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Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) pulled out its support from the Maoist-led government as soon as Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal decided to change the coalition. The pro-Hindu and pro-unitary party seemed out of place when it was in the government. Now, in the opposition role, the party is planning to raise its demands for reinstatement of Hindu state, monarchy and unitary government both in Parliament and from streets. A party delegation even met former king Gyanendra Shah recently. In this context, Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to RPP lawmaker and leader Dhawal Shamsher Rana.

Why did your party leave the government?

We didn’t want to involve our party in the dirty politics of Dahal and other coalition partners. It had not even  been 45 days since we joined the government, and the prime minister collaborated with the Nepali Congress to fulfill his personal interests. We didn’t like this attitude. When we were in the government, our goal was to make it more dynamic and public-centric. But we later realized that Dahal was not interested in it.

What kind of role will RPP play as an opposition?

We will support and protest the government by analyzing the work it does. We don’t want to let the people suffer for no reason. The RPP will protest from the House as well as on the streets. 

What kind of protest is the party planning to stage?

We will hit the streets with the support of the public who are against federalism and the republic system. We will demand for a constitutional monarchy and Hindu state. 

Do you think people will trust and support your movement?

They will for sure. Is there any significant progress these republicans have done for the public to support them? No. The public is frustrated, and we will help bring back the leadership and guardianship of the king. 

What did you discuss with the former king?

It was a good conversation. We discussed contemporary political and social issues. He is frustrated about the condition of Nepalis. As we are supporting him being the head of our proposed constitutional monarchy, we discussed how we can help and support each other.

During the early 90s, tens of thousands of Nepali-speaking Bhutanese citizens fled or were deported from the country. They would eventually end up in eastern Nepal via India, and reside there as refugees. Over the years, a large number of refugees have gone on to settle in the US, Australia and various European countries as part of the UN third-country resettlement program. A small number of Bhutanese refugees are still based in Nepal, and they wish to be repatriated back to their homeland. Pratik Ghimire talked to Teknath Rijal, a refugee leader and human rights activist, about the present situation of Bhutanese refugees in Nepal.

How did the Bhutanese refugee crisis begin?

South Bhutanese were protesting against the government, demanding democracy and human rights for a long time. In the past, ordinary people weren’t supposed to write history; it was against the law. It is said that Bhutanese refugee crisis began in 1991, when Bhutan started expelling people of Nepali origin. But the crisis precipitated way before that. Even history says how the aristocrats have oppressed and even brutally murdered Nepali speaking Bhutanese. 

What is the present situation of Bhutanese refugees?

Refugees were taken to third countries for resettlement and this somewhat addressed a problem. But there are still many Bhutanese refugees, either awaiting resettlement or repatriation. India has a great influence on Bhutan when it comes to resolving the issue relating to repatriation of refugees, but the Indian government hasn’t been helpful. Different media have been talking about this but recently South Asia Watch has come up with an intensive report regarding the plight of Bhutanese refugees. But India has been abstaining itself from involving in this issue saying it is the matter between Nepal and Bhutan.

How many refugees are there in Nepal?

I think there are around 8,000 of them, spread in different parts of Nepal. Some of them have verification cards of refugees and there are those who have no such identification. After the UNHCR left the camp, there were still around 400 refugees who were unverified. In 2011, Nepal stopped registration of Bhutanese refugees. But the problem is Nepali-speaking Bhutanese people have not stopped entering Nepal, and they have no access to any facilities. Their stories are not being told by the media. They are living as stateless people. According to my estimates, there are more than 1,000 such refugees living in the various parts of Nepal. 

How’s the condition of Bhutanese refugees who have resettled in third countries?

Some Bhutanese were sent to third countries but it seems like they aren’t all having a good life there as well. Many of them are suffering. Bhutanese refugees settled in third countries are home-sick and there are reports of some committing suicide, because they miss their home country, their neighbors and their near and dear ones. Members of some families have been scattered and have no way to reunite. 

What do you think is the way out?

There have been several bilateral talks between Nepal and Bhutan, where Bhutan has acknowledged that 90 percent of the refugees are Bhutanese. Nepal says Bhutan is avoiding further discussion about refugees. In this situation, Nepal should be seeking help from India or other SAARC member states. There are many agendas that need to be explored on many aspects. India should be brought on board and made to comprehend the gravity of the issue. The tyranny of the king toward his own citizens must be revealed. I would also request international organizations to be a part of this refugee issue and help the Bhutanese families, protect their human rights and stop the atrocities of Bhutanese government. My special request is to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi who can play a vital role to settle this issue. 

