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In the media, it is often seen that the US Ambassador in Bangladesh comments on different domestic issues in Bangladesh, which provides a one-sided version of Bangladesh-US partnership. Against this backdrop, this write-up focuses on two questions: What are the key developments in Bangladesh-US partnership in the last decade? And what are the consequences of those developments?

On the occasion of Bangladesh’s Independence Day, in a letter to Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, US President Joe Biden wrote that ‘In over 50 years of diplomatic relations, the United States and Bangladesh have achieved a lot together—advancing economic development, strengthening people-to-people ties, addressing global health and climate issues, partnering on the humanitarian response to Rohingya refugees’. 

According to the US State Department (2023), ‘Bangladesh is an important regional partner on economic, climate, humanitarian and security priorities’. These statements offer a comprehensive picture on different dimensions of Bangladesh-US relations. 

Economic development

Impressive economic development happened between the US and Bangladesh in the last decade. For instance, in 2008, the volume of bilateral trade in goods amounted to $4,216.5m, which increased to $14,115.5m in 2022. According to the Office of the United States Trade Representative, there has been a dramatic increase in export and import between the two countries since 2012. US goods export to Bangladesh has increased by a staggering 483 per cent since 2012, rising to $3b in the year 2022. Bangladesh goods export to the US shows a similar trend, with a 127 percent increase in the US import from Bangladesh since 2012, reaching a high point of $11.2bn in 2022.

In addition, the US has been the largest source of FDI in Bangladesh. The total net FDI from the US in FY22 was $661.12m, accounting for 19.2 percent of the total FDI inflow to Bangladesh. Chevron has invested over $3.6bn of FDI, including over $500m in contracts with local suppliers and contractors, over the last 12 years, according to Peter Haas, the US’ ambassador to Bangladesh. Procter and Gamble (P&G) has been operating in Bangladesh and has had a significant impact on the country’s market. P&G, the American personal care product giant, has collaborated with the Bangladeshi manufacturer PRAN to invest $1m. 

Arun Venkataraman, assistant secretary of commerce for global markets and director-general at the US and Foreign Commercial Service, has said that the US is “well-prepared to invest in the energy sector of Bangladesh”. In November 2023, the global giant ExxonMobil showed its keen interest to explore oil and gas in the Bay of Bengal with an expected investment of $30bn. Additionally, the company asked for permission to conduct an early two-dimension seismic survey that may cost $40 to $50m.

The General Electric (GE) has collaborated with the Bangladesh Power Development Board on many projects in Fenchuganj, Shahjibazar, Sylhet, Syedpur, Bhola, Khulna and Ghorashal. It has supplied world-class gas turbines to power the plants. GE has also made an investment in the forthcoming Summit 583-MW and Unique 584-MW Combined Cycle Power Plant (CCPPs) in Meghnaghat, which will be driven by the most sophisticated GE 9HA.01 gas turbine technology.

Security and strategic development

According to the US Department of State (October 26, 2012), Bangladesh’s ‘efforts at development, countering violent extremism, assisting international peacekeeping and improving regional connectivity are vital to regional and global stability’. In addition, in the United State's Country Reports on Terrorism 2011, Country Reports on Terrorism 2012, Bangladesh’s cooperation with the United States in combating transnational terrorist groups was acknowledged. In December 2022, US’ Deputy Assistant Secretary Afreen Akhter defined Bangladesh as a ‘truly important strategic partner’ of the United States. 

The US has expressed gratitude to Bangladesh for its role in combating terrorism and hopes that Bangladesh will continue to demonstrate its strong commitment in this respect. This is also reflected in the words of the then US Ambassador to Bangladesh, Marcia Bernicat, “Bangladesh has remained a strong partner in the fight against terrorism. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina herself is a very, very strong leader in the fight against terrorism”.

