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Kathmandu is set to become the epicenter of social justice activism this month as it hosts the 16th World Social Forum 2024 (WSF) from Feb 15 to 19. Over 1,200 civil society organizations from more than 90 countries have already registered for the event, setting the stage for a remarkable gathering of social movement representatives, human rights defenders, and social justice activists. The organizers are expecting almost 30,000 people to attend this five-day event. The participants will deliberate on a wide range of social justice issues, including those relating to climate justice, inequality, human rights, democracy, gender justice, labor rights, displacement, conflict, and social protection. The Nepali civil society organizations that have taken on the herculean responsibility of hosting such a mega-event deserve accolades. In the context where civic space is being curtailed across the world and there are limitations on holding such events in many countries, it is noteworthy that Nepal remains one of the few countries where space for expressing dissent is comparatively unconstrained.

Journey so far

The WSF emerged as a response to the challenges posed by the hegemony of neoliberal globalization and the resulting rise in inequality. It was conceived as an alternative to the World Economic Forum, where the Forbes billionaires hobnob with the political leaders of the richest countries. Intended as a space for global solidarity, dialogue, and mobilization, it sought to provide an alternative platform to discuss, amplify and address issues of social justice. With the slogan of “Another World is Possible”, the first WSF took place in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, drawing inspiration from Latin American activism. The slogan was in response to the infamous quote associated with Margaret Thatcher, declaring ‘there is no alternative–TINA’ (to neo-liberal capitalism). 

Since its founding, the WSF has traversed the globe, adapting its focus to contemporary issues of social, economic, and ecological justice. From Porto Alegre to Mumbai, Nairobi, Dakar, Tunis, Montreal, and Mexico, the WSF has continued to evolve. Additionally, national, regional, and thematic social forums were created to further foster deeper dialogue and solidarity. 

Impact and effectiveness

While the WSF offered a vital space for discussion, networking, and mobilization, its success in bringing about tangible changes is still up for debate. Its approach for promoting global solidarity and the open dialogue it encourages, enabling people to exchange experiences, struggles, and solutions to common challenges, are what make the forum effective. It has contributed to exposing injustices, raising awareness about a wide range of social justice issues and to promoting discourses on alternative models of development. One of its strengths is its ability to unite people and groups from all over the world by providing a common platform for diverse viewpoints. This inclusivity promotes diverse perspectives, which helps to perceive complicated global challenges in a more comprehensive way. While many activists may not have the chance to attend the WSF, primarily due to resource constraints, the forum serves as a platform that advances the unity among diverse local struggles and encourages coordination among movements at local, national, and global levels. 

The WSF’s effectiveness also lies in its role as a counter-narrative to mainstream economic and political ideologies. The forum facilitates critical discourse, inspiring participants to envision and strive towards a more just and equitable world. While the WSF may not always produce tangible outcomes right away, it has a long-term impact on influencing global discourses, policies, and movements.

Challenges and ways forward

The WSF is not immune to challenges and criticism. The rise of right-wing populism and the resulting shrinking of civic space have created a more hostile environment for social activism and dissent. The increasing influence of corporations and financial institutions risks the co option of the WSF, which could weaken the forum’s core principles and dilute its messages. At the same time, the fragmentation of social movements has made it more difficult to build a broad coalition for social change. In the digital age, questions also arise about the WSF’s adaptability and continued relevance. 

In addition to the external challenges, there are also some criticisms of its internal mechanisms. A primary concern is that the WSF lacks concrete actions; it struggles to turn debates into real outcomes. However, it is important to recognize that in many contexts, speaking up against injustices and building solidarity can be considered as successful ends in themselves. Issues with inclusivity also arise, with NGOs sometimes occupying the space of social movements. Although the WSF ethos strives to eliminate the barriers of ‘logos’ and ‘egos’, these do often surface at the expense of more resourced organizations drowning out the voices of the most marginalized. Despite encouraging democratic participation, the dispersed and decentralized form of WSF has come under fire for having little effect on global governance.

