Diplomatic license
After the Americans, Russians 

Nepal-India relations have supposedly hit rock bottom after the publication of a new Indian map incorporating Kalapani. The PMO in India is livid a country as close as Nepal does not understand its security sensitivities over Kalapani, and that the ‘China-controlled’ Oli government allowed ‘sponsored’ anti-India protests on Nepali soil. The Indians aren’t convinced that the PMO in Nepal was pushed into a corner by a wave of genuine anti-India protests. True to his nationalist mien, PM Oli has said he is ready to lose his premiership to reclaim Kalapani. Nepali Congress, bereft of any other agenda, has also enthusiastically latched on to an overtly anti-India line over Kalapani. 

Yet there is also business as usual between New Delhi and Kathmandu. The two sides recently hammered out agreements giving Nepal the use of more Indian ports for bulk cargo transport. Meanwhile, Kalapani, both Nepal and India insist, will be settled through dialogue. Separately, could it be that the timing of the map’s publication was no fluke, right after the Nepal visit of Chinese president Xi Jinping? You know, just showing who is boss in this neck of the woods, and in a perfect illustration of ‘two steps forward one back’ diplomacy? 

As former Indian ambassador to Nepal Ranjit Rae put it recently, the Modi regime is unduly worried about China’s push into Nepal, when it’s crystal clear that ‘China can never be an alternative to India’. But Modi does not get that, does he? Whatever his personal feelings, he has to be nice to Kathmandu and to continue to offer it inducements. Otherwise the Chinese won’t just come; they could completely gobble up Nepal. Therefore, even though the Indians hint that Xi’s visit might have forestalled Modi’s own Nepal trip, New Delhi is still making concessions to Nepali negotiators. 

The prospect of the Chinese railway being extended to Lumbini, right beside their regional military aviation hub, is alarming for Indian strategic thinkers. Nor are they too pleased with the signing of what they see as a de facto extradition treaty with China. The Americans are even more worried, and searching for every possible traction. They have long asked Nepal to install the PIECES border control database at the TIA, which would give the Americans data on all incoming visitors. Nepal’s failure to do so was perhaps one reason the TIA was flagged in a recent American terrorism report. 

It’s remarkable how quickly the traditional Indo-China rivalry in Nepal has morphed into a trilateral one. It might still broaden. The entry of Russia—whose Nepali embassy used to host underground meetings during the Cold War—will be another interesting twist. In the American eyes, Vladimir Putin has no business in Nepal except to act as China’s enabler and spoiler of American Indo-Pacific dreams. Those in the know say Nepal is dead serious about hosting Putin and he might really come, sooner than later, with a bit of Chinese goading. Suddenly, from being ignored by much of the world, Kathmandu is quickly turning into a hub of international diplomacy. No wonder Oli feels emboldened on Kalapani. 

Nepalis are generally cremated in their own motherland regardless of where they breathe their last. Families prefer to perform funeral rites in Nepal, even if their loved ones pass away on foreign soil. But residents of Mechinagar-6 and 7 in the south-eastern district of Jhapa have been performing funeral rites in Indian land across the Mechi River. 

“There is no proper place to perform funerals rites in Nepali territory. So residents have to tolerate condescending behavior from the Indians,” says Rajesh Basnet, a local of Mechinagar-7. “Earlier, the site was in Nepali territory. In 1995, after Nepali and Indian officials carried out land surveys, the area was declared Indian territory. Since then, we have been performing funeral rites in Indian land. The crematorium couldn’t be shifted just because the land was now in India,” he adds.

The place where people performing the funeral rites stay is in Nepal, but the one where the dead body is kept is in India. During the Indian blockade of 2015-16, Indian authorities used to tell Nepalis to perform funeral rites on the Nepali side of the river. But the problem is more manageable now, according to Basnet.

Bhadrapur (in Nepal) and Galgaliya (in India) are separated by the Mechi River. Although most areas through which the river flows lie in Nepal, the river also touches Indian land at many points. Funeral rites are performed five meters away from the Mechi Bridge at a site that falls on Indian soil.

“Currently, the bodies are cremated on the Indian side of the river and there has not been any objection from them,” says Sarin Gupta, a local. “Indian officials come here for inspection when they see smoke billowing from the cremation pyres. If they objected to this, we would have no place to perform funeral rites.”

Locals complain that elected representatives of Bhadrapur municipality have not paid attention to this matter. During elections, however, politicians promise to build a funeral home. Locals accuse the municipality of abusing the budget allocated for a crematorium. Says Shrawan Rauniyar, another local, “If a crematorium is constructed on the Nepali side of the river, we won’t have to worry about what the Indians might say. And Nepalis could be cremated in their own land.”

Ward chief Bandhu Karki says she has raised this issue in the municipality board meeting several times. She says, “The mayor says crematoria should not be built in multiple places, instead the existing Deuniya crematorium should be managed properly. The oldest place to perform funeral rites is on the banks of the Mechi River.”

Karki adds that the municipality has no plans to construct a crematorium, but that the ward will take an initiative to this end. She fears failure to construct a crematorium now could lead to problems in the future.

Tulsi Bahadur Shrestha, administrative head at the municipal office, says funeral homes are being built on the banks of Deuniya River in wards 2 and 7 of Bhadrapur. “Currently, the municipality has no plans to build one on the banks of the Mechi River.” he adds. “This issue should not be taken lightly.”

