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The United Nations Secretary-General (UNSG) is the world’s top diplomat. The UNSG’s job is often described as the “toughest job in the world,” a sentiment passed down from the inaugural Secretary-General to his successors. The incumbent UNSG Antonio Guterres is the ninth individual to hold this esteemed position. He formally took office on 1 Jan 2017. Currently in his second term, Secretary-General Guterres is upholding the longstanding tradition of visiting Nepal, including a visit to Lumbini—the birthplace of Gautam Buddha—enlightened son of Nepal. His predecessor Ban Ki-Moon visited Nepal in 2008 and addressed the Constituent Assembly, which was engaged with the task of drafting a constitution. The UN facilitated the peace process by providing technical and electoral support. The intergovernmental organization remains as a valuable development partner for Nepal. 

The present visit comes on the invitation of the Prime Minister of Nepal.  His visit from Oct 29 to Nov 1 signifies a continued commitment to fostering international cooperation and addressing global challenges. As per the press release issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Oct 27, the Secretary-General will address the joint session of the Federal Parliament on Oct 31. The first-hand observation of the impacts of climate change on the Himalayas and a brief conversation with the affected communities are also on his itinerary.  

Immediately after arrival on Oct 29, he had meetings with Minister for Foreign Affairs, Narayan Prakash Saud, and Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal where he discussed matters, including Nepal’s ongoing peace process, graduation to the status of a developing country from the category of Least Developed Countries, advancement toward the sustainable development goals (SDGs) and the mitigation of climate change impact. Nepal faces the impact of climate change disproportionately. 

The Prime Minister assured the UNSG of Nepal’s commitment to bringing transitional justice process to a logical conclusion through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Commission of Investigation on Enforced Disappeared Persons in accordance with the rulings and directives of the Supreme Court, related international conventions, and concerns and interests of the victims.  

The UNSG also had separate meetings with former Prime Minister and Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba, and opposition leader in the House of Representatives and Chair of the CPN-UML. The meetings reportedly centered on concluding the peace process and addressing the impacts of climate change.  

The UN Security Council (UNSC) picks up UNSG. It means all five permanent members of the UNSC have to agree on the candidate. Mainly the US and Russia have a great deal of sway over the selection. Guterres assumed the office of UN Secretary-General on 1 Jan 2017. He is a former Prime Minister of Portugal and has worked as the chief of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, one of the most essential UN bodies. As a matured and most experienced politician turned world’s top diplomat, he has a fair knowledge of the inner workings of the UN’s cumbersome bureaucracy. He is multilingual and articulate and is considered decent and able, pragmatic and principled.  

Secretary-General Guterres heads the UN at a time when the world body stands at a crossroads, facing the worst institutional crisis. The world body has been made feeble and bypassed in most of the cases. However, the UN, made up of 193 sovereign member-states, has the widest reach, heaviest weight, and global legitimacy. There is no substitute to the universality and unique legitimacy that comes from the United Nations. The UN incorporates the “collective will” of member-states.  Member-states exercise their rights of sovereign equality under the UN Charter, which also acts as the guardian of “inadmissibility of interference” in their internal affairs. 

The UN is a forum where every country presents its national policy, perspectives and positions on contemporary global issues.  It is where there is sovereign equality of nations. The UNSG draws attention to the plight of the poor, the sick and the victims of war. The UN is also a forum where 193 members are often found querulous and demanding on the organizations. Every member country is apparently determined to put national interests before the common good.  

There are institutional limitations to address all their concerns and demands. The UN and UNSG can only influence when permanent five-strong states cooperate, and allow the world body to perform. US President Harry Truman is quoted to have said, “No matter how great our strength, we must deny ourselves the license to always do as we please.” 

Great powers can make the UN work or frustrate all its efforts. If great powers see no economic value or strategic importance, they show callous indifference to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter. Rwanda is one such example. 

