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As Nepal's interim government moves ahead with preparations for national elections scheduled for March 21 next year, former Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli—dismissed following the violent protests on Sept 8–9—has asserted that the current government does not offer a solution to the ongoing national crisis.

Speaking at a public program organized by the youth wing of his party in Bhaktapur amid tight security, the former Prime Minister urged political parties to seek a resolution to the crisis through constitutional means. This suggests that his party, the CPN-UML, does not recognize the legitimacy of the interim government led by Sushila Karki.

Despite internal pressure within the party for Oli to step down, he appears determined to continue shaping the party’s future direction. Just prior to the protests, the CPN-UML endorsed a proposal allowing Oli to lead the party for a third consecutive term.

Although the statement issued by President Ram Chandra Poudel on Sept 12 noted that Sushila Karki was appointed prime minister with the consent of then-PM Oli, Oli now claims he had instead urged the President to find a constitutional solution. It is argued that appointing a non-parliamentarian as prime minister was a violation of the constitution.

Referring to the protests, Oli said, “Less than one percent of the population is trying to impose their will on the remaining 99 percent.” Since leaving the Nepal Army barracks after a 10-day stay, Oli—who also serves as the CPN-UML chairman, the second-largest party in the now-dissolved House of Representatives—has resumed political activity, holding meetings with party delegations and calling a secretariat meeting to discuss the political situation.

In a strong statement that is likely to irk both the current government and protestors, Oli claimed the interim government was not formed by the people’s mandate but rather “on the foundation of vandalism and arson.” He vowed to restore the country’s constitutional framework.

This indicates that the UML could support restoring the dissolved Parliament and forming a new government—an extremely difficult task, especially amid growing public distrust of political parties. On social media, Oli’s remarks have drawn widespread criticism. Government ministers have also expressed concern that such statements could inflame an already fragile situation and pose law and order risks. Oli has further criticized the government for failing to provide him with adequate security, saying he has received threats but that authorities are not taking them seriously. “I see people locating my house and planning to attack it. What is the government doing?” he said. About the Sept 9 violence, Oli said: “Had there been a five-minute delay, I would have been killed. There was a plan to injure Sher Bahadurjee and kill me—but they failed. I trusted the security, but the army said they couldn’t do anything.”

As protestors demand that Oli be held accountable for the killing of 19 youths during the protests in Kathmandu on Sept 8, he challenged the government to produce evidence that he had ordered the shootings. “If the government has any record of instructions I gave, I challenge them to bring it forward,” he said. 

He refused to take responsibility as the head of the government, while on the same day, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak resigned, accepting responsibility for the killings.

Hinting at the involvement of both domestic and international forces, Oli remarked, “I see how different powers are playing their games and trying to steer Nepal in their direction. The Nepali people must stay alert.” He has publicly claimed that foreign forces conspired to remove him due to his nationalist stance.

Amid reports that the government is seeking to block the passports of senior leaders, including Oli, the former PM stated, “Are we going to flee abroad and hand over the country to this government? No—we will build this country.” However, Oli has yet to acknowledge mistakes made during his time in office, including the controversial social media ban. He is now preparing for dialogue with major parties, including the Nepali Congress and the CPN (Maoist Center).

In efforts to create a favorable atmosphere for the upcoming election, President Ram Chandra Poudel is holding consultations with senior leaders of the main parties. On Sept 26, he held an extended meeting with CPN-UML leaders Ishwar Pokhrel, Bishnu Poudel, and Shanker Pokhrel. UML leaders reportedly complained that the government is failing to ensure a conducive environment for elections.

Despite efforts, the three main parties—Nepali Congress, CPN-UML, and CPN (Maoist Center)—have yet to hold a joint meeting, leaving the future political course uncertain. Party leaders are increasingly suspicious that the current government may be planning to imprison them under the pretext of corruption.

In a significant political development following the recent GenZ protests, the CPN (Maoist Center) has dissolved its Central Committee and formed a special General Convention Organizing Committee aimed at electing a new leadership. This marks a bold move by the party to adapt to the shifting political landscape shaped by the youth-led protests on Sept 8–9.

A meeting of the party’s first Central Committee following the protests appointed party Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal as the coordinator of the newly formed convention organizing committee. “From today, I am no more the Chairman of the party but a coordinator of the organizing committee,” Dahal announced after the meeting.

The party plans to organize the general convention between December and January. However, despite the structural changes, Dahal is unlikely to relinquish his leadership position entirely, as second-rung leaders continue to insist there is no viable alternative to his leadership. Notably, Dahal rejected a proposal from senior leaders Narayan Kaji Shrestha and Janardhan Sharma urging him to step down.