SOS Children’s Village-Nepal has been working to uplift the lives of children in Nepal for several decades now. They have reunited children with their families, and given them families when they had no one. ApEx talked to Dereje Wordofa, president of SOS Children’s Village International, about their work in Nepal. Could you tell us about the work SOS Children’s Village International-Nepal has done so far? SOS Children’s Village was established in Nepal 80 years ago and since then, our work has been to uplift the situation of children in Nepal. Our priority has always been to reunite children with their families, be it through financial or other assistance. We want them to have a home, and someone to call them their parents, which means us working to uplift the overall lifestyle of the family and not just that of a child. In case that’s not an option, we give them a home where they have people they can call their own, a family to be precise. Beyond that, we try to advocate the importance of child rights and education, especially in rural parts of Nepal, where children are still suffering. What  is the main goal of the organization?  Our main goal right now is to work on reaching the goal on the agenda (Children’s rights and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development) set by the United Nation (UN) in terms of child rights, not just in Nepal but countries all around the world. The agenda sets a goal to help every country realize the importance of child rights, as well as help them with the right’s revision in case it's necessary. We want to make sure that no child will have to give up education, have families with better economic standards, as well as have a chance to lead a good and independent life. How is the progress so far?  The progress, in Nepal’s context, has been going well, although we hit a small snag during the Covid-19 pandemic, which slowed the work down. There were around 500 children who lost their parents and needed assistance. We have helped them continue their education and get back on their feet. It was a traumatizing time for everyone, but even worse for these children. But I am sure that we will be able to get back on track with our goal by 2030 soon enough. The work has been going on rapidly. What difficulties do you have faced while working in Nepal?  The biggest obstacle for us has always been the geographical structure of Nepal. It is not easy to reach every rural part of the country because most of them lack proper infrastructures, especially in the Himalayan region. There isn't enough road access to reach those parts of Nepal, making it difficult for our human resources to reach those areas. We have improved over the years, and have reached out to several parts of the country, but that’s still not enough. What do you think Nepal currently needs in terms of child rights?  If you talk about Nepal’s policies on child rights, they’re good. But I believe what we currently need is its proper implementation. We are working closely with the Nepal government, who has recognized the need to improve on the implementation, as well as is committed to fulfilling the 2030 Sustainable Development Goal set by the UN. So, I would like to believe that the country is heading on the right track.

Amid protests from victims of the decade-long insurgency, Minister for Communications and Information Technology Rekha Sharma, on behalf of Prime Minister and Law Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, tabled a Bill to amend the Enforced Disappearances Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act in the House of Representatives. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Suman Adhikari, a conflict victim, to get his views on the Bill.

What’s your take on the transitional justice amendment Bill?

This Bill is just a dust in the eyes of the public. If successive governments had cared about us, they could have addressed our demands very early. The incumbent government has shown some interest to amend the Bill under much pressure. Concerned authorities drafted this instrument to serve their interests, so it is full of loopholes. For one, it has not incorporated the sentiments and demands of the conflict victims’ community.

What were your demands?

The Bill states that the tenure of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission shall be of two years. But it is mum on the organizational structure of the commission, its human resource and infrastructural requirements and how it will work with different tiers of the government. The Bill is mum on the jurisdiction of the commission. Also, the tenure of the commission is not the only issue. Who all are appointed at the commission and how effectively it works; these are crucial issues. If appointments are made on the basis of recommendation from political parties, victims like us will have to suffer. 

Most importantly, we wanted this draft prepared after consulting us (the victims) and incorporating our recommendations as nobody knows the pain better than us. But the drafters of the Bill never sought our suggestions. It always appears that they are doing it all for themselves, not for us.  The time has also come to review the transitional justice system. 

What’s your comment on political parties’ stances?

No major party seems committed to this matter. The Nepali Congress never speaks on this topic. I was amazed to find that not a single lawmaker from the CPN-UML spoke while the Bill was being presented in the parliament. Rastriya Prajatantra Party’s Gyanendra Shahi commented on the Bill but we don’t know whether it was his personal opinion or his patry’s. Even the Rastriya Swatantra Party was silent. We had not expected this. Only Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party and Rastriya Janamorcha took a stance in our favor.

What about the international community?

They too are silent. The embassies in Nepal used to talk on this matter quite frequently a few years back. But these days, it’s rare to find them talking . 

What next for the conflict victim community?

Even in the victim community, there is no single voice. Many victims are still supporting the steps of the political parties, while many others don’t care. Others like me are raising our voices constantly, we will continue to do so peacefully. We need the rule of law in the nation and justice. That’s all.