The UNSG, though the world’s top diplomat, is the servant of the politically powerful. Former Secretary-General Kofi Annan, delivering a series of high-profile speeches in his final days at the office, said, “America is not working better with other countries—sees it as a lament that might be seen as a sign of his own frustrations, (The Economist, 18 Dec 2006). When the UNSC did not endorse America and its allies for invasion of Iraq in 2003, hostility with the United Nations grew in Washington. Putting all shortcomings or non-performances of individual states at the doors of the UN and its Secretary-General, often referred to as a “scapegoat” (SG)—a phrase attributed to a former Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, does no justice to the office of the UN Secretary-General. The crucial failure of political will on part of the member-states should not be attributed as the fault of UNSG. 

The three pillars

The United Nations has three pillars consisting of economic development, human rights and making and keeping peace. UNSG acts often as a cajoler and fixer, not a global boss. Acting as a neutral arbiter for stopping death and destruction and preventive diplomacy is what the UN does. 

Member-states work within the United Nations to project their positions and use their ability to attract and persuade others to accept their positions, which is often called “soft power.” The United Nations, with all imposed structural imperfections, has no hard or coercive power. But it is the UN that has the universality, legitimacy and acceptability where sovereign states come together, share burdens, address common problems and seize opportunities. 

It was within the vital framework of the principles and purposes of the UN Charter that G20 found a way out to bring warring countries  on board and agree on the most contentious issue—Ukraine. This shows it is up to the member-states what they want to make of the UN—an effective organization or incompetent or a prisoner of rivalries. 

Problems sans passports

The world is simultaneously confronting challenges on all fronts in an age of “problems without passports,” like climate crises, persistent poverty and inequality, pandemic, populism, communalism, growing intolerance and transnational crimes. The world confronted coronavirus and saw havoc with even great powers struggling with serious health problems of their people. The divides growing between the poor and rich, lower and middle-income countries were the most alarming signs.  

The world is burdened with several crises ranging from the Ukraine war to Hamas-Israel war to transnational challenges. There is a development crisis. Desertification is increasing, environmental degradation is staring at us amidst a scarcity of resources. The pervasiveness of poverty is often referred to as “bottom billion.” 

Global problems require global solutions. Complex problems must be dealt comprehensively, in their full economic, social and political dimensions. As no other institutions exist in pursuit of global commons and global good, the UN is the only institution to have global legitimacy. Unilateralism has proved ineffective. Multilateralism with the UN at the center seems to be the only way forward. 

The UN Charter long ago noted that peace and security depend on the social and economic advancement of people. It is often seen that the UN has tackled challenges rhetorically, contributing to its reputation as a talking shop. The UN should rediscover the principle of pragmatism, which is hard work for a real political pragmatism.  The theme chosen for the 78th UNGA this year has been “rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity” to accelerate action to speed up the achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The Agenda has 17 goals ranging from combating climate change to eliminating hunger and poverty to achieving gender equality, and promoting social welfare. This set of goals was adopted in 2015 to realize them by 2030, after the MDGs (Millennium Development Goals), adopted in Sept 2000 at the UN Millennium Summit reached their deadline.  

The graduation plan

The UN website describes SDGs to be in deep peril, with more people in extreme poverty, development reversing under the combined impacts of climate disasters, conflict, economic downturns and lingering covid-19 effects. As the country plans to graduate to developing status from Least Developed Countries’ (LDCs) status by 2026, the issue of how to make the graduation sustainable and irreversible should figure in discussions with the UNSG.   

Global power is making a historic transition to Asia based on the growth of Nepal’s neighbors—China followed by India. Geopolitical tensions and rivalries are rising to their prominence in Asia and Nepal’s neighborhood. There is a clear distraction from pressing problems, as politics has become explosive and populist, diplomacy, too, stands like a minefield.  Nepal has to be extraordinarily and exceptionally careful and show its wisdom in securing national space and ensuring a decent life for its people. 

Nepal formally joined the United Nations in 1955. Over the years, Nepal has shown unwavering commitment and support to the principles and purposes of the UN Charter and unflinching faith in multilateralism.  The foreign policy of Nepal, as Prime Minister BP Koirala said while addressing the 15th UNGA-1960, “is fully inspired by the principles and purposes of the United Nations’ Charter. We regard the United Nations not only as a bulwark of our independence and security, but also as the protector of our rights and freedom.” 

Nepal’s participation at the highest level at the UNGA and contributions to peacekeeping missions under the aegis of the UN for the cause of global peace and security is a part of this tradition.  Currently, 6308 Nepali peacekeepers are deployed in 13 missions in troubled spots around the world. Nepal ranks first in sending women peacekeepers and second as troops contributing country under the aegis of the UN. 

Time for a revamped UN

The structure of the world body including its main component UNSC does not reflect the existing geopolitical, demographic and economic realities. However, the UN is essential to the world in which we live. The only alternative is to have a more effective and functioning United Nations. 

There is no room for bullying tactics and confrontational style in the 21st century. Without support from 193 member-states, UNSG can do little, and “cut the mustard,” restore excellence, integrity and pride, and make the organization more relevant and effective to the present needs of its members. The job of the UNSG has been described by the inaugural incumbent as “the most impossible task on earth.” Some SGs have been more a doer than a communicator.  

The refugee crisis

As a UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the current Secretary-General facilitated the process of the third-country resettlement of over 100,000 Bhutanese refugees in Europe and America. Bhutan had forcibly evicted these people in the 1980s and 90s.  Resettlement process in different countries was carried out in consultations and coordination with the UN and concerned countries. There are over 6000 refugees remaining in the refugee camps. Either they should return home in dignity or resettled in third countries. It would not be out of place and context to raise the issue with the visiting dignitary, who is fully familiar with the crux of the problem. 

The author is a former Nepali ambassador/PR to the UN

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“Human rights are not negotiable items that companies and governments are permitted to eliminate by contract.” 

That’s a quote from Andrea Shemberg, a former legal adviser to Amnesty International UK. 

Here’s one more, from Maximilien Robespierre, “Any law which violates the indefeasible rights of man is in essence unjust and tyrannical, it is no law.” 

There is virtually no aspect of our work that does not have a human rights dimension. Whether we are talking about peace and security, development, humanitarian action, the struggle against terrorism, climate change, none of these challenges can be addressed by ignoring human rights.

We know that the French Declaration of Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789) was the first document, which referred to social, economic and cultural rights, rights to education, work, property and social protection.

In 1941, the Atlantic Charter was declared, which made way for an International Bill of Rights (1942-45) and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) on 10 Dec 1948. 

Article 25.1 of UDHR states:

“Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social service and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.” 

The International Commission on  Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), 1976  and International  Commission on Economical, Social and Cultural Rights 1976 oblige signatory nations to ensure human rights and so does UDHR. 

Nepal is also a party to international human rights conventions, covenants and protocols.

Worryingly, appointments made to the National Human Rights Commission, the constitutional rights watchdog, have failed to meet national and international standards, including those outlined in the Paris Principles. 

After conducting a review for two consecutive years, a Ganhri Subcommittee on accreditation (SCA) in October last year recommended downgrading NHRC to the “B’’ category. Notably, one of the commissioners is requesting the government to amend the relevant Act and give NHRC more authority in line with the Paris Principles to avoid this action. The rights watchdog, caught in deep sleep for long, seems to have woken up and has begun blaming the state for failing to defend its appointments. A statement from the appointees reads, “Our appointments alone are not responsible for the downgrading. The government’s failure to strongly defend the appointments before the United Nations Human Rights Committee is primarily responsible for the Ganhri action. 

A bad carpenter quarrels with his tools.

Let’s go back a little bit to understand the crisis better. 

The Constitutional Council under the then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli had  nominated chairpersons and members at various constitutional bodies, including the NHRC, on the basis of the Constitutional Council Act revised through an ordinance on 15 Dec 2020. The then President, Bidya Devi Bhandari, subsequently appointed the chair and four commissioners at the NHRC on 3 Feb 2021 on the government’s recommendations. 

