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Although International Relations (IR) is taught at Tribhuvan University as a social science discipline, one’s attempt to identify the ingredients of ‘social’ and ‘science’ in the prescribed syllabus of IR may become a futile struggle. Scanning the syllabus, one may notice a perceptible dearth of topics, concepts, approaches, and methods for enquiring, understanding, and interpreting the role of wider social interactions in a country’s foreign policy choices.

The syllabus was introduced in 2013 and revised after receiving ‘expert opinions’ in 2017. Still, misreading and misrepresenting IR only as the study of state power further repudiates the role that social units have in the production, accumulation, and reproduction of power. While IR fundamentally claims to study the relations between the state and non-state actors, the Nepali IR has principally failed to identify and inculcate the larger social aspects of such relations that help measure power as social production.

Firstly, teaching IR in Nepal is robbed of any academic inquiry into the existing social phenomenon that presents politics as a social activity. Secondly, its minuscule reliance on political science for any scientific observation is not sufficient to produce a good political scientist. Thirdly, its overemphasis on national power and national security divulges divergence between everyday social realities and political rhetoric. As such, IR is more of an elite sense, not a social science.

More elite, less social

The syllabus of IR is crammed with global, regional, and national issues. But those issues are scarcely studied and investigated in the context of social realities. Professors in the IR program may make a quick escape by divulging the lack of required human resources to teach the subject. Here, physical walls built by departments inside the university also share the blame. After all, the physical walls confine your epistemic behavior to the constructed sense of belonging to one academic discipline. It utterly prevents the discipline from becoming suitably interdisciplinary. Just lettering your syllabus as interdisciplinary doesn’t fulfill the objective unless an IR wala is made enthusiastic to sit in the classrooms of political science, sociology, anthropology, history, and economics prior to his/her foreign policy analysis of any diplomatic episodes. Sad but true, there are no practices of visiting philosophically associated departments and spending time in each other’s libraries and classrooms. In such a context, how and from where a young program like IR will acquire and develop the components of ‘social’ and ‘science’?

A prevalent irony in Tribhuvan University’s social sciences is the rationale behind classifying the academic subjects as social sciences. Generally, social science is understood as the study of society, social institutions, and social behavior. But those elements are missing in the syllabus and teaching of IR in the university.

University’s social sciences—which are largely expected to study social realities—have today poignantly failed to grasp the nature and characteristics of existing Nepali society. Despite the mediocre history of social sciences in Nepal, just a cliche(mentioned as an example below) may instantly attest that social sciences in the university remain ignorant of everyday social experiences. For instance, academic departments and programs at Tribhuvan University, including the IR program, are never tired of describing Nepal as a “poor and underdeveloped/ developing country”. But the exorbitant semester fees imposed on the students of “the poor and underdeveloped/ developing country” stands contrary to their claim. It’s an apt example revealing the indifference of university authorities to existing social realities shaped by class, wealth, income, and social inequalities. When the university doesn’t pay heed to the students of “the poor and underdeveloped/ developing country” opposing the exorbitant semester fees, it becomes obvious that the university is apathetic to social realities. In such an environment, programs like International Relations may attract more money to the university.

An IR wala never gets bored of reiterating foreign policy as the extension of domestic policies. But the social actors and factors associated with those domestic policies are seldom discussed in the classroom. It may be because of two reasons: Firstly, faculties find it easier to weave the accessible media narratives on the everyday changes taking place in global and regional politics. Secondly, IR students remain submissive to the details drawn from the elitist phenomenon of decision-making in world affairs. Actually, they find the world being presented to them in the classroom adventurous. As such, they rhapsodize world political affairs, where the amount of ‘social’ is swiftly relegated to the study of power and influence.

While the IR program at TU is all set to make a decade-long institutional history, students and young faculties in the IR are incessantly lured by the mere mentions and fleeting references of the globally renowned diplomats. Being ignorant of the significance of intellectual biography and intellectual history, their taste and flavor are either reduced to general likes/dislikes or driven by popular narratives. In the Nepali context, two historical characters are seemingly glorified in the IR classroom—PN Shah and Mahendra Shah—for their reported contributions to Nepal’s national security and diplomatic responsibilities. Interestingly, the social realities in their days never become the units of the syllabus, the matter of classroom discussion, and the topic or argument of dissertation writing/ supervision.