In fact, in the last decade, the world witnessed a growing security cooperation between Bangladesh and the US. For instance, the US-Bangladesh Bilateral Security Dialogue was introduced in 2012 and its ninth edition was held in Dhaka on 5 Sept 2023, with its main focus on efforts to expand partnerships in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, peacekeeping, defense trade, military cooperation, and counterterrorism, as well as maritime security and regional issues. 

One can also add that the geopolitical location of Bangladesh makes it an important country to the US for its Indo-Pacific Strategy. Additionally, Bangladesh is a prospective regional hub in terms of maritime connectivity. It is also seen that sometimes, the US wants to pursue its geostrategic interest by interfering in the domestic affairs of Bangladesh, in violation of international norms of sovereignty and Vienna convention on diplomatic norms. 

Sociocultural development

According to data from the US Embassy in Dhaka, during the past decade, Bangladeshi students in the US have increased by more than 300 percent, from 3,314 students during the 2011-2012 academic years to 13,563 students during the 2022-2023 academic years. Bangladesh ranks seventh in the world for graduate student enrollment in the United States. In the words of US ambassador Haas, ‘Bangladeshi students continue to make impressive achievements across US campuses’.

The number of Bangladeshi diasporas to the US has also increased tremendously in the last two decades. For example, according to the data of Pew Research, the Bangladeshi population in the United States was 57, 000 in 2000, which increased to 208, 000 in 2019. These educated Bangladeshi people contribute immensely to the socio-economic development of the United States.

There have been impressive developments in Bangladesh-US relations in different dimensions from trade and investment to socio-cultural aspects in the last decade. However, the fullest potential of bilateral partnership is yet to be explored and harnessed. In that case, new avenues of cooperation such as the blue economy cooperation need to be accelerated. 

Bangladesh exports of readymade garments is helping tens of thousands of women communities in Bangladesh while the Bangladeshi diaspora in America is helping the American economy. The increasing volume of trade and investment between Bangladesh and the US impact tens of thousands of people in Bangladesh. 

The bottom-line is that the positive outcome in Bangladesh-US partnership impacts millions of people in both countries, highlighting its importance. 

The author is an associate professor of international relations at the University of Rajshahi, Bangladesh. He is also an adjunct research fellow at the KRF Center for Bangladesh and Global Affairs, Dhaka

The Indian Embassy in Kathmandu and Nepal’s Ministry of Finance recently held a Projects Portfolio Performance Review Meeting, marking a ‘milestone’ in  Nepal-India development cooperation framework. In the meeting held under Nepal’s Finance Minister Prakash Sharan Mahat and India’s Ambassador Naveen Srivastavasa with representatives of concerned ministries and departments, the two sides deliberated on the potential sectors of collaboration in the future. 

India remains Nepal’s largest development partner, marking a profound relationship since the 1950s and the Nepal-India Peace and Friendship Treaty forms the bedrock of bilateral relationship. 

After Maoist party Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s return to the political arena as Prime Minister of Nepal and Indian PM Narendra Modi’s insistence on neighborhood first policy, issues like regional connectivity, security and a departure from politics of the yore have gained prominence. There has been an increased focus on regional economic growth through the revival of the Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal (BBIN ) initiative and BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation). Notably, India’s development cooperation has been an important factor in Nepal’s economic vision.

A tight-rope walk

Despite political differences within the ruling coalition, there’s no denying that ties with India are extremely important for Nepal, considering the territorial proximity, historical bonhomie and trade dependence in the region. 

In this context, Prime Minister Dahal’s pragmatic approach with respect to India and China, Nepal’s two neighbors, is necessary for “balancing the scale”. During Dahal’s previous stint as PM, Kathmandu had a tumultuous relationship with New Delhi, but this time, his government has practised ‘matured statesmanship’ in resolving the border dispute and making the transformation of the economic landscape of the sub-region as the “real priority”. Dahal’s visit to Delhi earlier this year focused largely on economic and development partnership, pointing that Nepal’s foreign policy has to accommodate New Delhi’s interests even if it means not raising issues like the Eminent Persons’ Group (ESG) report.