The situation is similar in the Kachankawal rural municipality. “The Indian police tell us to shift the crematorium to Nepal,” says Santosh Kurmi, a local. “But we go to the Indian side for performing the funeral rites as the Nepali side has less water.”

Mombasa, Kenya: One of the first things that strike a resident of Kathmandu about the Kenyan capital are its colorful matatus, the equivalent of the jam-packed microbuses in the Nepali capital. Notwithstanding these zippy vehicles, the seafaring East African country of Kenya, with nearly five times the land area of Nepal and two times its population, seems to have little in common with the landlocked South Asian state. But dig a little deeper and a plethora of similarities become apparent. 

For a student of geopolitics, there could be no better place than Kenya to study China’s ‘debt trap diplomacy’ and the Middle Kingdom’s constant tug-of-war with the US, traditionally the biggest outside power in Africa. (Sounds familiar?) The Chinese consider the Nairobi-Mombasa Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) as among the crown jewels of President Xi’s signature Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Completed in 2017 at the cost of $3.6 billion, making it independent Kenya’s most expensive project, the SGR is variously described as ‘the emblem of a fast-modernizing Kenya’ or a ‘white elephant’, depending on whom you ask. Cost-wise, the Exim Bank of China footed 90 percent of the bill (with a mix of commercial and concessional loans) while the Kenyan government contributed the remaining 10 percent. 

According to the government of Uhuru Kenyatta, over three million passengers and 4.5 million tons of cargo have already travelled on the SGR, bringing in a revenue of some $55 million. The government expects both the passenger and cargo numbers to go up as the SGR line is expanded further, with the eventual goal of connecting the six East African Community (EAC) countries. But that is the long-term plan. Right now there is a raucous debate in Kenya about whether the next phase of the SGR project, connecting Nairobi with Malaba at the border with Uganda, and totaling another $1.5 billion, is worth it.

If the Chinese railway ever enters Nepal, we could face the same questions that the Kenyans confront today. The SGR contractor, China Road and Bridge Corporation (CRBC), was accused of hiring Chinese nationals in all top posts while the middling jobs went to the Kenyans (the imbalance has been reduced of late). More recently, it was rumored that the CRBC would take over the Mombasa port as Kenya failed to repay its SGR debt (China insists “Kenya is in fact ahead of the payment schedule”). The opposition parties and a section of the press also accuse the Kenyatta government of not providing right information about the SGR, making it impossible to determine its financial health. As it is, Kenya’s trade imbalance with China is stark (with imports 33 times larger than exports), though not as bad as Nepal’s (100 times). As in Nepal, the Americans have been trying to convince Kenyans not to fall into China’s ‘debt trap’, and just as in Nepal, Kenyan officials say they know what is best for them. 

Meanwhile, the railway seems to be doing just fine (daily tickets are often sold out). As the luxury train bearing the flags of Kenya and China pulls out of Nairobi and chugs through two national parks on the way to Mombasa, you think: surely, such big projects entail agonizing tradeoffs.

A feasibility study has been started for a proposed airport in Lo-Ghekar Damodar Kunda rural municipality in Upper Mustang. Work on the proposed site, about 4,000 meters above the sea level, started after Minister for Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation Yogesh Bhattarai visited the site two weeks ago. Last year, the ministry had conducted a preliminary survey of the proposed airport.

Prem Prasad Tulachan, a federal lawmaker from the district of Mustang, informs that the tourism ministry has formed a technical team of two civil engineers Naresh Siwakoti and Prakash Shrestha for the feasibility study. The team commenced work on a Detailed Project Report (DPR) on November 9. In addition to the engineer-duo, Chairman Bista, other elected representatives and locals are involved in the feasibility study.

Engineer Siwakoti says there will be a three-day survey as part of the feasibility study. He adds an appropriate site for a runway would be chosen after researching the area and the surrounding hills.

The tourism ministry launched the feasibility study as the area has huge open lands suitable for an airport. Minister Bhattarai says he does not anticipate problems as airports have been built in many high altitude areas around the world.

Upper Mustang is famous for its religious, cultural, geological and bio-diversity. The region has also made significant strides in developing agriculture, livestock and tourism sectors. The government is building the airport targeting tourists to religious sites, particularly the Domadar Kunda (lake).

Indradhara Bista, a provincial MP of Gandaki Province, says air services are essential for Upper Mustang’s development. The federal and provincial governments are expanding road networks in the region with a view to opening the North Korala border point with China, he says. Bista adds that the team is also working on other physical infrastructures—related to security, communications, electricity, etc—necessary for the operation of a customs office.

Ghasa turning into a bird watching center

Bird observation area in Ghasa forest in Thasang, Mustang  |  PHOTO: Sundarkumar Thakali

Jomsom : Elected representatives and locals of Ghasa in Thasang, Mustang have launched an initiative to make good use of the area’s environmental diversity and attract tourists. The idea is to develop a forest on the western side of Ghasa as a bird watching and canyoning site.

Bishal Sherchan, the ward chairman and president of a conservation management committee, says there are 474 bird and 226 plant species in Mustang. He adds that the jungle to the north of Ghasa is home to six unique species of birds. Likewise, Prem Prasad Tulachan, the federal lawmaker, stresses the importance of conserving natural resources to promote tourism in Ghasa.