Although the key actors shaping Nepal’s foreign policy and diplomacy in different periods of time are taught and studied, neither the IR faculties nor the students have the access and understanding to identify the backroom boys and decipher their roles in foreign policy decision-making. Take the case of MCC as an example, the classroom discussions of international relations in the university were widely dependent on the news and views from the mainstream media. The IR faculties may be well paid for what they teach but their dependence on media analyses and internet surfing corrode the analytical and observatory capacities, which a university faculty should cultivate unremittingly. Consequently, their routine emphasis on the secondary data positioned around the matters of national power, national security, and national interest fails to comprehend the social realities shaping both the historical and contemporary episodes with regard to what is nation and national.

Mere sense, no science

Social science studies society on various fronts. In today’s academic milieu, while political science, sociology, anthropology, and history themselves have botched to report, investigate, and analyze society and social institutions treading on the existing philosophical, historical, and theoretical standpoints, it may not be fitting to expect a new program like IR—which theoretically and philosophically doesn’t have anything of its own—concentrate its teaching and study on the inevitability of social elements shaping foreign policy decisions?

Already, as a discipline, IR is preoccupied with the interests and relations between the states. Saddest of all, in developing countries, those interests and relations are also not taught as per global academic practices, commenced and continued by the best IR schools around the world.  As a result, faculties and students in countries like ours may make sense of the events and phenomena but can rarely practice it as a social science.

After all, the strands of society are largely elapsed in their approaches and analyses. In all the dissertations produced by the students of the IR department since 2016, the social component is relentlessly missing. A cursory look over the analysis and inferences drawn in their dissertations may indicate the presence of scientific research methods but a thorough probe into the dissertation may reveal the story of duplication and oversimplification. Dissertations produced on Nepal-China relations are an apt example. How justifiable is it to pen a dissertation on Nepal-China relations without knowing basic Mandarin or the basic attributes of Chinese society? Is it convincing and per the popular research ethics to pull the information already available in Google or archives and reproduce it as your own analysis? The most bewildering aspect of teaching IR at the university is the acceptability of the dissertations without any scientific knowledge of the proposed issues. Not even a handful of dissertations are based on field visits, participant observations, ethnography, and interviews. Against such a backdrop, on the basis of what remaining yardsticks can IR be considered a social science in the Nepali context? Methodologically, it has compromised science over sense. In terms of perspectives, it has dismissed social interests and social relations over the promotion of elite interests and power relations, which are often misunderstood as national interest in IR classrooms.

'Khambandi'

Injecting a few components of ‘social’ and ‘science’ into the disciplinary hat of International Relations won’t make its approach social, however. Instead, the understanding of ‘social’ may vary from one IR walla to the other, at least, until power remains at the core of its disciplinary existence. The element of ‘science’ that the syllabus is supposed to carry—not in a prescriptive sense, but more in a reflective sense—has already been compromised to the 'Khambandi' culture. When acquaintances come to know that your department has received funds from the University Grants Commission (UGC) or elsewhere, you will see ‘experts’ in droves being welcomed with 'Khambandi'—paid in an envelope for their ‘expertise’. Despite the reckless duplication in the contents of the syllabus being revised, plagiarism in the units, and above all, more guff-gaaf and less expertise in the process of syllabus-making, they don’t hesitate to receive the 'Khambandi'. On what moral and professional grounds is that justifiable? When experts and practitioners are lured more by 'Khambandi', faculties are dependent on Google and popular narratives, and students are reliant only on the faculties’ slides, one can imagine the future of Nepali IR under the semester system in the oldest university of Nepal.

Public diplomacy has emerged as an important tool of a country’s foreign policy. The democratization of foreign affairs, i.e. the growing say and influence of the people in matters of foreign relations, has made public diplomacy an attractive, important and necessary means for every country. This is applicable not only in the cases of democratic and developed countries but also in developing countries and countries with different types of political systems.

