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Power is not a simple concept as we may have thought, there are many types of power and there are many competing theories of power. A famous American political scientist, Joseph Nye, differentiates between two types of power, hard and soft power. Eventually, Nye introduces smart power as the ‘balance of hard and soft power. According to him, ‘soft power’ is the ability to get ‘others to want the outcomes that you want’, and more particularly ‘the ability to achieve goals through attraction rather than coercion’. There are three measures of soft power: Familiarity, reputation and influence. Culture, diplomacy, education, business/innovation and government are the elements that help assess the soft power of countries. This article looks at the soft power of India and Nepal and its role in shaping bilateral relations.

India’s soft power in Nepal

India is the fourth most powerful country in Asia pursuing a regional leadership role in South Asia. The influential role it has nurtured over the decade can be a game-changer for the region. In keeping with a changing world, India has used different bilateral and multilateral strategies to navigate the region toward a well-balanced future of prosperity and peace. In the 1990s, India started embracing a friendly policy toward its neighbors and projecting ‘soft power’ in the neighborhood. India’s soft power has traditionally been characterized by diversity. Historical accounts tell us that a prosperous India has drawn migrants, brokers and raiders like ‘Alexander the Great’. Its soft power has spread over millennia through a culture of secularism, liberalism and inclusiveness.

After Narendra Modi’s emergence as the Prime Minister of India in 2014, India has invested substantial resources in building up its soft power. We can say India has been more innovative in using its soft power since then. Bollywood, education, space diplomacy and diaspora are major sources of India’s soft power in Nepal along with our common heritages like Yog and Ayurved.  Globally also, India has been pushing Yog and Ayurved as a major source of its soft power quite successfully. Nepal can reap benefits from this initiative while enhancing bilateral relations. Giving continuity to a science in practice for ages, Modi is showing the world how to practice Yog. Nepal has also organized a series of Yog initiatives in the country of late.

India and Nepal share an open border, people from both sides can move easily, get married and settle down. The two countries have a large number of people, who are adherents of Hinduism and Buddhism. Thus, diaspora and religion are another most influential aspect of soft power. Moreover, religious tourism is the unsurpassed tool of soft power between Nepal and India.

Thousands of Nepali students go to India every year for higher education, especially in the field of medicine and engineering. Every year, India provides around 3,000 scholarships to Nepali students for various academic degrees like PhD, Master’s and Bachelor’s. India’s contribution to the growth of human resources in Nepal has been a key aspect of bilateral collaboration. Indian educational institutions springing up across Nepal are expected to contribute to bilateral ties by bolstering educational infrastructure of Nepal. 

A significant number of Nepalis visit India every year to avail themselves of better medical facilities. India has provided medical support to Nepal during natural disasters and health emergencies. Thus, health and education can be seen as another major source of India’s soft power in Nepal.

There is a huge interest in Indian music, cinema and television serials in Nepal. Many artists and professionals visit our two countries, enhancing the bond of friendship. 

Apart from this, Gurkha regiments have played a role in bolstering India’s defenses and the movie titled ‘Sam Bahadur’, based on the life of Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw, is expected to shine a light on the contributions of Gurkha soldiers from Nepal to India’s defense and security.

Nepal’s soft power in India

Nepal has already established itself as a benevolent country on the world stage, which further strengthens its resolve to identify and pursue soft power. Some of the most notable and recurring themes of soft power that Nepal possesses are tourism, Ayurved, the Gurkha Regiments, Himalayas and Buddhism. This abode of peace—the birthplace of Gautam Buddha and Tapobhumi of Rishis and Munis—has been able to generate a lot of goodwill from around the world. 

A source of soft power for Nepal, the Gurkha soldiers become a formidable power for India when they become part of its defense capabilities. However, the newly-introduced Agnipath scheme has rendered Gurkha recruitments from Nepal uncertain.

Conclusion

Soft power projection can be a means to enhance Nepal-India relations. 

For India, increasing scholarship quotas for Nepali students and funding for Nepali educational institutions can be an effective way to project soft power in Nepal.   