Despite these challenges, the WSF remains a vital platform for dialogue, learning, and collaboration. To ensure its continued relevance, the WSF needs to embrace the energy of young activists and adjust to the demands of the digital era. The initiative by the WSF in Nepal to create the Inter-Continental Youth Forum as a dedicated space to amplify youth voices is a step in the right direction. Similarly, it is important to strengthen connections between diverse movements. The WSF can play a pivotal role in facilitating cross-collaboration and dialogue between environmental, social justice, and human rights movements. As the WSF charts its way forward, it must not only aim for concrete outcomes and action plans but also enhance coordination mechanisms within its decentralized structure. This coordinated effort can lead to more effective collective actions, ensuring that the WSF becomes not just a space for dialogue but a catalyst for tangible and transformative change.

As Kathmandu prepares to host the World Social Forum 2024, let us hope that its organizers and participants can address the challenges and adapt to a changing world, ensuring the WSF continues to be a beacon of hope for a just and equitable world. Let us hope that the WSF in Kathmandu can revive the momentum of the World Social Forum and not only reaffirm that ‘another world is possible’ but enable paving the way for the realization of the envisioned ‘another world’. As Margaret Mead eloquently put it, “Never doubt that a small group of thoughtful, committed people can change the world; indeed, it’s the only thing that ever has.”

ActionAid International

Chief Commissioner of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) Prem Kumar Rai has called for support from all sides to combat corruption.

Addressing an event to mark the 33rd establishment day of the CIAA in Kathmandu on Sunday, Rai said CIAA has been playing an active role in checking corruption and promoting good governance in the nation.  

Noting that there is a widespread public complaint that the country’s good governance situation has not improved as expected, the CIAA chief stressed the need for all to work actively and responsibly for good governance.

“The fight against corruption is not that of CIAA alone; there is a need for collective efforts as it is a multi-dimensional topic. Every citizen should play an active role for the establishment of good governance,” reiterated the CIAA Chief Commissioner.

According to Rai, a significant number of complaints have been lodged at CIAA after implementation of federalism began. He said the plaints are related to misuse of public assets in development and construction works, budget appropriation, subsidy distribution, service delivery, among other works, to giving and taking of bribe and inducements, to carrying out works with the ill intention of taking illegal benefit and amassing illegal assets at all the three tiers of the government 

The CIAA chief stated that transparency is not seen in public procurement and construction, and called on responsible authorities and office-bearers to become more responsible for fulfilling their legal duties on protecting and preserving public property. He noted that the misuse of public land has increased and the tendency of selling government land for personal gains has also been observed.

Rai said the CIAA is moving ahead with all seriousness toward expanding its jurisdiction and carrying out effective investigations related to the quality of infrastructure in view of growing public complaints of misappropriation in this sector. 

He stressed the need to put an end to anomalies and aberrations seen in public entities promptly and to promote good governance in the country so as to increase the citizens' faith in the government.

Rai said CIAA will move ahead to bring those involved in illegal activities within the purview of law. 

Reminding that it would be difficult to achieve expected success in corruption control until the political officials in the executive role in all the three tiers of the government, the civil servants and the general public realized their responsibility, the CIAA chief called upon all to contribute from their respective fields to the national campaign aimed at controlling corruption. 

The CIAA marked its 33rd establishment day today around the theme—‘Let Us Improve Mindset, Culture and Attitude: Corruption Will Come Under Control.’

President Ramchandra Paudel, Vice-president Ram Sahaya Prasad Yadav, Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, Chief Justice Bishowambhar Prasad Shrestha, Speaker of the House of Representatives Devraj Ghimire, National Assembly Chair Ganesh Prasad Timilsina, Deputy Prime Minister, lawmakers, government high officials, among others, were present on the occasion.

At the program, President Paudel launched the CIAA Souvenir-2080. Journalists associated with different media outlets were presented with a cash award of Rs 20,000 each and a letter of commendation in recognition of their contribution to corruption control and promotion of good governance through news dissemination. The recipients are Matrika Dahal of Kantipur daily, Jaya Kumar Mishra (Anuragi) of Lokantaar.com, Subash Gotame of Ratopati.com and freelance journalist Sudarshan Acharya. 

