural areas remains weak, and they lack strong networks in the Tarai region. While they managed notable urban victories in 2022 despite a limited organization base, sustaining and expanding such success will be more challenging without strong grassroots foundations.

Since the 2022 elections, the RSP has expanded its organizational reach, but its rural penetration remains limited. Still, rising anti-establishment sentiment and public frustration with traditional parties may push alternative forces toward unity.

If these parties manage to coordinate effectively, they could emerge as a serious electoral threat—if not by winning outright, then by decisively weakening the dominance of Nepal’s long-established political parties.

Leaders argue that if there is an electoral alliance among the new political forces, with open backing from figures like Balen, it could force the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML into an electoral alliance of their own.

The two key developments—Rabi Lamichhane’s release from jail and his meeting with Shah—have alarmed mainstream political parties. At the same time, major political parties are holding regular meetings to chart their strategies.

Three months after the GenZ movement, at least 49 GenZ-affiliated groups have been registered at the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. These groups are largely led by prominent faces of the protest, including those involved in negotiations and the formation of the interim government.

Following the appointment of Sushila Karki as prime minister, the House of Representatives was dissolved, and fresh elections were announced for 5 March 2026. With electoral politics now firmly on the horizon, the question dominating public discourse is simple: Where are the faces of the GenZ movement headed?

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah was a central figure during the movement, openly calling for the dissolution of Parliament and backing an interim government under Karki—both of which ultimately materialized.

Despite widespread expectations that Shah would take a frontline role in post-protest politics, he has so far remained publicly restrained. However, sources close to ApEx say Shah is quietly working to bring together the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Ujyalo Nepal Party backed by Kulman Ghising, and leaders such as Sudan Gurung under a broader electoral alliance.

If plans proceed as expected, Shah, on Martyrs’ Day (30 Jan 2026), is likely to announce his affiliation with the Desh Bikash Party. Previously the Hamro Nepali Party registered at the Election Commission with the election symbol ‘Stick’ has changed its name to Desh Bikash Party as per Shah’s direction, sources say. Ghising recently fuelled speculation by posting a photograph of his meeting with Shah.

Sudan Gurung, another breakout figure of the movement, has registered Nepal Janasewa Party as a contingency option for the upcoming polls, sources say. The party is chaired by Prakash Khadka and carries the election symbol ‘black-and-white shoe’.

Several GenZ leaders—including Ojas Thapa, James Karki, Pradeep Pandey, and Bhawana Raut—are aligned with this camp. Still, Gurung is believed to be closely coordinating with Shah and remains keen on contesting the elections together rather than separately.

Meanwhile, Rakshya Bam has taken a different route. Her group, Nepal GenZ Front, is currently running a nationwide political awareness campaign called ‘Janajagaran’. The core team includes Yatish Ojha, Yujan Rajbhandari, Manish Khanal, Pradeep Gyawali, Amy Amrutha, and Ritu Khadka.

Sources say the group is also exploring the possibility of reviving Nepal Bibeksheel Dal, given many members’ previous association with the party.

Similarly, Tanuja Pandey, known for her strong advocacy of democratic values and the 2015 Constitution, is focusing on public political education rather than direct party politics.

Within the GenZ Movement Alliance, Ojaswee Bhattarai has already taken a formal political step, becoming chair of the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party, associated with leaders such as Baburam Bhattarai, Janardan Sharma, Sudan Kirati, and Santosh Pariyar. Alliance members Rijan Rana and Manzil Rana are also inclined towards the party, though they have yet to formally join.

In contrast, Miraj Dhungana and Prabesh Dahal are pursuing a markedly different agenda. According to ApEx sources, they are lobbying for the revival of the 1990 Constitution and advocating for Prime Minister Karki’s resignation in favour of an all-party government led by former Chief Justice Kalyan Shrestha.