Countries have different experiences in the matter of public diplomacy. We have seen that countries like the United States of America have been using public diplomacy effectively, especially since the beginning of the Cold War. During the Cold War, both the USA and the then USSR used public diplomacy against each other. The objective was to influence the public in the other camp against their regime. At the same time, other countries have been using public diplomacy to enhance their national image before the international community. China is one such example. It has been using public diplomacy to demonstrate its economic development and other achievements, and also to attract foreign students, tourists and businessmen. On the other hand, it is also possible that some countries may try to use public diplomacy as one of the tools to interfere in the internal affairs of another country. Radio and TV channels, printed materials and other such resources can be used to influence the public in the target countries.

In the present-day world, the nature and focus of public diplomacy have changed. It is used more to influence the foreign publics to influence foreign governments and achieve the countries’ interests. In a way, this can be termed a legitimate method. Though the traditional approach of using public diplomacy as a propaganda tool and a way for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries still continues, there is a visible shift in the overall approach. 

First, public diplomacy has received universal recognition and acceptance. Almost all countries—rich and poor, big and small, developed and developing—have been using public diplomacy to meet some of their diplomatic objectives. 

Second, public diplomacy has now gained a positive connotation; people do not take it only as a propaganda tool but also as an effective and acceptable means for national branding and advocacy. 

Third, public diplomacy can still be used as a means for interfering in the internal affairs of a country, especially among developing and weaker countries. The possible victims have to take effective measures to counter such efforts. Many countries have been using public diplomacy as an effective tool of diplomacy. Public diplomacy has also proved an effective means to promote the commercial interests of a state. Promotional activities, exchanges of people, and branding of various products have helped promote a country’s image and dignity as well as the promotion of trade and tourism. 

Countries like China have made visible achievements in the area of public diplomacy through activities such as English language media, events and projects to increase Chinese visibility abroad, English publications, exchanges with foreign countries, and Chinese gardens abroad. Similarly, India’s public diplomacy activities include distinguished lectures, documentaries on various aspects of India, publicity campaigns through ‘India Perspectives’ and ‘Bharat Ek Parichaya’, etc. In the case of Nepal, we have seen that public diplomacy is a relatively new area. Some efforts had been made in the past to promote the country’s dignity but foreign publics were not targeted much. 

After the restoration of democracy in 1990, Nepali missions abroad started organizing various activities under their economic diplomacy programmes. And, it was rather late that the Government of Nepal started using the term public diplomacy in its official documents. Now, Nepal has taken some steps toward public diplomacy. Nepali diplomatic missions abroad have started meeting people, business leaders and academicians with a view to promoting Nepal’s national interest. Still, a lot more needs to be done by Nepal to make public diplomacy a truly useful and effective tool of its foreign policy.

The Government of Nepal, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in particular, have to streamline public diplomacy in the overall foreign policy. It has to undertake studies to identify the areas where public diplomacy can be a useful tool. Public diplomacy needs to be made an integrated tool of the country’s foreign policy. The foreign ministry should provide training to Nepali diplomats. 

As public diplomacy itself is a new area, Nepali diplomats need thorough training incorporating both theoretical and practical aspects. Only well-trained and skilful diplomats can implement public diplomacy in an effective and appropriate manner.

Excerpts from the research paper published by Policy Research Institute, a government think-tank

Recent events in Russia have brought the Wagner Group, a controversial private military company, into the spotlight. With concerns about the fate of its fighters and leader, the group’s future hangs in the balance. Reports indicate that the leader of the group has sought refuge in Belarus, while Russian President Vladimir Putin has presented the soldiers with three options: Join the Russian military, return to their families, or seek refuge in Belarus. As uncertainty looms, the group continues to expand its operations and attract new members, including young individuals from Nepal.

Nepalis possess renowned combatant qualities as the enlistment of the Gorkhas, acknowledged globally as an exceptionally fierce warrior, in the Indian Army and the British Army since 1815 shows. Gorkha regiments raised by the British exhibited remarkable valor in various military campaigns. “This is a troubling circumstance. The Nepal government lacks the capacity to intervene as these individuals have taken action independently,” EurAsian Times quoted Nepali Army’s Major General Binoj Basnyat (retd) in reference to the Nepali youths’ involvement in the Ukraine war.