Dahal's last visit to India garnered acclaim at home for advancing a crucial long-term power deal between the two nations, promising to import 10,000 MW of hydroelectricity from Nepal within a decade. This initiative not only held the potential to significantly reduce Nepal's trade deficit with India but also signaled increased foreign investment in Nepal's hydropower sector. The visit had been marked by a shift in focus, emphasizing mutually beneficial economic aspects over contentious political issues. Notably, in recent times India and Nepal have expanded their cooperation beyond bilateral agreements, allowing Kathmandu to export electricity to Bangladesh through the Indian grid. While the economic landscape flourishes with memorandums of understanding and groundbreaking ceremonies for key projects, Dahal's temple visits in India and Nepal have sparked discussions, seen by some as a nod to a larger Hindu constituency and an illustration of the growing influence of the BJP and RSS in India's Nepal policy. Despite these nuances, the economic collaboration between India and Nepal is making substantial progress, fostering a new era of bilateral relations.

Caught between BRI and MCC

During an eight-day visit to China earlier this year, Prime Minister Dahal signed a joint statement with Premier Li Qiang, part of which reads: “The Nepali side supports the Global Development Initiative (GDI)”. Dahal hastened to add later that the security partnership under the umbrella of Global Security Initiative (GSI) was not in the interest of Nepal  and it would offset the strategic balance it needs to maintain with India and the United States. A closer look at  China's push for Nepal to join the GSI underscores China's aim to establish security partnerships with developing nations in the pursuit of peace and development.

China has been significantly interested in its engagement with Nepal in various domains, showcasing a multifaceted approach, as high-profile visits from China have shown. 

As part of a China International Department delegation, Secretary of Communist Party of China (CPC)’s Sichuan Province Wang Xiaohui and Yuan Jiajun, a CPC Political Bureau member, held discussions with Nepali leaders, fostering political ties. 

China’s footprint extends beyond politics, evident in the launch of WeChat Pay in Pokhara and the China-Nepal Friendship Dragon Boat Race Festival, emphasizing cultural bonds. 

Xi’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) aims to enhance Nepal's infrastructure, although the progress has been subject to scrutiny and differing narratives back home considering it as a risky amount of debt to pursue its strategic plans in Nepal. While China asserts that key projects like the Pokhara International Airport fall under the BRI framework, Nepal maintains that project discussions are ongoing. Nepal's perception of GSI as a military alliance and its stance on the Global Cybersecurity Initiative (GCI) remain pivotal aspects of maintaining neutrality in the region. 

At the same time, China considers the presence of the United States and India in the regional dynamics, often called the India+1 strategy to assist Nepal, challenging to navigate. Beijing seems to have perceived the ratification of the US’ Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) Compact as a threat to its BRI aspirations of Beijing, taking MCC as an extension of the Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Although there is considerable opposition against MCC in the CPN (Maoist Center), there is a growing acknowledgement of it being a strategic debate which needs further deliberation for Nepal’s strategic balance.

As India’ former Ambassador to Nepal, KV Rajan, has stated, “The real challenge for Nepal is to depoliticize cooperation with India”. Nepal faces the intricate task of navigating a sensitive geopolitical landscape, strategically balancing the interests of India, China, and the United States while advancing its goals. 

Kathmandu's impartial approach to China is crucial for fostering peace in the Himalayan region. By adeptly employing policy tools, Nepal can leverage MCC to bolster its economy and signal openness to China, especially in the context of BRI. Yet, the journey ahead is not without obstacles. Effectively managing Tibetan refugee concerns, maintaining political stability and active participation in global forums will be tests of Nepal's resilience and diplomatic finesse. Amidst unpredictable currents of political shifts and unexpected alliances, Nepal must steer its geopolitical course with care, considering the potential impact on the developmental aspirations supported by India and the US. In conclusion, Nepal's strategic acumen and adaptability will be vital in charting a course that aligns with its national interests while navigating the complexities of the global stage.