In response to the growing demands from GenZ activists, the Maoist Center has become the first major political party to pledge structural reforms, including a decision to ensure 25 percent representation of GenZ members in all party committees—from the central level down to the grassroots. The party has attempted to portray itself as being aligned with the youth, reminding the public that it advocated for a directly elected executive president during the constitution drafting process in 2015.

Some Maoist leaders have expressed that the protests should have concluded after the government agreed to discuss the possibility of a directly elected executive head—an issue long championed by the Maoist party. During the protests, Maoist cadres were visibly active, with some involved in vandalizing private residences of leaders from the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML.

As an opposition force, the Maoist Center—along with the Rastriya Swatantra Party—tacitly supported the GenZ movement, further distinguishing itself from the other two major parties, NC and UML, which have been slower to respond. The party is now strategically attempting to rebrand itself as a responsive and reformist force in contrast to the perceived stagnation of its rivals. In contrast, both NC and UML remain in a state of disarray. Neither has yet convened official meetings in the presence of their top leaders—Sher Bahadur Deuba for NC and KP Sharma Oli for UML. Both parties have expressed conditional support for elections, insisting the government must first create an appropriate environment.

Within the NC, calls for leadership change are growing louder. Party President Deuba, recently discharged from hospital and now staying in a rented apartment, has remained silent on his future plans. Meanwhile, younger leaders like General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma have launched a signature campaign to convene a special general convention to elect new leadership. Thapa is also in discussions with senior leader Shekhar Koirala on charting a course toward party reform.

However, Deuba loyalists such as Purna Bahadur Khadka and Prakash Sharan Mahat have criticized Thapa’s campaign, arguing that it is inappropriate to demand leadership change while the party president is recovering from illness. The NC leadership remains cautious, even skeptical, of the GenZ protests, with some senior leaders viewing the movement as a conspiracy aimed at destabilizing both the party and democracy. This cautious stance may delay any clear decision on elections, leadership transition, or internal restructuring.

Meanwhile, in the CPN-UML, the push for leadership change remains muted. Though there are murmurs among some younger leaders, most senior leaders remain loyal to KP Sharma Oli. After relocating to a rented apartment in Bhaktapur, Oli has been meeting with senior party members and sister organizations. In a recent interaction with party-affiliated journalists, he hinted at an alleged conspiracy against him, citing his "nationalist position" as a possible motive.

Though some youth voices are calling for internal reform, no substantial pressure has been applied on Oli to step aside. A youth-led initiative dubbed the "party reform revolution" has emerged within UML, but it remains to be seen whether it can generate enough momentum to bring about real change. For now, only the Maoist Center appears to be actively adapting to the new political dynamics triggered by the GenZ movement. The other two major parties—NC and UML—remain trapped in internal power struggles and hesitant to embrace reform or acknowledge the political message sent by the youth protests.

An Investigation Commission formed under coordination of former Justice Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the incident that occurred on September 8 and 9 has decided to ask for the details of losses from stakeholders concerned. 

The meeting of the Commission held on Thursday took the decision to ask from the Home Ministry the details of the losses of the Supreme Court, the Commission of Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) and other government offices. 

Details of the losses of private sector, industries and individual property could be submitted by visiting the Commission's office, Babarmahal, or through email.  

Karki shared: "There is no expert to investigate the incident as well as expert studying related to bullets. We will ask the government to provide public prosecutors and police and will carry out works in order to complete designated responsibility within three months."

According to the Commission, details of the losses could be submitted at the Commission's Office or sent email at [email protected] incorporating any evidence including documents or audiovisual content confirming the losses. 

A cabinet meeting held on September 21 had formed a three-member commission under coordination of Karki where former IGP Bigyan Raj Sharma and law expert Bisheshwor Prasad Bhandari are the members. 

The term of the investigation commission is of three months. 

There was a huge loss of lives and properties during the Gen-Z protests held on September 8 and 9. A total of 74 people have lost their lives so far and activities are underway to collect the details of property damaged during the protests.

The Millennium Challenge Account Nepal Development Committee (MCA-Nepal) has signed a contract for the construction of a 117-kilometer transmission line under the Power Transmission Project of MCC Nepal Compact. 

With this agreement, all construction contracts regarding construction of a 315-kilometer power transmission line going to be constructed under MCC Nepal Compact have been completed. 

The 117-kilometer transmission would be constructed from a sub-station, which is under construction at Lapsiphedi, to Hetauda sub-station, Makawanpur, via Ratmate sub-station in Nuwakot.  

The contract of the project is USD 766.50 million. Executive Director of MCA-Nepal, Khadga Bahadur Bista and Nirman Gauli, representative of the construction company, signed the agreement.