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Since the unification of Nepal’s two biggest communist parties—the CPN-UML and the CPN (Maoist Center)—in May 2018, the issue of power sharing has largely determined the dynamics between Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli and his Nepal Communist Party (NCP) co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Oli is bent on retaining all his executive powers, while Dahal wants a greater say in the government as well as in party-related works.

The latest instance of disagreement between the two leaders concerns Dahal’s proposal of an all-party mechanism to deal with the novel coronavirus pandemic. Leaders close to PM Oli see Dahal’s proposal as a ploy to weaken the government. They believe elected governments from the center to local levels are more than capable of handling the Covid-19 crisis, and there is no need for such an extra-constitutional body.

Dahal, however, is reportedly keen on the mechanism to wrest some control over government functioning away from Oli. The former Maoist supremo’s supporters are not happy with the way the prime minister has brushed aside the mechanism. “The way PM Oli has responded to Dahal’s proposal is objectionable. A proposal made by the party’s executive chair cannot be taken so lightly,” says NCP leader Haribol Gajurel who is close to Dahal.   

The relation between Oli and Dahal has been uneasy since party unification. Oli wants to centralize all powers while Dahal wants more of it for himself. As a temporary truce between the two, the NCP Secretariat meeting last November had bestowed some executive powers on Dahal. But PM Oli has continued to act as the party’s senior chairman with all executive powers, pushing Dahal to a secondary role, even in party affairs.

As per the gentleman’s understanding struck at the time of party unification, Dahal wants either the unified party’s chairmanship or the prime minister’s chair. In return for allowing Oli to continue as the prime minister for five years, Dahal had apparently been guaranteed chairmanship. But he can be chosen chairman only by the party’s national convention scheduled for next April. So Dahal wants a timely convention. Also, to be elected party-chair, Dahal needs Oli’s full support, which has not been forthcoming.  

The corona caveat

Due to the Covid-19 crisis the chances of a timely convention appears bleak. All party activities have been suspended. Before the general convention, they must hold conventions of all party committees from the grassroots up, in what is a lengthy process.

According to the tentative timeline, the party’s January central working committee meeting had set aside the months of April and May for the renewal of old party memberships and distribution of new ones. But this program has had to be put off due to the coronavirus lockdown. Similarly, the party had planned on wrapping up local and provincial conventions by the end of 2020. The national general convention could then have been held on the second week of April. Now, lengthy delays are expected.

Likewise, the party’s five-month-long unification and public relation campaign that was to start on February 13 has been indefinitely postponed.

Health experts have advised against lifting social distancing measures before a vaccine for Covid-19 is developed. On current estimates, the development of such a vaccine could take at least a year. NCP leader Deepak Prakash Bhatta thus acknowledges that the general convention has been pushed into uncertainty by the corona menace.

Meanwhile, Dahal’s supporters suspect the Oli camp is trying to use the coronavirus scare to delay the convention and to sideline Dahal. “PM Oli seems unhappy at the way Dahal has been gaining ground in the party,” says Gajurel, the leader close to co-chair Dahal.   

Dahal wants the reports of misappropriation of funds in the import of Covid-19 kits to be discussed in party bodies, something for which Oli is not ready. On the other hand, Oli’s supporters see Dahal’s hand in the ‘unjust’ criticism of the government’s handling of the corona menace, including the kit import.  

Old qualms

PM Oli was forced to accept Agni Sapkota, a Dahal acolyte, as the speaker of the federal lower house. In another instance, PM Oli was not keen on nominating Bamdev Gautam as a member of the federal upper house, even though the party Secretariat had already decided to do so. In fact, on that occasion, Oli had rather alarmingly found himself in the minority in the nine-member Secretariat. There are also differences between PM Oli and Dahal on who should be the deputy-speaker of the lower house.

There is thus more than a smidgen of truth in the suspicion that Oli is trying to cement his hold, for he understands that other senior party leaders cannot openly criticize him during a national crisis.

But NCP leader Bhatta says such a course could also be dangerous for the prime minster: “If PM Oli tries to cover up his weaknesses instead of correcting them, it will lead to growing polarization within the party, with the eventual weakening of incumbent leadership.”

In other words, with Dahal getting restive for power, the Oli camp reckons the delay in general convention will strengthen their hand. But then if Oli and his small coterie are seen as sidelining others and undermining party unity, the tide could well against them by the time of the next general convention, whenever that might happen. 

Shortage of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) or the common cooking gas is often the first thing people worry about in times of crisis. Recently, just before the government announced a nationwide lockdown to control the spread of Covid-19, people rushed to nearby depots to refill or buy gas cylinders. That led to a shortage of LPG.

Nepal Electricity Authority CEO Kulman Ghising has been urging people to use induction stoves/cooktops instead. There is apparently enough electricity for their greater use.

Many folks had also opted for induction stoves when there was another major LPG shortage during the 2015-16 blockade.  