The Council of GenZ, which has coordinators across all seven provinces, illustrates the ideological diversity and political fluidity within the broader GenZ movement. In Koshi Province, coordinator Uparjan Chamling, a former Bibeksheel Party associate with leftist leanings, is now involved in Rakshya Bam’s Janajagaran campaign. Shiva Yadav of Madhes Province, who serves as a secretariat member to Youth and Sports Minister Bablu Gupta, has announced his intention to contest the upcoming parliamentary elections but has yet to declare a party affiliation; sources say he is in talks with both the Ujyalo Nepal Party and the RSP. Another GenZ face, Purushottam Yadav, maintaining close ties with Gupta, is in the preliminary proportional list of RSP.

In Bagmati Province, coordinator Afsana Banu is closely associated with Sudan Gurung and the Nepal Janasewa Party, while Pradeep Pandey, the Gandaki coordinator, remains aligned with Gurung but is also exploring a possible move to the Ujyalo Nepal Party. In Lumbini, Aaditya Acharya, 21, is legally ineligible to contest elections due to the age requirement; after unsuccessful attempts to amend the rule, he is now lobbying for a position in RSP’s central committee, drawing on his close relationship with party leader Ganesh Paudel. 

Meanwhile, in Karnali Province, coordinator Anil Shahi is close to newly appointed minister Madhav Chaulagain and is widely seen as sympathetic to RSP, whereas Khemraj Saud, the coordinator for Sudurpaschim Province, is aligned with the Ujyalo Nepal Party.

Some GenZ figures remain unaffiliated. Aakriti Ghimire, initiator of ‘howtodesh-bikas’—a platform simplifying politics for youths—and former Personal Branch Officer to PM Karki’s secretariat, has not aligned with any party. She previously served as chief of staff to Sumana Shrestha’s secretariat. Monika Niraula and Saken Rai, who work closely with Ghimire, are inclined towards the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party but have not formally joined.

On the other end of the spectrum, JB Chand, Madan Buda, and Hemraj Thapa—who also identify as GenZ leaders—are aligned with controversial businessperson Durga Prasai and support the monarchy. Prasai’s group is registered as Nagarik Bachau Dal, Nepal.

Meanwhile, Jasmine Ojha and Biplabi Neupane have officially joined Janadesh Party Nepal, backed by media personality Rishi Dhamala, while Pawan Thapa has joined Gatisheel Loktantrik Party led by Birendra Basnet, owner of Buddha Air.

What began as a youth uprising demanding systemic change has now evolved into a fragmented political landscape, with GenZ leaders spreading across new parties, old ideologies, and competing power centers.

As Nepal heads towards the March 2026 elections, the GenZ movement’s greatest test may no longer be mobilization—but whether its leaders can translate protest energy into coherent political influence.

Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah (Balen) said that Gen Z should be ready to negotiate with the Nepal Army.

He, however, has demanded that Parliament be dissolved prior to that.

Saying that Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli has already tendered his resignation, Balen has urged Gen Z to exercise restraint.

Min Bhavan

Nov 28

As I sipped my steaming cup of tea, the conversations among a group of men sitting nearby flowed effortlessly. Their back-and-forth transitioned smoothly from trivial topics to politics and the economy. The lively discussion was briefly interrupted when a man entered the tea shop. He was no stranger to the group or the shop owner; in fact, he was a district-level leader of the ruling CPN-UML. Addressing him as Dai (elder brother), the group warmly welcomed him and eagerly sought his opinion on the current political climate.

The UML leader, however, voiced dissatisfaction with both his party and the government. He began by criticizing the disorganization at the UML’s mass meeting at Durbarmarg on November 22. From there, he turned his attention to Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli’s leadership, accusing a small circle of party leaders—many of whom had lost in the national elections—of monopolizing control over the party and the prime minister’s secretariat. According to him, this group had even restricted access for senior leaders to the party office and Baluwatar.

He also remarked that Oli’s impulsive public statements were tarnishing his reputation. To lighten the mood, he shared a witty observation: “Sher Bahadur Deuba gains by saying very little, Pushpa Kamal Dahal is losing weight from his inconsistent statements, and Oli cheapens himself by talking excessively—even on topics like complex medical issues he doesn’t understand.” The group erupted in laughter.