Basu is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at Manav Rachna International Institute of Research and Studies, India and also serves as a Non-resident Fellow in International Development and Security Cooperation, the Philippines. He writes on Indian Foreign Policy and South Asian Politics

Acharya is a Research Assistant at the National University of Singapore under Dr Sahana Ghosh. She is also associated with Tillotama Foundation as a Senior Coordinator (South Asia)

A famous example of human-robot collaboration is Nike’s warehouse robots that provide its service in its fulfillment centers. One example is Locus bot. These robots can help to improve the warehouse productivity by freeing the worker cumbersome carts dramatically and reducing the waste of walking time. The robots will bring the items to human pickers so that  they can be packaged and labeled for dispatch. Locus comprises multiple products that use greater capacity and productivity for the warehouse. 

Locus multibot solutions deal with the design, construction, operation, and use of robots and computer systems for their control, information processings and sensory feedback. Locus intelligent clustering algorithm continuously reviews orders from the warehouse management system to maximize productivity and chooses order to optimize work density.

Locus directly uses the optimal pick container and dynamically calculates the smartest path through the warehouse and proceeds to the first pick where the associates meet the bot. The bot displays the pick information on an easy to read display in the associates preferred language. Then the associate will pick the item and scan it with the integrated system and place it in the appropriate bin. After the pick, the bot directs the associate to the next closest robot for more work while the robot moves to its next task, often with a different associate. The associate engaged with the multiple robots to complete more tasks faster. 

With locus, one can get true task interleaving which helps associates to be able to switch between picking and put away. Locus continuously evaluates the order pool associate proximity and even congestion resulting in shorter cycle times and greater productivity to better meet service-level agreements. There is no need to log in or slow down or carry other devices because the robots are shared resources that bring the work to the associates. One can use any combination of the container type including existing containers or shipping cartons. 

The bot charges automatically and can work round the clock and locus is flexible automation allowing it to easily scale seasonally. Locus adds innovatively industry leading reports and dashboards analytics which gives the team powerful actionable information that they need in the real time helping to drive continuous improvement. Locus robots are working to pick up a wide variety of products in warehouses around the world where clients see two to three times greater productivity and measurable return on investment in just a few months. 

Artificial Intelligence increases human robot interaction, collaboration opportunities, automates repetitive tasks, improves efficiency and productivity. AI helps robots mimic human behavior more closely which will further act and think more like people which can integrate better into the workforce and bring a level of efficiency unmatched by human employees. Repetitive task automation and automated chatbots will remain major milestones in the years to come. This will not only increase productivity and strengthen the economy, but will also diversify the revenue streams, improve employment and earning opportunities. 

The constitution of Nepal guarantees equitable participation of different communities in state mechanisms. Its preamble envisages an equitable society based on proportional, inclusive, and participatory values in order to combat prejudice, and to advance social justice, equality, and diversity.

The federal system of governance, pluralism, egalitarianism, rule of law, inclusivity, and good governance are the basic tenets of the 2015 constitution. The goal is to establish “sustainable peace, good governance, development, and prosperity through the federal democratic republican system of governance,” as stated in the final section of the preamble. 

The federal structure was adopted to ensure that the provinces, while remaining independent in their jurisdictions, combine themselves for the national purpose. The administrative powers are divided between the center and province; and both are supreme in their respective areas. In a federal democracy, there appears to be “effective innovation within the system both at the federal and state level” argues John Warhurst, professor of political science at Australian National University.

 In a paper presented at International Conference on Federalism, Devolution of Power and Inclusive Democracy in Nepal and Asia organized by Kathmandu University School of Law in Kathmandu on Nov 22-23, Prof Warhurst argues, “The federal system has survived wars, pandemics and natural disasters with mixed success. Its operations have evolved to meet new circumstances and the aspirations of different political leaders and political movements and parties.” 

He is of the view that the benefits of federalism could be seen in its flexibility to deal with regional differences, including economic and financial disparities and to respond to local cultural differences and varying needs. In Nepal’s case, Madhesh is considered as the flagbearer of federalism, as the people and the Madhes-based parties have been the most vocal advocates for the strengthening of the provincial system. 