“If Nepali citizens are serving in the armed forces of a sovereign nation, it should align with the government's foreign policy, or there ought to be (an) MoU or a treaty with the respective country. However, such mechanisms are absent in this instance,” he remarked, stressing the need for the government of Nepal to address the matter promptly. Numerous videos have emerged on social media platforms over recent weeks (some of them self-captured), showcasing Nepali youths enlisting in the Russian Army, exhibiting their training sessions or their arrival at training facilities. 

In one particular case, the video shows a young individual from the Koshi region, a Russian university student, pointing out that he had two choices with the expiration of his visa: Either return to Nepal and face unemployment or secure a position in the Russian Army.

An attractive incentive

President Vladimir Putin has offered Russian citizenship to individuals willing to commit to one year of military service. This game-changing move seems to have further attracted the Nepali youths to the group along with the relaxing of some of the requirements, including language proficiency.

Historically, Nepal has sent its youths to serve only a number of armies and police forces, including the British and Indian armies. However, India’s new recruitment scheme—Agnipath—has strained Nepal-India relations, prompting Nepali youths to explore alternative opportunities.

Uncertainties surrounding Wagner

While Wagner prospects may appear enticing due to its financial rewards and promise of modern warfare experience, it is crucial to keep in mind that the group is not an official army and that its operations have frequently sparked controversies. The group faces an uncertain future, raising legitimate concerns about the long-term viability of the Nepali youths’ decision to join their ranks.

The recent mutiny and the Wagner leader seeking refuge in Belarus have added another layer of uncertainty surrounding the group, raising questions over the fate of the fighters concerned. It is essential for individuals considering joining the group to carefully evaluate the potential risks and associated challenges.

In conclusion, young Nepali individuals joining the group has raised eyebrows and prompted deeper analysis. Putin’s decree offering Russian citizenship to those, who commit to military service, has fueled the recruitment drive further. While the future of the group remains uncertain, it is crucial for potential recruits to carefully consider the risks associated with joining a private military company by looking beyond the benefits like offer of citizenship, attractive salaries, health and life insurance benefits, performance-based bonuses, and the opportunity to gain hands-on experience with modern weapons.

When ‘samosas’, the beloved snack of South Asia, first made their way onto our ancestors’ plates remains a mystery. However, one thing is certain—they didn’t simply fly directly to Kathmandu or Pokhara. Instead, they gradually crossed the Indo-Nepal border and gained popularity as ‘Singada’ in the Madhes region. This delectable treat was referred to as ‘Shingaras’ or ‘Singada’ in the Indian states of Bihar, Bengal, Assam, Odisha, and Jharkhand, due to its resemblance to the shape of the local water chestnut known as ‘Sighara.’ Interestingly, when ‘Singada’ reached the hills of Nepal, it transformed into its original name samosa.

The tradition of inviting skilled craftsmen, known as ‘mistris,’ from India to learn new crafts still exists in Nepal. It’s likely that the sweetshops in Kathmandu invited ‘samosa mistris’ directly from Delhi. As a result, the snack became known as samosa in Kathmandu.

The culinary history in our region is complex and undocumented. It primarily relies on oral tradition, where knowledge is passed down from fathers to sons or through the hands-on experience gained by assisting fathers and uncles in the culinary craft. One prominent figure in this realm is ‘Ghadsiramji,’ also known as ‘Maharaj-ji,’ who introduced the art of cooking Indian dishes to Kathmandu. His renowned establishment, Amrit Bhandar, located in Chokhachhe Galli, Indra Chowk in Kathmandu, was established in 1878 and gained popularity for its delectable offerings like ‘aaludam,’ ‘furandana,’ ‘jalebi,’ and ‘halwa.’ Interestingly, there is no mention of samosas in the oral history, even by his son, the legendary BL Sharma.

Nepal’s open border policy with India has allowed a rich exchange of ideas, culture, and cuisine. Samosa represents the harmonious coexistence of different cultures and has won the hearts of both Nepalis and Indians. It has become a symbol of unity, transcending political boundaries and fostering a shared appreciation for culinary arts.

As Nepal became a popular destination for pilgrims seeking solace at sacred sites like the Pashupatinath Temple and Gautam Buddha’s birthplace in Lumbini, the samosa played an unexpected role in their journeys. Pilgrims from distant lands embarked on challenging treks, and the samosa became a convenient and portable source of sustenance for them. Some believe that the samosa arrived in Nepal with these pilgrims or skilled workers.