CIAA also honored Rajesh Kumar Das, Deputy Superintendent of Police Prakash Budhathoki and deputy attorney Niranjan Sthapit with the Outstanding Investigator and Outstanding CIAA Service Award carrying a purse of Rs 35,000 and a copper plaque each. 

The constitutional ombudsman, CIAA, has been adopting control and promotional strategy, in addition to preventive measures for corruption control and promotion of a culture of integrity. It has been conducting an awareness program against corruption, in collaboration with the three-tier government, the civil society, public organizations, schools and the media.

Nepali mercenaries are fighting for Russia in Ukraine, lured to kill far from their Himalayan homeland by promises of a passport and cash, but wounded returnees warn anyone tempted to join the war: “Do not come.”

While Nepali soldiers-for-hire can bank in a month nearly double what they could earn in a year back home, conditionsare brutal and many have been killed or wounded.

 “I watched my friends die in front of me,” said Surya Sharma, who asked to use a pseudonym for legal reasons.

 “Nepalis going probably cannot even imagine how horrific the war is.”

 Shortly after the 24-year-old underwent basic training with Russian forces, his unit was attacked on their way to a frontline in eastern Ukraine.

 “When the bombs and bullets were raining, I thought my life was ending, that was it,” he said. “I was there to die.”

 Combining tough Himalayan terrain with grinding poverty, Nepal has long been a source of ferocious soldiers to fight others’ wars, with the British army’s Gurkhas the best-known example.

 But it is only legal for Nepalis to sign up for combat with a foreign military if there is a government agreement in place—which only applies to Britain and India.

 From early on in its war in Ukraine, Russia has used mercenaries, including the paramilitary group Wagner, before its aborted mutiny last June.

 Neither Russia nor Ukraine will provide figures for how many foreign fighters are in their militaries, nor the number they are holding as prisoners of war.

 But the Nepali government says more than 200 of the country's citizens have enlisted in the Russian army since it invaded Ukraine two years ago.

 Sharma believes there could be 10 times as many, including students, ex-soldiers and even former Maoist combatants.

 “We were among the early ones to join, but now there are many Nepalis, there must be 2,500 to 3,000,” he said.

 At least 12 Nepalis have been killed and another five are prisoners of war in Ukraine, the foreign ministry in Kathmandu said.

 Returnees say the true number of dead is also much higher, and according to local media Nepalis have fought for Ukraine too.

 To attract fighters, Russian President Vladimir Putin has offered Russian citizenship—which allows recipients to work—on top of monthly salaries as high as $2,200.

 That tempts some in a country with a GDP per capita of little more than $1,300, according to the World Bank—one of the lowest in Asia.

 ‘Like a movie’

Videos by Nepali recruits undergoing military training in Russia started to surface on TikTok last year, prompting one former veteran to enlist in July.

 “It is a war, and we are taking a risk,” the 39-year-old told AFP, asking not to be named because of the illegality of his actions.

 The man, who had served for more than a decade in Nepal’s army before working for the police in Dubai, accumulated about $15,000 in six months before being wounded and having to return to Nepal, and is using it to build a house.

 “If there were good employment opportunities in Nepal, no one would go,” he added.

 Sharma, the 24-year-old, suffers searing pain every step he takes from the metal fragments buried in his legs.

He says he was duped by a Nepali agent.

 Every year, hundreds of thousands of Nepalis seek employment abroad—400,000 officially, many others illicitly—and many pay agents thousands of dollars to facilitate their journeys.

 Sharma borrowed money to go to Russia on a student visa but discovered he was not allowed to work, and the only job he found was to fight.

 “I had loans to pay at home and couldn't send money,” he said in his rented room in Kathmandu.

 Despite having no prior military experience, he “chose to join the army because I had heard that the money was good. It was not because I wanted to, but my situation forced me to.”

 He underwent a medical check-up before two months of basic training.

 “I was employed with the government, but I’ve heard there are Nepalis fighting in private forces too,” he said.