Shooting of Bollywood movies in beautiful locations of Nepal can bring us revenues (also in the form of increased tourist arrivals from India), while also benefiting the Bollywood film industry by bringing down production costs.   

Religious-spiritual destinations like Pasupatinath, Muktinath, Janaki Mandir and Lumbini (Nepal) as well as Hardwar, Varanasi and Tirupati (India) draw lakhs of pilgrims from the two countries every year, holding a great economic potential. 

Home to a variety of herbs used in Ayurved for centuries, Nepal can also be an ideal location for hosting Yog conventions and retreats. The recent landing of Chandrayaan-3 into the Moon, which made India the fourth country to successfully land on the Moon, and the first to do so near the lunar south pole, has increased India’s soft power tremendously. India’s plans like the development of a satellite for SAARC member-states are likely to enhance its soft power in the neighborhood and beyond.

The National Youth Policy formulated eight years ago has defined those aged 16 to 40 years as youths. National Census-2021 states that youths constitute 42.56 percent of the national population, which stood at 40.35 percent during the census conducted in the year 2011. 

According to data from the Foreign Employment Department, the number of Nepalis going abroad for work has increased by more than 21 percent in the fiscal year 2022-23 compared to the fiscal 2021-22. In 2022-23, a staggering 771,327 people went to countries other than India for jobs, more than 630,000 people took work permits in 2021-22 whereas in 2020-21 only 166,698 people went for foreign employment. In 2019-20, 368,433 people took work permit, followed by 508,828 in 2018-19, 612,685 people in 2017-18, 354,533 people in 2016-17 and 640,981 people in 2015-16, whereas 693,032 people (new labor permits and renewals included) Nepali went abroad for jobs in 2014-15. These data show that youth exodus for jobs peaked in 2015-16 before reaching a new high in 2022-23.

Why do a large number of Nepalis seem to think that their country of birth does not have much to offer in terms of employment opportunities? Is it solely because of indifference on the part of the state? 

The Constitution of Nepal 2015 has regarded the right to employment as a fundamental right, but this right, like several other rights, remain largely on paper.

It is not that the government has not tried to reduce unemployment. With the aim of providing jobs, the government launched the Prime Minister’s Employment Program five years ago. 

Thousands of youths benefited from this program that basically provides 100 days’ employment to unemployed people in a year, which still meant too little for millions of unemployed people, 

Besides, how many people can make a living for themselves and their families by getting gainful employment for 100 days in a year? 

While the Nepali job market scenario remains grim, there’s no drought of promises to create jobs in the country. For instance, the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry has announced plans to create 2.2m jobs by 2030. The plans are great, whether they will materialize or not is a different thing altogether. 

The 15th periodic plan of the National Planning Commission has envisaged a high-level National Employment Authority for creating jobs, coordinating with various agencies and regulating the employment sector by bringing Youth Self-employment Fund, Poverty Alleviation Fund and NPC on board. 

Like previous editions, this periodic plan has also made some lofty promises. It has pledged to create 2.5m more jobs, increase workforce participation rate from 38.5 percent to 49 percent, increase the share of the formal sector in employment from 36.5 percent to 50 percent and provide professional, technical and skill training to 500,000 people. 

What’s more, it plans to establish employment information centers at all local levels and tie them up with the employment system of the organized sector, reduce industrial labor disputes and develop sound labor relations. 

However, these tall promises should be compared with the situation on the ground. The Nepal Labor Force Survey conducted about six years ago put the unemployment rate in the country at a staggering 11.4 percent, compared to a dismal 2.1 percent and 1.8 percent in surveys conducted a decade ago and 25 years ago, respectively. 

In a predominantly agricultural country, the farm sector appears to be shrinking by the day, if findings of the National Census-2021 are any indication. Per the census, the population involved in agriculture is 50.1 percent, which marks a sharp decline from 65.6 percent during the census conducted in 2011.

These statistics point toward a declining interest of the public toward agriculture, due, perhaps, to factors like dismal returns resulting from the lack of irrigation facilities and market.  