Today, when you stroll through the lively streets of Kathmandu, explore the enchanting landscapes of Pokhara, or visit any tiny eatery in Shaphebar or near the tea estate of Ilam, you’ll be greeted by the enticing aroma of freshly fried samosas. These delicious snacks have become popular street food in Nepal and can be found in local eateries, tea shops, and food stalls. They are often served with ‘chutney’ or ‘chhole’ and enjoyed as a snack or part of a meal.

Whether eaten as a quick bite or as part of a traditional feast, the samosa continues to evoke nostalgia, reminding Nepalis of their rich heritage and their nation’s intertwined history. Despite having worked in the UK for nearly 20 years and having traveled extensively, experiencing cuisines from around the globe, I have never encountered the level of satisfaction I experienced while dining at the ASCOL (Amrit Science Campus) canteen. Although they never served piping hot samosas, the taste still lingers in my mouth.

In a land shaped by spirituality, migration, and cultural exchange, the journey of the samosa exemplifies the power of food in bringing people together. As Nepal embraces its diverse heritage, the samosa remains an integral part of its culinary story—a story that transcends borders, unites communities, and celebrates the shared love for delicious food.

Interestingly, despite popular belief, the humble Indian samosa actually originates from Central Asia. Early medieval texts from Persia mention similar snacks called ‘sanbosag’ and ‘samsa,’ which are considered early relatives of the samosas we know today. There are also accounts of small, triangular mince-filled snacks eaten by travelers under names like ‘sanbusak,’ ‘sanbusaj,’ and ‘sanbusaq.’ During the Delhi Sultanate rule, Middle Eastern chefs migrated to India in search of work and brought the samosa with them. Over time, the snack gained favor with Indian royalty and gradually became synonymous with Indian culture and cuisine.

When British colonizers arrived in India, they developed a fondness for the samosa and brought it with them on their travels. As a result, various versions of the samosa emerged, depending on the region and country where it was prepared. For example, Middle Eastern samosas are semi-circular and filled with cheese, onions, minced meat, and spices, while Israeli samosas often feature chickpeas and pine nuts.

In India, the country most commonly associated with the samosa, the snack is often served with chutney, shaped into a triangle, and enjoyed when it is crispy and lightly golden. The most common fillings for Indian samosas include boiled potatoes, peas, green chilies, and a blend of spices. One thing is certain, the samosa represents adaptability, tolerance, and invention. Even after centuries of interpretation, it remains one of the most beloved street snacks in India today.

Although traditional variations are typically triangular, there are countless ways to create a samosa. Many skilled chefs combine the snack with other dishes to create exciting new fillings, such as the ‘samosa chaat.’ Today, in the category of vegetarian snacks, samosas are arguably the second most popular option after vegetable momos.

During our younger years, there were numerous sweetshops situated between Ratna Park and Rani Pokhari in Kathmandu. These sweetshops had large metal plates placed above the burning stove near the cash counter. Samosas were prepared in the enclosed kitchen and placed on these plates. They were never served hot, but the accompanying semi-liquid vegetable curry was served hot. However, everything changed when a samosa shop opened in a narrow, dimly lit alley opposite Bishal Bazaar on New Road.

Surendra Sharma, a migrant from Burma, initially went to Rajasthan in India to seek his fortune. Perhaps facing setbacks there, he eventually arrived in Kathmandu and opened a tea shop. In the 1980s, approximately 40 years ago, Surendra ventured into the samosa business and began frying them in an open kitchen. The response was instant and overwhelming as people got hot, spicy, and fresh samosa cooked in front of them. 

It’s difficult to put into words the sheer pleasure of dipping a piping hot samosa into a delightful sweet and sour sauce on a chilly day in Kathmandu. The shop had no official name, but it was located adjacent to a store called Tip Top Tailors. Consequently, people started referring to the samosas as ‘Tip Top ko samosa’ (Samosa from Tip Top). Although the owners named it Sauwgat Sweets, for us it will forever be Tip Top ko samosa.

The history of these triangular-shaped samosas holds many angles that require exploration through systematic research. From my perspective, it’s an endeavor that young culinary students should undertake. As for individuals like me who are of a certain age, our role lies in simply savoring the delightful crunch and taste of samosas.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef