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Surreal landscapes. Stark rolling barren mountains. Desert-like basins and moraines. Massive canyon walls—carved up by the Kali Gandaki River. Eroded cliffs, redolent of giant anthills. Mysterious sky caves dug into craggy heights. That’s how Mustang stands apart as the most otherworldly. 

Hang on! One more characteristic sets Mustang apart—the notorious diurnal gust. The afternoons in Mustang get ripped by a gale-force wind with a speed of 30 to 40 knots (60 to 70 km per hour)—the record-high monitored by Jomsom Air Tower stands at 80 knots, nigh 150 km an hour.

In 2018, during a cycling trip to Lo Manthang, Upper Mustang, I got caught up in a horrible windstorm with three cycling mates, Khasing, Diwas, and Shayeet.  

Following a hearty breakfast of tsampa (naked barley) porridge laced with shu cha (Tibetan butter tea) and omelets at Chhusang (2,920m), we hopped into our mountain bikes, heading off to our next destination, Samar (3,660m).

The path in Chhusang led through rows of white-washed houses with narrow stone-laid alleys. We had to duck our heads in some places as we pedaled past gate-like exits built smack dab through the houses. Sheep horns and yak skulls hung on the walls in the pathways—a local religious custom and belief to ward off the village’s evil spirits.

After leaving the town behind, our eyes met arid landscapes as far as we could see. The November morning at eight had a chill, but the sun was up—no wind, though, contrary to our fear. As we gained elevation, we could see high precipices and eroded sandstone cliffs towering over the Kali Gandaki gorge.

After two hours across a desolate, treeless terrain, Chele (3,050m), a cluster of white-washed houses with neatly stacked fuel wood on flat roofs, appeared amidst a bit of greenery and barley fields. We stopped for tea and some refreshments. 

To our surprise, the weather remained calm with a light wind, albeit at 11 am. 

We thanked our stars since we had to grapple with high winds right after we began a day before from Kagbeni—the gateway to Upper Mustang.

Our joy was short-lived, however. Barely past noon, the wind gathered momentum and closed in upon us by afternoon. The wind had taken on a gale force as we huffed it up to Dajong la Pass (3,735m).

The grueling climb on that wind-swept incline seemed impossible, and I fell behind my junior partners. The situation turned for the worst; a massive dust storm hit hard—a fat chance to pedal against it. I dismounted and started shoving my bike.

But the wind was so fierce, and the dust and sand so blinding, I hastened to take shelter under a big rock and flopped on the ground, hugging my knees, my buff pulled over my face; still, I could feel the sand grains pelt my cheeks.

It got so ferocious I feared I might get buried under heavy dust and sand if it continued much longer; the wind carried virtually a wall of dust and fine sand, evocative of a ‘dust devil,’ visibility literally at naught.

The gale eased, though, and the dust, to my relief, settled down after half an hour. A motorbike came roaring up the incline, but as the track held ankle-deep powdery dust, it skidded and could only make it up the slope after being pushed by the pillion rider.

I dragged my bike up the rise—but with no sign of my companions.

I suddenly felt dizzy; my stomach groaned. As a diabetic, I had to replenish myself because we were late for lunch. Just when I thought and feared I would bonk out and relapse into hypoglycemia, Shayeet appeared.

Worried, he had come down to check on me while Khasing and Diwas waited at the crest. It took two small energy bars, three to four gulps of multigrain cereal, almost a bottle of electrolyte drink, and a half-hour rest before I finally felt revived to muster up enough courage to push my bike to the ridge.

A rock cairn marked the pass; prayer flags and flagpoles whipped madly as the wind lashed at them. The jeep track descended a gentle slope as we slid down a canyon into the valley of Samar. 

I sighed in relief as we ducked into the comfort of a lodge, the first in sight. The intense icy windstorm outside still whistled, swooshed, and howled—sounding utterly unnerving. 

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In the bustling political landscape of developing countries like ours, where the journey toward progress and development is often fraught with obstacles, the blame for their misfortunes and under-development is regularly directed at politicians. The media, civil society, intellectuals, and citizens have found it easy to hold politicians responsible for the nation’s woes. However, amidst this blame game, few pause to ponder why the nature of Nepali politicians has evolved into what it is today. 