Summing up, time has come for the government to walk the talk and prove to the youth that there is no dearth of employment opportunities in Nepal, whether it’s in the farms or other sectors.   

The ongoing political debate in Nepal, centered around a choice between a republic and a monarchy, has escalated over time. While discussions are confined to the political sphere, such debates have gained momentum as Nepal’s democracy fails to deliver meaningful economic results. Nepal’s economic performance is bleak, and a deep sense of injustice and powerlessness has prevailed among its citizens. When distrust erodes people’s faith in democratic institutions, demagogues are likely to surf on the wave of political and economic populism. Compounding these factors, the government’s procrastination in taking concrete steps to find long-term solutions to fix the underlying causes has only exacerbated the crisis.

The challenges enumerated above are consequences of a more profound force that has led to a presently dysfunctional system - a manifestation of the country’s pseudo-democracy. In Nepal, the conceptualization of democracy seems confined predominantly to its intrinsic value. However, the other instrumental facet of democracy, which serves as an effective means of socio-economic and political transformation, is inadequately realized. Consequently, a nuanced and timely discourse on this matter becomes imperative, as it can only positively impact people’s lives and eventually disperse crowds of illusions.

Short-termism of the financial sector

The pervasive short-termism in Nepal’s financial sector has diverted more finance into unproductive assets such as real estate and the stock market. An increasing emphasis on quarterly returns has crowded out long-term capital investment, and economic research and development. This narrow-minded approach not only impedes innovation, productivity, competitiveness, and job creation but also exacerbates the brain drain of youth, pushing them to seek opportunities abroad.

Who, then, is responsible for the wrongdoing? The nasty form of corporate governance has continuously tempered the economy, forgoing shadow alliances with corrupt politicians and bureaucrats who, in turn, share in illicit revenue. Such extractive institutional nexus has ruptured the interlinkage between the productive sector, job creation, and overall economic progress. The resultant frustration and anxiety among the general public are tangible, contributing to the prevailing discontent and fueling political and economic unrest in the nation. To foster genuine and sustainable growth, a shift toward responsible corporate governance and a recalibration of private sector priorities is imperative.

Slow or absent government

So far, the government’s action has been ‘too little, too late’, reflecting a reactive approach to addressing economic problems, often with detrimental consequences. Nepal’s economic problems are structural and, thus, need structural overhaul rather than short-term ‘jugaad’. For instance, the government needs to be reflective of the private sector's disinterest in long-term capital investment and its preference for trading rather than bolstering its manufacturing and service base. Why do investors continuously yell that the current economic structure demoralizes long-term capital investment and lament the government’s commitment to fixing it? The role of government transcends beyond merely revenue collection, market regulation, and correcting market failures. It must demonstrate a significant investment pledge in research and development and foster an environment where the private sector can operate with confidence and a sense of long-term commitment. This calls for a paradigm shift in how economic organizations are governed, how their relationships are structured, and how economic actors interconnect.

Low level of premature deindustrialization

With globalization, developing countries, including Nepal, witnessed a rapid shift from agriculture to the service sector, bypassing industry-led economic growth much earlier than the historical average. In his 2016 study, economist Dani Rodrik argued that premature deindustrialization could negatively impact economic growth through job loss and lower comparative advantage due to poor technology. An analysis of Nepal’s economic data (1975-2016) indicates that the manufacturing sector has shrunk, and there is a need to increase the share of manufacturing in national output and create jobs. Unemployment and economic frustration could trigger political instability and illiberal politics. Most importantly, only manufacturing can fill the vacuum of Nepal’s market gap of labor demand vs skill mismatch. It is especially true for the semi-skilled and unskilled labor force who outgrew agriculture but are ill-equipped for high-tech jobs. Reindustrialization is not an unavoidable fate and is essential for a change in the present economic structure to increase employment and bolster the production base. The question is how to design tools that help achieve this directionality with a purpose.