Between LPG and induction stoves, people are still unsure which is more convenient and cheaper. Most families still use LGP, although the use of induction stoves is rising too. Moreover, the government is planning to remove subsidy on LPG and subsidize electricity instead. Last week, it announced 25 percent discount on electricity bills for domestic consumers using up to 150 units. With these developments, induction stoves could gradually replace LPG cylinders.

Electricity is an environmentally friendly and relatively cheaper energy source. Though LPG emits less carbon and other greenhouse gases, it is not altogether clean. An induction stove is cleaner still as it doesn’t release any greenhouse gas.

“Less carbon will be emitted if we start using induction stoves instead of LPG. The supply of electricity has improved as well with many big and small hydropower projects coming into operation,” says Bindu Dev Koirala, a hydro engineer and postgraduate in environmental sciences. Koirala reckons replacing LPG with induction stoves is a viable option, if a few loopholes in electricity supply can be removed. “For instance, electricity is still in short supply in winter months when people use electrical devices like heaters.” 

Reducing national burden

Every year, Nepal spends billions of rupees to import LPG from India. Last year alone, it had imported LPG worth Rs 32.9 billion. Its replacement could thus greatly reduce the country’s trade deficit. “Induction stoves are easy to use, and they come with amazing temperature control systems. For instance, when we boil milk on them, the milk doesn’t spill over as the temperature is controlled automatically,” adds Koirala.

Research suggests induction cooking is significantly more efficient compared to LPG. Food cooked with induction conserves approximately 90 of the heat compared to 50 percent in the case of LPG. Further, induction stoves reduce the risk of burns and accidental fires as there is no open flame.

“I have been using an induction stove since the Indian blockade. Cooking on it is faster and more efficient. It is easy to clean too. We don’t get electric shocks even if something spills over,” says Vishal Gautam, a resident of Pokhara. “Thankfully, the quality of electricity is stable nowadays. The voltage is stable at 200V and there are no power cuts.”

Unlike a flame or an electrical heating wire, induction stoves heat via electrical induction. First, you have to ensure that the cooking vessel is of ferromagnetic metal. Copper or aluminum vessel doesn’t work until they have an additional layer of magnetic material. To check, see if a magnet will stick to the bottom of the vessel.

When the power is on, electric current creates a magnetic field throughout the vessel. Fluctuation in the field makes electric current pass through the vessel, dissipating some of energy in the form of heat. In this way, the vessel is heated.

Still pricey

Despite the benefits, people seem concerned about the price of induction cookers and electricity charges. “I don’t think induction stoves are cheap. Just look at the current electricity tariffs and the power these stoves consume,” says Gautam, the Pokhara resident.  

The costs of induction stoves range from Rs 3,000 to Rs 7,000. But monthly electricity bills are the real pain for middle and lower-income families. On top of that, electricity meters are often outdated. For people living in rented rooms and paying electricity bills by the faulty sub-meters, using induction stoves may come at a high cost.

“We could use induction cookers only if the landlord agrees to install a new sub-meter. Otherwise, it will only increase our financial burden,” says Ganesh Karki from Morang, who currently rents a flat in Kathmandu.

A 2017 World Bank survey suggests a multi-pronged approach to make households adopt clean fuel systems such as electric stoves.

As a promotion, the government has recently waived off customs duty on the import of induction stoves. According to customs data, around 700,000 of them have been imported to date. But these stoves are available only in urban centers.

But as per popular demand, the NEA must lower the rate of electricity and subsidize induction cooktops.

“Besides subsidizing electricity, there should be discounts on the purchase of induction stoves. They obviously have to be cheaper for more people to start using them,” adds Koirala, the hydro engineer.

Oasis Tea Industries that was established last year in Suryodaya Municipality, Ilam, has now been closed. The Covid-19 pandemic has not spared even this small tea producer in eastern Nepal.

 The famous tea gardens of the district are lush with new tea leaves. But there is nobody to pick them or package them. Factories are shut. There is no one to take orders or deliver them to the market. Nor is any cargo company operating to take orders and ship the stock abroad.

 “Our importers from abroad are not placing orders. They seem to be in a wait and see mode,” says Jyoti Adhikari, owner of the company.

 The company exported 1,300 kg of tea to France last year. But Adhikari cannot even contact the French importer this year. “They don’t reply to our emails. So how can we start processing tea for this season?” he asks. His company buys fresh leaves from the gardens and processes them for exports.

 “Since we haven’t even cleared last year’s stocks, we cannot buy new leaves this year,” Adhikari adds. “We are short of funds to keep the factory running.” 

 Not only Oasis, most tea factories in Nepal’s 14 districts where tea is grown have been closed due to the corona crisis. Ilam and Jhapa are Nepal’s two biggest tea-producing districts.

 Nepal exports 90 percent of its tea to India. But the Indian tea dealers have already stopped imports due to the spread of the novel coronavirus. Nepal had exported 14.5 million kg tea to India last year, according to National Tea and Coffee Development Board, earning Rs 2.88 billion in the process.

 “Under current circumstances, the first batch of tea leaves will go to waste. This will affect the quality of tea we produce for the rest of the year,” Adhikari says.

Tea producers are worried that they will lose a lot of money with the stoppage of exports. They export the finest and most expensive products. “The leaves we would pick this season would be of the best quality, the ones to attract third-country importers,” says Udaya Chapagain, proprietor of Gorkha Tea Estate.

Nepal’s tea goes to 30 countries including to Australia, Denmark, France, Germany, Japan, the UAE, and the US. Nepal had altogether exported 498,596 kg tea to those countries last year, according to the board records.

“If we can’t sell tea, we will be bankrupt. The factories can’t pay back bank loans or bear other expenses,” adds Chapagain.   

Adhikari estimates that the closure will directly affect over 29,000 people across the country whose livelihood depends on the tea industry. 

Factories in Ilam have over 100,000 kilos of tea left over from last year’s stock. “If the corona crisis continues, both the farmers and traders face a very uncertain future,” says Gopal Kattel, secretary of Suryodaya Tea Producers’ Association.

Countries the world over, including Nepal, are opting for lockdowns to contain the spread of novel coronavirus (Covid-19), often with considerable public support. Many governments have assumed emergency powers to do so. This in turn has fuelled fears that rulers with autocratic bent could use the pandemic to cement their rule and silence critics.

For instance, to contain the contagion, Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban has assumed extraordinary powers to rule by decree. The decree, among other things, allows the prime minister the power to control the media. Rights groups warn the country could be headed towards a full-blown dictatorship.

“Around the world, measures to contain the coronavirus are threatening liberal values and basic principles of democracy,” says political analyst Shreekrishna Aniruddh Gautam. “The other tendencies in evidence during the pandemic are further cementing of nationalist sentiments and emboldening of anti-globalization forces.”

In Nepal, some government decisions have already raised eyebrows. It decided to let Nepal Army import essential materials to fight coronavirus, after a private company assigned the duty failed to do so. Why do we need an elected government, many question, if all vital government duties are to be passed on to the army?

Even top leaders of the ruling Nepal Communist Party are unhappy with lack of consultations in dealing with Covid-19 and with the prevalence of security forces on vital national issues, which, they reckon, could threaten civilian supremacy. Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is yet to summon a joint meeting of ruling and opposition leaders, which belies his assertion that the anti-corona measures of the federal government have broad political support.

Missing scrutiny

The government has also stalled the parliament’s winter session, which is known as the bills session. In the absence of parliamentary scrutiny, it can now issue decrees to get things done. The next session of parliament is the budget session. As corona is an urgent issue, the government can summon a special session of parliament before that. And if big gatherings are a problem, the parliament can meet virtually, as is being done in some other countries. The Oli government has thus far refrained from such innovative measures.

Tara Nath Dahal, executive director of Freedom Forum, a think-tank on civil, political and media rights, says he has repeatedly drawn the attention of the Speaker of the federal lower house Agni Sapkota that there should be continuous and consistent parliamentary oversight over government functioning during the pandemic.

“Now, the country is operating on the basis of government decrees. There is also a question-mark over the constitutional validity of the lockdown, even though it maybe justified from a public health perspective,” Dahal says. “It is vital that the parliament continues to function, especially during a national crisis.”

The judiciary can help with check and balance but its functioning too is limited. Currently, all courts (Supreme, High and District) are hearing only urgent cases. Similarly, the National Human Rights Commission, a constitutional rights watchdog, has been almost comatose during the coronavirus lockdown.

In such a void, it is easy for the government to try to accumulate power and suppress dissent, according to Dahal.

Dangerous precedents

Take the recent fiasco with the online news portal Kathmandupress.com. The portal’s developer remotely accessed the website’s backend and deleted an article critical of the prime minister’s advisors. Reportedly, the PM’s inner circle had put pressure on the IT company to delete the article, even though this has not been independently verified.

In another development, Press Council Nepal has blocked over a dozen online news portals on the ground that they were publishing fake news and misleading the public. Though some of those portals did indeed post news of questionable nature, observers say the press council does not have a right to block them, which sets a dangerous precedent. 

In his address to the country on April 7, PM Oli doubled down on critics, arguing that some people were trying to mischievously defame the government even though it was doing a good job in controlling the spread of coronavirus.

Freedom House, a US-based global think-tank, has called on governments across the world to protect civil, political and media rights during and after the pandemic. “Criminal penalties for distributing false information are disproportionate and prone to arbitrary application and abuse. Instead, governments should counter any falsehoods by delivering clear, accurate, and up-to-date information,” advises the think-tank in its guidelines.

But over the past two years, there have been multiple efforts to curtail media freedom in Nepal. Three laws—Media Council Bill, Information Technology Act, and Special Services Act—have provisions that curtail media freedom and civil rights.  

In the name of controlling the pandemic, experts fear governments could also snoop on people’s private information. “China reportedly contained the coronavirus with the help of its overarching surveillance mechanisms,” says Gautam, the political analyst. “One upshot of such sweeping surveillance could be spying on and preying upon the government’s adversaries. This will be a big threat to democracy.”