The Madhesi community, one of the underprivileged groups, believed that federalism could be the best alternative to achieve self- rule at the province and shared rule at the center. The federal practices could be meaningful in many respects. It could help us to champion the regional or local expectations and aspirations. We should enact laws and policies in furtherance of the local demands and culture. The center should coordinate and cooperate with the provinces as our constitution has been modeled on the principle of cooperation, coexistence and coordination, as enunciated under Article 232. 

Federal features

Article 56 of the constitution envisages that the federation, provinces, and local governments are the political entities that exercise the sovereign power. The charter has empowered all the three tiers of the government to legislate in line with the matters enumerated under the Schedules. Our constitution provisions that the laws enacted within the jurisdiction of Federal List would prevail over the laws framed under concurrent or Provincial List. And, the laws of Concurrent List would prevail over the Provincial List. At this juncture, the constitutional mandates of India and Nepal stand on the same page.

The supremacy of the constitution is yet another essential element of federalism. Article 1 declares the charter as the fundamental law of the land which itself has a rationale that the constitution is supreme in the state. Laws that are inconsistent with the constitution shall, to the extent of such inconsistency, be void. The independence of judiciary and bicameralism further supplement the notion of federalism. In the federal system of governance, the power is divided between the national government and provincial governments. 

The federal system of the United States has not been fully adopted even in India because the American model may not have suited India. Further, India had followed a more or less Canadian system rather than the United States of America’s system of federation. In the United States, the residuary powers are reserved to the states by the constitution. While in India, the residuary powers are given to the center under Article 248 because India has followed here the Canadian system, vesting the residuary powers in the union. Much like India, the residual power rests with the federation in Nepal (Article 58, Constitution of Nepal).

Blame game

Some argue that federalism has become a costly affair. Some say corruption is at its zenith due to federal structure. In fact, none of the systems of governance could give you a magic stick to give solutions to every problem. A system of governance could work as a lamppost showing vivid paths. 

In Nepal’s case, there has been a trend of blaming the constitution to cover up all the mistakes committed by the political actors, and as a result of which, we are witnessing the seventh constitution in hand. As a matter of fact, no self-respecting nation should allow its fundamental law of the land to be used like a playing card at the behest of certain political actors. Our constitution guarantees the right to employment as a matter of fundamental rights, but the state has failed to stabilize and stop the outflow of migrant workers.

Remittances are the foundation of Nepal’s economy, constituting about one-third of the GDP, sustaining the national economy as well as adding to the household income. In contrast, right to education and healthcare are also acclaimed as the fundamental rights, but the government-aided educational institutions and hospitals have measurably and miserably failed to stand up to the peoples’ expectation. Resultantly, there appears to be privatization in the education and health sectors. Can we blame the constitution for all these problems?

Way forward

If every political party had their own interpretation of the constitution, in such a case, the premier book would be rendered meaningless. In Nepal’s case, the political leaderships had never adhered wholeheartedly to any constitution. The reason is that they always wanted to stick to the chair and milk money; and to that end, they used various players and shaped the constitution to suit their needs.

To tell you the truth, Nepali federalism has been designed on the basis of working of federalism in US, Canada, Australia, India, and others. Yet, it deviates from those federalism in many respects as it establishes its own distinctive features suiting its national interest. The center’s strong influence could favor centralizing tendencies but cannot subvert federal fabrics. Nepal’s constitution provides ample opportunities for the provincial and local governments to recognize and address the local concerns. As Prof Warhurst argues that federalism favors local and regional concerns, the legislation could be enacted by the provincial and local governments to address the regional and local needs and aspirations.

From ensuring federalism to rule of law, to good governance and inclusivity, the latest constitution has everything progressive for the people. The only thing we need is to implement the constitution in a true and material sense. After all, our federal democracy deserves to be nationally integrated, politically and economically coordinated and intellectually uplifted. And, for that to happen, this current constitution needs to be upheld.

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