Historical progression of Nepali consciousness

Following the above proposition, we must wonder why do politicians seem immune to accountability for their actions? As we point fingers at the much-maligned ‘evil game of politics,’ we must introspect and question whether the blame solely lies with politicians or whether we, the citizens, intellectuals, civil society, and democracy-supporting taxpayers, also bear some responsibility.

The roots of this complex dilemma may be found in Nepali society’s long-standing predisposition toward acceptance, notably in the arena of politics. Throughout history, when dynasties changed hands or power shifted between ruling families, the people of Nepal largely accepted these transitions without much resistance. From the reign of Amshuverma in 605 to the complex rule of multiple kings during the Dark Ages, the populace often embraced political changes without questioning their legitimacy. Even when Nepal was divided into three kingdoms by the sons of Yaksha Malla, the citizens accepted this division. From the conquest of Kathmandu by Prithvi Narayan Shah to the tragic assassinations of Prime Minister Ranoddip Singh and the ruling monarch in 2001, the nation’s people have repeatedly surrendered to oppressive forces and violent upheavals. This distressing consciousness of acceptance has hindered their ability to challenge authority and demand accountability. While resilience is commendable, an excessive inclination toward acceptance has stifled progress and perpetuated a cycle of subjugation. Such historical examples of complacency with political events beg the question: does this passive acceptance still hold sway in modern-day Nepal and is it the cause of the lack of political accountability?

Scholars like Dor Bahadur Bista have argued that this seemingly pessimistic tendency to accept the status quo in Nepali society stems from a fatalistic thought pattern. This attitude may have become ingrained in the psyche of the people over the ages, influencing their approach to politics as well. 

Comparing this with a recent event in France, where the introduction of the Social Security Financing Act in 2023 sparked massive revolts, sheds light on the hypocrisy of democracy. While the French people are politically literate and active, the situation in Nepal reveals a different reality, one marked by political inaction and apathy. Three important revolutions stand out in Nepal’s history: the Revolution of 1951, the People’s Movement I, and the People’s Movement II. All of these movements were carried out under the auspices of political parties. Beyond these revolutionary moments, there has been a lack of significant leadership by the people themselves. This begs the question: why have the citizens not taken more initiative in shaping their political landscape? The answer lies in the lack of extremism among Nepali citizens, coupled with the two-faced role played by relevant professionals in the country.

Nepali citizens have often been politically inactive, yet they remain steadfastly critical of politicians. The historical backdrop and socioeconomic elements at work have influenced people’s consciousness. The lack of widespread political literacy, coupled with economic struggles, has contributed to this passive approach to politics. As a result, the blame is consistently placed on the politicians without fully understanding the underlying complexities and systemic issues. In other words, the public or even the national consciousness of Nepal, through historical evolution has failed to materialize into a unified voice. 

Surprisingly, despite widespread dissatisfaction with the political situation, the voter turnout in Nepal has been shockingly high in comparison with other countries. This apparent contradiction is a reflection of the larger problem at hand. Citizens are disillusioned and distrustful of the political process as a result of the distance. As a consequence, many Nepalis feel that their vote may not truly bring about any change, leading to voter apathy.

A modern retrospection of role of Nepalis

In the contemporary context, Nepal has made significant strides toward democracy, embracing the principles of representation and participation. People have the right to vote, to express their views, and to express their concerns. The evolution of democracy has opened avenues for more active political engagement, challenging the notion of fatalism in politics.

Despite these democratic advancements, the accountability of politicians remains elusive. Politicians may indulge in corrupt practices, break promises, and act in their self-interest without fearing the repercussions from the public. This lack of accountability has led to disillusionment and mistrust among citizens.

While democracy is celebrated for empowering citizens, it can be disheartening when elected officials betray the trust bestowed upon them. The blame for this hypocrisy cannot solely rest on politicians; the onus is also on us, the citizens. As democracy-supporting taxpayers and development-wishing individuals, we must recognize our role in the system. Our responsibility doesn't end with casting our votes during elections; it extends to holding elected officials accountable throughout their term. We must actively participate in the political process, staying informed about policies, demanding transparency, and questioning decisions that affect our lives.

Apart from the citizens, the responsibility of checking politicians also lies with relevant professionals and organizations in Nepal. These individuals and groups are often found to play a dual role, pledging to support the common people but also maintaining close ties with the political elite. This collusion not only perpetuates the status quo but also erodes public faith in the possibility of positive change. Hence, in an atmosphere where the populace are cultivating skepticism toward its political establishment, the civil society and other professions, to prevent their reputation from getting tarnished, applied a path of neutrality and inaction. In a paradoxical manner, the citizens increasingly turn to civil society organizations, hoping to find a voice that echoes their concerns and aspirations in politics. While some civil society groups indeed work tirelessly to address public grievances, the broader landscape reveals that they are equally intertwined with political parties.  

To comprehend the situation better, it is essential to consider Nepal’s unique historical context. Nepal was ruled by monarchs until 2008, with limited political space for ordinary citizens. The transition to democracy brought hope, but it also introduced its share of challenges. 

A complex web of political interests and power struggles emerged, hindering the progress of the nation. So, democracy, while celebrated for its principles of equality and representation, can sometimes become a bitter pill to swallow for developing countries like ours. The demands of democracy require political parties to appease different groups and garner support, leading to compromises that may not always align with the broader interests of the nation. 

The recent incidents such as the passing of MCC has added yet another layer of doubt in the minds of the public toward their political leaders, further intensifying their distrust in the political system. This raises concerns about Nepal’s progress toward becoming a fully democratic nation. Evidently, the Nepalis seem to be unaware of the potential power they possess in shaping the government’s decisions. Centuries of living under monarchy and autocratic rule have seemingly ingrained a sense of suppression, preventing the realization and utilization of their inherent influence.

Nepal’s struggle with political apathy can be mitigated through increased political literacy. To be able to make wise judgments, citizens must be equally informed on the complexities of governance, policy-making, and the duties of elected officials. This will enable them to close the gap between expectations and reality and make politicians responsible for their actions. Similarly, civil society, intellectuals and other concerned professionals must proactively distance themselves from political affiliations to regain the trust of the people they aim to represent. Hence, Nepal’s path to genuine democracy and effective governance is heavily reliant on striking a harmonious balance between political leaders and civil society. 

Conclusion

Politicians are a product of our society, despite the fact that we often blame them for the problems our country is facing. Nepali politicians are woven into the very fabric of our culture, values, and aspirations; they do not exist in a vacuum. Therefore, we must rise above the blame culture and collectively work toward building a more accountable political system. The blame placed solely on politicians for the challenges faced by developing countries like Nepal reveals the hypocrisy of democracy. While politicians undoubtedly hold a share of responsibility, the citizens, relevant professionals, and organizations also have vital roles to play in shaping the nation’s destiny.

A thriving democracy requires political literacy, improved civic engagement, and increased responsibility. If Nepal can recognize these factors, we can move past its current state of political indifference and toward a more affluent and egalitarian future. The trip may be difficult, but with teamwork and accountability, we can create the way for genuine progress and development.

It is believed that a nation is reborn by adopting a new constitution. And it really became true with the adoption of a new constitution in Nepal when its Constituent Assembly-2 declared it a secular, inclusive, federal, democratic republic on 20 Sept 2015. These are the cardinal features of the constitution. 

Looking back, we find that the three words, ‘democratic federal system’ were incorporated in the Interim Constitution (Article 38) in addition to the terms ‘inclusive and restructured’ through its first amendment on 13 April 2007. It has its basis in the Comprehensive Peace Accord (Clause 8.2) signed on 21 Nov 2006 by the then PM GP Koirala and the Maoist Chief PK  Dahal, which provides for making a ‘a high-level  Recommendation Commission for the Restructuring of the State.’ 

The Maoists were calling for restructuring of the state, however, it was not mentioned in the 12-point agreement signed on 21 Nov 2005, in India by the Seven-Party Alliance and the Maoists. Perhaps, the most pressing need at that time was to throw out of power the absolute monarchy and other demands were considered secondary.