One participant offered a sobering comment: “The country is being run by ODD—Oli, Deuba, and Dahal—dashing all hopes for stability or progress.”

The conversation then shifted to the struggles of Pokhara and Bhairahawa International Airports, which are facing debt stress due to insufficient international flights. A participant familiar with the aviation sector suggested that Pokhara Airport’s main issue isn’t its debt but its operations. “If the government convinces China to schedule at least two weekly flights and boosts domestic traffic, the airport could start generating revenue and tackling its debt problems,” he said. Another agreed, cautioning that operational inefficiencies would keep the airport unsustainable even if China waived the loans.

The group’s attention turned to Oli’s upcoming visit to China and whether Nepal should focus on loans or grants under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). “China’s inconsistent stance on the BRI doesn’t help clarify the matter,” one participant observed. The group didn’t dwell on the topic, reflecting the uncertainty surrounding the initiative.

Next, the discussion pivoted to the Kathmandu Metropolitan City’s decision to fine the UML Rs. 100,000 for littering during its mass meeting at Durbarmarg. A taxi driver parked nearby joined in and voiced his opinion. “Even if Balen (the mayor) is wrong, the UML should have accepted the fine. It would set an example for everyone else,” he argued. He went on to share how his neighbor had been fined Rs. 5,000 for throwing waste on the street. Pointing to the Tinkune-Baneshwar area, he added, “Look how clean this stretch has become under Balen’s leadership. We should support him.”

A participant interjected with praise for Balen, suggesting that if Nepal had a directly elected prime minister or president, Balen would win easily. Another participant noted how Rabi Lamichhane had once enjoyed similar popularity but had since seen his reputation decline due to allegations of involvement in a cooperatives scam. By now, about ten people had gathered in the tea shop, many taking turns criticizing Rabi. One person exclaimed, “If Balen gets elected, he’ll turn Nepal into Switzerland in just a few years!”

As the group gradually dispersed, only three of us remained in the tea shop. One of the men began sharing his personal struggles, prompting his friend to offer comforting words: “Happiness isn’t something others give you. Find joy in what you earn. We can live contentedly within our means.” Reflecting on their hardships, he added, “Our generation has endured a lot, but at least our children are spared from the same difficulties.”

The conversation shifted to the growing trend of youth migration for work and education. “It’s not just international migration; internal migration is significant too. People are moving to cities,” one participant observed. “Kathmandu doesn’t feel as crowded as it did four or five years ago.”

At that moment, a few more people entered the tea shop. One of them, a local from near the Pashupatinath Temple, brought up corruption in the temple’s management. “Anti-graft bodies are ignoring it,” he lamented. This led to a discussion about the role of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA).

“The CIAA has become toothless,” remarked one participant. “Political parties now rely on the Central Investigation Bureau (CIB), which they manipulate for their own interests.”

As the tea shop returned to its usual hum, the conversations left me with a lasting impression of a country grappling with immense challenges yet full of voices ready to speak out.

Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) Mayor Balendra Shah has been listed as one of the 2023 TIME100 Next emerging leaders of the world.

Shah, who emerged into power as KMC's mayor after winning 2079 local elections, is one of 100 emerging people on the 2023 TIME100 Next.

The 33-year-old, who has a master's degree in structural engineering, ran as an independent and used TikTok, Twitter, and Instagram to harness voter anger over the status quo, sparking a "Balen effect" that saw as many as 385 independent candidates triumph over veteran politicians in last spring's local election, reads the magazine.

“In a city still reeling from a deadly 2015 earthquake, Shah's campaign promises were simple but offered desperately needed fixes: better waste disposal and sanitation, safe drinking water, clean roads, and the preservation of cultural heritage alongside urban development.”

The magazine further said that his efforts to make good on these promises have been met with scrutiny, including in regard to their impact on the city's poor and their reliance on demolishing buildings deemed illegal.

Since coming into power, Shah has also signed agreements with officials to utilize landfill sites and announced plans to separate and dispose of non-degradable waste, the magazine further mentioned.