 The recruits—15 of them Nepalis—woke at six to start the drills.

 “We learnt firing positions, how to make bunkers and how to target drones,” he said.

 But “the language is also a problem,” he added. “We cannot understand the instructions they give, and in the battleground that can be dangerous.”

 Sent to the frontlines in Ukraine, Sharma’s unit—mostly Russian, with six Nepalis—was ambushed even before they reached Kupiansk in the east.

 Explosions killed several of Sharma’s comrades and he was wounded in the legs and hand.

 “Sometimes it felt like a movie.”

 He spent months in hospital before deserting as he neared recovery to seek help from Nepal’s embassy in Moscow.

 “I just couldn’t return” to the front, he said. “So, I took a risk to return to Nepal, thinking I will either go to jail or home.”

 ‘Do not come’

Nepal has banned its citizens from working in Russia or Ukraine in any capacity, to try to prevent their recruitment.

 At least 12 people have been arrested in Nepal for sending people to fight for Russia.

 The men are often taken via India or the United Arab Emirates and taught elaborate lies to dupe authorities, say police.

 “Nepal is a country that believes in non-alignment and in peace,” Nepal’s Foreign Minister NP Saud told AFP.

 “We do not have an agreement with Russia and have requested immediate return of those people.”

 The Russian embassy in Kathmandu did not respond to requests for comment.

 Speaking to AFP by phone from his Russian hospital bed, one wounded Nepali warned his countrymen to resist the lure.

 “No matter how much you prepare, it does not work when the bombs fall and the drones attack,” said the 27-year-old.

 “I request others—do not come.”

A poem can be pretty. But it can also be daunting. We know many people would love to read poetry but they often don’t know how to. The words are beautiful and it feels lovely but it doesn’t stick to you the way prose tends to. Never fear, we’re here to break it down for you.

Let go of preconceived notions

Most of us approach a poem thinking we won’t understand it and are seldom surprised when we don’t (or we are shocked when we do). The first step to understanding poetry is to approach it with an open mindset. Let go of what you know or have heard of a certain poet or writer. Begin with an empty mind. The only rule is not to rush or skip over words and sections.

Then, read it aloud

Poems are meant to be read aloud so don’t hesitate to do so. Consider the sound of each word as you hear it. Take pleasure in them. Is there anything that stands out? Do any of the words rhyme? Are there sounds that seem similar? Does any section of the poem have a rhythm? The first step to understanding a poem is to hear what’s going on. Sometimes, you can have a friend read out a poem to you. Allow yourself the chance to read it a few different ways so that you can settle into the natural flow of the poem. If it’s a poem you want to ruminate on, record yourself reading it and listen to it a few times.

Now re-read it for meaning

The second read is where you should look up definitions and pronunciations of words you don’t know and go through the footnotes (if there are any). You can’t fully understand a poem if you don’t understand all the words. If there’s historical context or the poem is referencing a specific event you aren’t familiar with, look that up too. For instance, if you are reading a piece that seems overtly political, you will benefit from some knowledge of the poet’s life and times. Having some background knowledge about the context will add to the gravity of the poem. It can make reading the poem seem sacrosanct.

Look out for clues

Keep your eyes out for clues you might have missed while reading the poem out loud. Are there words that are used as a metaphor? Is there repetition to hit home a deeper theme? Who is the poet writing about and who is s/he writing for? Mulling over these will help you find the meaning behind the words. What is the mood that’s evoked in the poem? And how does the poet accomplish it? Read the poem a few more times to consider how not only the meanings of words but also their sound and the poem’s rhythms help to set the mood.

Foster a connection (and don’t worry if you can’t)

Poetry is all about connection, about how you feel while and after reading it. If you sometimes feel you can’t connect with a poem no matter how hard you try, put it away and come back to it later. Don’t force yourself to feel things. You might come back to a poem several months or even years later to find that it resonates in a way it never did before. But don’t just give up because the stanzas look intimidating. Almost every poem has an element of surprise that will change how you look at it or what you take away from it. Sometimes just letting the words wash over you can have an extremely cathartic effect.