The entire country celebrated as usual the eighth ‘Constitution Day’ on Sept 20, save the Madhes-based parties, which celebrated the day as a ‘Black Day’ for them, as  more than 100 Madhesi youths had sacrificed their lives for incorporating federalism with one Madhes Pradesh for 20 districts in the Tarai region in the forthcoming constitution. However, the constitution adopted provides for seven provinces out of which a province consisting of only eight districts was carved out of 12 districts. 

The other 12 districts of the Tarai were made part of the five provinces.

It was the thorny issue of federalism that failed Constituent Assembly-1 as consensus was impossible among the parties on the one hand and the strength of the Maoists and the Madhes-based parties in the CA was 

significant which could be ignored, on the other. 

In the CA-2, the number of representatives of both the parties, the Maoists and the Madhesi outfits, was reduced; it was possible for the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML to adopt the constitution with support from some other parties. And realizing the position, the Maoist party also supported the NC and the UML’s proposals and gave up its demand for making identity and resources as the bases 

of federalism.

It was obvious that while adopting the constitution most of the top leaders of all major parties apprehended that federalism would weaken the nation, as it would affect the existing central control over those areas which would be brought under different provinces. 

They also apprehended that since local populations will have control over their areas, they may go for division/bifurcation of the territories. 

Their main concern was regarding their control of the bureaucracy, the permanent government.  If power was divided, their complete say over it would decrease, if not end.

These are the reasons that even after the passing of eight years and three tiers of government duly elected, they are not allowed to function as per powers delivered by the constitution. Important federal laws are not framed as yet to enable them to use their rights to govern the administration and discharge day-to-day duties. 

It seems that many laws, including those related to the civil and police administrations, have not been enacted by the center deliberately to prove that the provincial tier of governance is superfluous and redundant. It is evident from the facts that the frequent transfers and postings of high officials hinder the government’s functioning seriously, as there have been frequent complaints to the center. There are cases filed by the provincial governments in the Supreme Court for the protection of their constitutional rights.

It can be assumed that before taking the decision for carving out seven provinces, they made the local tiers of government more powerful and kept it outside of the overall supervision and control of the provinces to make the second tier weak and worthless. 

The constitution has provided for three tiers of government—central, provincial and local. 

However, the central government has made it a four-tier government by adding one more tier by way of district government, which is controlled by the central government. 

Chief district officers are in charge of peace and security of the districts. It has been made so that the central government will prevail ultimately over provincial and local governments. There are many more obstacles created by the center to prove that federalism is only an unwanted child of the constitution, which is not allowed to grow properly so that its life gets shortened for want of nutritious food to survive by not providing sufficient support.

In recent years, population and sustainable development issues are increasing priorities of the governments, political parties, development partners, youth-led civil society, media, private sector and communities at large. Looking back at history, the landmark International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994. This conference enormously transformed the global thinking as well as narratives of population and development with a bold political and development agenda. More importantly, placing people’s dignity and rights are at the heart of sustainable development.

While 179 countries including Nepal adopted the key strategic priorities of the ICPD, there is increasing recognition that inclusive sustainable development demands a clear focus on  human rights, including reproductive rights, empowering women and girls, and addressing inequalities as well as the needs, aspirations and rights of people. Therefore, the national commitments of the ICPD have been highly relevant to adapt to inclusive development policies, strategies, plans and programs, which help promote people-centered development.

Almost 30 years after the ICPD conference, among many others, there has been remarkable progress in the health and population sector. Despite significant health gains, there still are challenges to ensure the rights and choices of women and girls, mitigate the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the full realization of the sexual and reproductive health and rights agenda. The ICPD agenda and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are closely aligned to eliminate poverty, achieve gender equality and secure the health and well-being of all people.

Considering the emerging needs of advancing the ICPD agenda in the context of formulating 16th Periodic Plan which is led by the National Planning Commission, the Ministry of Health and Population recently organized a national conference on population and development with support from UNFPA and other partners. The conference provided a unique opportunity for governments, political leaders, development partners, youth-led civil society, media and communities to share the country progress of the ICPD and discuss critical issues, challenges and opportunities for actions.