Even during the reign of King Gyanendra, NHRC was not in such a sorry state. The SCA is bound to review the commission’s present status following complaints from several human rights bodies, chiefly over the appointments of NHRC officials. 

In the reviews conducted in 2021 and 2022 also, the Ganhri commission had recommended downgrading NHRC, pointing at the unconstitutional appointment process. NHRC’s ‘inability’ to safeguard minority rights did not help either. Add to it all half-a-dozen writ petitions challenging the ordinance and the appointment process that are sub-judice in the Supreme Court as well as civil society organizations’ dissatisfaction with the working process of NHRC.

Against this backdrop, who will come to the rescue of the constitutional rights body? 

The author is a former member of NHRC

After the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, Nepal has been taking steps toward hydropower generation. The 1990s saw efforts aimed at developing the Arun III hydropower project for domestic consumption with the World Bank pledging a loan for the same.

However, certain quarters, in favor of developing small hydropower projects over ‘big ones’, stood in opposition, in a pointer that the environment was not conducive for the same. Eventually, the World Bank withdrew its financing program for the project. 

Fast forward 2023. Per reports, India is on the verge of completing the export-oriented Arun III project. Most of the green energy generated from this project will be transmitted to India while Nepal will get a tiny fraction.  

China has also shown interest in hydropower generation in Nepal, but not with much success. 

In the 2010s, construction of the Upper Trishuli hydropower project was set to begin with investment from China’s Exim Bank and in cooperation with Nepal Electricity Authority. The Chinese company, which had completed one-fourth of the project works, abandoned this project altogether after facing obstructions in the name of capacity expansion. The capital invested in developing project components has gone waste. Currently, South Korea is showing interest in developing the project under the build, own, operate and transfer (BOOT) model. If geopolitical interests do not prevail, this project can still materialize. 

In cooperation with the Asian Development Bank, Snowy Mountain Engineering Corporation was to develop a 750-MW West Seti hydropower project. As the project remained stuck for long, the government canceled the license awarded to SMEC and picked China Three Gorges Corporation for project development, but to no avail. Now, an Indian developer has bagged this project without bidding. 

In 2017, the then government granted the China Gejuwa Group Corporation the license for developing the Budhigandaki hydropower project without opting for competitive bidding. But the new government that came to power the same year canceled the license. Now, the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government is trying to develop this 1200-MW project by mobilizing internal and external technical and financial resources. 

Despite its failure to bag big hydropower projects, China has two hydropower projects with a combined capacity of 75 MW—Modi and Upper Marsyangdi—in its hands. The BOOT-modeled 50-MW Upper Marsyangdi has materialized, whereas the 25-MW Modi hydel is under construction. A Chinese company has already developed the 456-MW Upper Tamakoshi hydel, while India is developing the 900-MW Arun III hydel.

Recently, India has expressed its ‘commitment’ to importing 10000 MW from Nepal in a period of 10 years while making it clear that it will not import electricity from projects developed with Chinese involvement.

It should be noted that India bagged the lucrative West Seti project after China opted out. West Seti is not an isolated case. The southern neighbor has gotten hold of a number of other attractive hydropower projects like SR-6, Arun IV and Lower Arun. It seems India wants to bag all lucrative hydropower projects by imposing direct or indirect restrictions on Chinese involvement in hydropower generation in Nepal. In this context, it may be worthwhile to recall Chinese ambassador Chen Song’s observations about trade imbalance between Nepal and India.  

Chen,  while commenting on a working paper presented at a program in Kathmandu last month, had noted that Nepal had exported electricity worth Rs 10bn to India in the last fiscal, while importing electricity worth Rs 19bn from India during the same period.

Three decades have passed since the signing of the Mahakali Treaty along with a plan for the development of the Pancheshwar project, with precious little done on the ground. 

This pretty much sums up the status of hydropower development in the country.

Do you ever find yourself drifting back to your childhood memories of Dashain? The month of October marks the arrival of autumn, when the landscape takes on a beautiful shade of orange, the festivities grow near, and the cool evening breeze acts as a gentle reminder of the approaching winter. This brings in a sense of renewal and warmth. 