Democracy must deliver

The public’s desire for change resonates with their expectations for increased job opportunities, enhanced livelihood, and better public services. This collective aspiration has historically fueled the political call for democracy in Nepal. Over time, if democracy fails to deliver tangible economic progress, questions naturally arise on its appropriateness, leading people to explore alternative paths. While the intrinsic values inherent in democracy are significant, they alone are insufficient for sustenance. A democratic system must also demonstrate economic efficacy, delivering concrete economic results to win over citizens for more extensive support and credibility.

This means rethinking corporate governance where both government and the private sector adopt a mission-oriented approach for overcoming structural economic challenges. Only the government, with its unparalleled authority, holds the key to steering transformative change on a scale that can redefine the dynamics of economic progress and societal interaction. But, at present, the government itself requires reawakening. The current status quo is failing too many people; therefore, a delivery-centered democratic reorientation is only a long-term solution to public dissent.

The author is a public policy candidate at Willy Brandt School in Germany. He has served as a research officer at the Office of the Investment Board Nepal. He can be reached for comments at [email protected]

A week ago, Lumbini Province made headlines by being the first province to introduce menstrual leave. While a large number of people, both men and women, congratulated the provincial government for being sensitive toward women’s needs, some critics were too quick to ridicule it. Those in support acknowledged the state’s empathy toward women who undergo physical and mental (still) pain when they have their cycles and that they need accommodative arrangements at the workplace. Those who did not approve the leave considered it was an added luxury for women.

A few days later, similar but stronger voices were heard in India when Union Minister for Women and Child Development, Smriti Irani, spoke against the need for specific policies related to menstruation as she termed it was not a ‘handicap’. The statement resulted in a wider discussion on the topic. Critics gave examples of women in sports who do not have the liberty to take a leave on a match day; some suggested that women could avail normal sick leave instead of a new type of leave. While the supporters of the leave talked about equality in real terms as men and women have different biology and different health needs.

I am neither a human resources expert nor am I an expert on menstrual hygiene, but I am a woman who has undergone this process to give birth to two kids and am familiar with women who experience menstruation-related pain or problems. In fact, numerous studies conducted in Nepal and abroad have shown that girl students are more likely to miss school during their menstrual cycles. To address the issue of this absenteeism, schools started providing free sanitary pads and menstruation health management became a topic of health awareness.

Working women also face problems when their periods start suddenly or suffer from excessive bleeding. In general, menstruating women suffer from cramps, low back pain, fatigue, discomfort and migraine, among others. It is hard for them to give their hundred percent during these days.  Even renowned organizations in Nepal that advertise ‘women-friendly workplaces’ do not provide basic support such as a resting place or access to sanitary pads. It’s a women’s issue and does not affect men so it’s challenging to convince the higher-ups in organizations (mostly men) to make the arrangements for women.

Men do not have to worry if their clothes get stained or if they leave some chairs marked. Women have to! Women have to worry about engorged breasts too if they can’t feed their newborns on time. While the Nepal government has introduced female-friendly workplaces by providing lactation rooms and day care centers, private organizations and non-government organizations are way behind.

Women’s different needs should neither be understood as luxury nor handicapped as Irani put it. It’s just that they are differently built and undergo difficult phases in different stages of their lives. Young girls start menstruating around the age of 10-12. A woman has to deal with this cycle and the discomfort that it brings 48 days or 1.5 months a year. Then during motherhood, a woman’s womb goes through expansion and contractions. The hormonal levels mess up and many face depression. Very important to note here is not everyone is lucky to be a mother as many pregnancies end in miscarriages. Special attention should be provided to those women too. Let us also not forget the special preference for a male child that can lead to sex-selective abortion; the mental trauma associated with these are huge. Women activists and feminists have strong reasons to advocate for women’s rights over their body.

Fortunately, my periods are kinder to me and I don’t go through a lot of pain but I have friends and family members who do. The troubles don’t end even when women begin to experience menopause. Since men do not go through these phases in life, women’s needs must be accommodated in workplaces, one of which can be a paid menstrual leave. If there is a question of productivity or effective performance, there are hundreds of ways to monitor that.