More importantly, among many others, Nepal’s commitments and progress in the health and population sector were reviewed and discussed at the conference. These include integration of comprehensive sexuality education in school curriculum, legalization of safe abortion, ensuring availability and accessibility of safe abortion services and adolescent-friendly health services. There has been remarkable progress in improving access to sexual and reproductive health services, advancing gender equity and women's empowerment, and integrating population dynamics in development policies, strategies and plans.

While reviewing some health and population indicators, the maternal mortality ratio has come down from 281 per 100,000 live births (2006) to 151 (2021). The births attended by skilled health personnel have gone up from 9 percent (1996) to 80 percent (2022). The total fertility rate has decreased from 4.6 (1996) to 2.1 (2022). The adolescent fertility rate has decreased from 127 (1996) to 71 (2022). The modern contraceptive prevalence rate has gone up from 26.0 percent (1996) to 43.0 percent (2022), whereas the unmet need for family planning has slightly dropped from 24.6 percent (2006) to 20.8 percent (2022).

Nepal has given priority and respect for international human rights treaties and signed political commitments that recognise reproductive rights. The Constitution of Nepal, 2015 guarantees the right to safe motherhood and reproductive health as fundamental rights. Over the years, the government has adopted several policies, strategies and plans to guarantee women’s access to reproductive health services. In 2018, the government enacted the Safe Motherhood and Reproductive Health Rights Act, which defines the right to reproductive health and provides the necessary foundation for safe, accessible and quality reproductive health services.

Despite these significant gains, it is necessary to strengthen health systems so that they can deliver equitable health outcomes on the basis of a comprehensive approach. There are increasing needs for health financing, human resources for health, strengthening procurement and distribution of medicines and vaccines, infrastructure, information systems and service delivery at the local level.

On the other side, governments should focus on universal access to comprehensive and integrated quality sexual and reproductive health services for all women, men and young people to reduce the unmet need for family planning. Particular attention is needed in ensuring access for adolescents and youth for universal access to HIV prevention, treatment, care and support.

More notably, the Nairobi Summit on ICPD+25 took place in Nairobi, Kenya from 12 to 15, November 2019, to mark the 25th anniversary of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD+25). During the Nairobi Summit, Nepal made important national commitments to advance the ICPD agenda that largely focuses on universal access to sexual and reproductive health rights, women’s empowerment and their rights in order to achieve sustainable development goals (SDGs).

The commitments largely aim to end violence against women and children, early and forced marriage, ending preventable maternal deaths and ending unmet need for family planning. We need significant investments in young people including their health and well-being by ensuring that they are able to exercise their reproductive rights through upscaling of adolescent-friendly services and comprehensive sexuality education.

There are critical needs to ensure the basic humanitarian needs of affected populations, including sexual and reproductive health care and gender-based violence prevention and response, are addressed in humanitarian contexts. Moreover, health financing policies, instruments and structures are essentially needed to ensure effective implementation of the strategic priorities of the ICPD agenda in the changed context.

In order to accelerate the progress of the ICPD agenda in the federal context, Nepal has prioritized  poverty reduction, health, sexual and reproductive health rights, education, gender equality and women empowerment, adolescence and youth, international migration, urbanization, data and evidence for policy-making.

Population aging is also a matter of concern for development. At the implementation level, there are increasing needs of capacity enhancement of provincial and local governments to mainstream the ICPD priorities in their policies, plans and budget. Meaningful participation of adolescents, youth, people with disability, migrants, sexual and gender minorities, media and civil society representatives from poor and marginalized communities can ensure the inclusive population and development policies at all levels.

Additionally, there are emerging challenges of climate change, pollution, food insecurity, increasing risks of non-communicable diseases, health emergencies, pandemics, disasters and migration for foreign employment. In order to effectively address these issues, multi-sector coordination mechanisms or platforms are needed to harness the partnerships and collaborative actions to create synergies at all levels.

While population and sustainable development are inextricably linked, it is also necessary to consider the population distribution, socio-cultural and political dynamics, ethnic and indigenous diversity, religion and sustainable livelihoods of communities across the country. With a holistic people-centered approach, the essence of ICPD agenda and SDGs can be further harnessed.

The author is Health and Population Consultant at UNFPA