Decorations add vibrance to the surroundings while people flock in masses to shopping malls as they try to find new attires to flaunt. However, when the festivities come to an end, the streets of Kathmandu bear witness to the aftermath. What was once a venue for extravagant shopping becomes something else entirely—a landfill. The bright colours fade, and all that remains is textile waste. 

Fast forward to the 2020s, fashion is just a few taps away, and you can shop a variety of clothing items from the comfort of your own home. Despite its apparent appeal, people often fail to fully consider its repercussions. The growing influence of social media, online stores, and home deliveries have made clothing trends short-lived.  Through mass production, which enables quick and cost-effective production, clothing companies can manufacture clothes at a much larger volume within a very short time frame. This is commonly referred to as ‘fast fashion’. Fast fashion is reliant on quickly shifting trends that promote the frequent consumption of new clothes, which ultimately leads to a culture of disposable fashion. 

According to the UN, the fashion industry alone is responsible for approximately eight to ten percent of global emissions, surpassing that of the aviation and shipping industries combined. Environmental damage is caused by the clothing production process, which consumes a significant amount of natural resources and involves the use of chemicals. The industry generates around 92m tons of textile waste every year, a highly concerning statistic considering the increasingly evident impacts of climate change. Moreover, the presence of unethical labour practices in the sector is another major issue. A 2019 Oxfam Report revealed that 0 Bangladeshi garment workers and just one percent of Vietnamese garment workers earned a living wage. Disturbingly, one in four Bangladeshi garment workers reported some form of workplace abuse. 

In an attempt to resolve this issue, a growing number of individuals are embracing a more environmentally conscious approach known as ‘sustainable fashion’. It focuses on the production of clothing in an ethical and eco-friendly manner to reduce the negative impacts of the industry. The growing appeal towards ethical business practices has contributed to the substantial popularity of this approach. In recent years, its popularity has risen even more in Nepal. A growing number of people are turning to thrift stores to meet their clothing needs. Many stores offer a wide range of locally crafted sustainable products that cater to people of all age groups. 

This increasing awareness of sustainable living offers hope for a greener future. As sustainable fashion initiatives provide a platform for local communities to showcase their skills and talents, women in Nepal often benefit from such projects through skill training, fair wages, and employment opportunities, which empower them economically. Sustainable fashion in Nepal is undergoing a remarkable change, thanks to the pioneering efforts of women. 

Re-kriti, a brand founded in 2022, specialises in creating practical custom bags from discarded jeans through the upcycling process. While “Re”  stands for Reused, Repurposed and Recycled, “kriti” translates into “work of art”. The brand partners with women from local communities and offers them opportunities which ultimately promote women’s empowerment. Their product line continues to expand, including drawstring bags, travel and makeup pouches, laptop sleeves, coasters, and table mats along with various other items. These products are made from post-consumer jeans, post-industrial denim fabric, and discarded packaging plastics as raw materials. The brand has been raising awareness about the significance of making environmentally conscious choices and has created a mindful community of young individuals. 

Before establishing the brand, Nasana Bajracharya, the founder, was inquisitive about the clothing waste she observed after each Dashain sale in New Road, Kathmandu, her hometown. During her research for a solution, she stumbled upon various upcycling clothing ideas on platforms like YouTube and Pinterest. Upon extensive market research, learning from other eco-friendly businesses, and several experiments of building prototypes, she decided to launch her brand Re-kriti with upcycled denim jeans products in Feb 2022. 

The brand has been consistently dedicated to offering products tailored to meet customer needs. As the products are customised and designed according to each customer’s preferences, it helps form a unique emotional connection between the customer and the product. “This emotional bond helps enhance customers’ appreciation for their chosen products, and thus encourages them to take good care of it,” she says. 

As we reflect on this state of fashion and its current evolution, it is essential to consider our role in making sustainable choices. The choices we make as consumers can drive positive change and contribute to a more sustainable and ethical fashion industry. So, have you considered how you can make sustainable choices?