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Seven years after the first Constituent Assembly election, Nepal promulgated a new constitution in 2015, formally transitioning the nation into a republican federal state. This significant milestone could be achieved only by reaching a compromise among major political actors. The major political parties demonstrated considerable flexibility in their party positions to reach a consensus on contentious issues of the constitution. While all parties had reservations about the constitution, there was a sort of realization that a constitution dominated by a single party was untenable within the existing political landscape. Nevertheless, Madhes-based parties initially refrained from taking ownership of the constitution stating that their demands were not addressed. 

Later, after the first amendment in the constitution, Madhes-based parties too, in a way, took the ownership by participating in elections under the new constitutional framework and also joined the government. Despite some shortcomings, the international community has commended Nepal's constitution, hailing it as one of the most progressive in South Asia. Notably, in terms of securing the inclusion of women and marginalized communities, the 2015 constitution surpasses those of many advanced democratic nations.Of late, the constitution is facing increasing attacks,  primarily from royalist and Hindu fundamentalist forces. These forces, who are unhappy with the removal of monarchy, want to revive the constitution of 1990. Despite the promulgation of a good constitution, major political parties have faltered in delivering good governance and initiating the long-awaited journey toward economic prosperity. Similarly, the major parties have failed to ensure government stability and they seem reluctant to mend their ways. This has created a deep frustration among the populace toward these parties. And some regressive forces are trying to exploit this discontent to advance their agenda, trying to portray the 2015 constitution in a bad light.

It is imperative for major political parties to rectify their course. The emergence of new political entities in national elections and the increasing public dissent should serve as a wake-up call for the political parties. Any flaws in the 2015 constitution can be addressed by reaching consensus among political parties. However, its fundamental tenets such as secularism, federalism, and inclusion should remain intact, at least for now. Attempts to alter these foundational principles  would be like opening Pandora's Box and pushing the country into another cycle of conflict and instability. All parties that played pivotal roles in drafting the 2015 constitution must unite once again to protect the constitution. If the 2015 constitution is dismantled, it is not sure the new constitution will be drafted and that it will be a better replacement. Therefore, now is the time to stand up in favor of the 2015 constitution. Reversing the current course is not a solution to our current ills.

In the far-flung districts of Jajarkot and West Rukum, the Nepali state is virtually non-existent. 

What used to be houses and sheds have turned into rubble, thanks to the 6.4-magnitude earthquake that struck at midnight on Nov 3, killing around 160 people (more than half of them children) in the immediate aftermath, leaving thousands injured and destroying vital physical infrastructure like school buildings and local government facilities.

Three weeks into the disaster, more deaths have occurred even as the survivors, with foodstucks, warm clothing, utensils and medicine buried under the rubble, continue to brave a cruel winter without vital supplies.

What is the ruling elite in Kathmandu doing for the survivors other than providing token relief? Rather than rushing supplies essential for sustaining life after an early ‘completion’ of the search and rescue operation, the VIPs and the VVIPs seemed interested in chopper flights to the affected areas where they made generous promises to the survivors. 

Despite those lofty promises, aid is barely trickling among the survivors. Media reports, including those published in this daily, suggest that various factors continue to affect relief distribution, particularly in far-flung areas of the affected districts. Worryingly, dirty politics is playing spoilsport, together with unwillingness on the part of representatives of relevant organizations to visit remote areas and local authorities’ undeclared policy of distributing relief only to house-owners and not to the renters.

While the post-quake scenarios at Jajarkot and West Rukum deepen fears of an evolving humanitarian disaster, a divided Center continues to act as if nothing has happened. Its immediate priority is on reining in the anarchy reigning supreme on the streets of a more or less curfewed Kathmandu where rival political forces continue to ‘display’ their strength, throwing life out of gears.  

Even in a crisis situation like this, our top political leaders continue to act like warlords instead of working together to deal with fresh crises facing a country already reeling under malgovernance, corruption, nepotism, inflation, instability and the breakdown of law and order. 

Sooner than later, the top brass should mend ways and act together to bring stability back to this trembling republic instead of fighting like the kilkenny cats if they want history to be merciful to them. 

The 6.4 magnitude earthquake that struck Jajarkot and Rukum West last Friday has left behind a trail of death and devastation. Around 160 people have died (more than half of the dead are children), hundreds have suffered injuries, lakhs have become shelterless and lost the means of livelihood. 

In the immediate aftermath of the quake, the United Nations said in its report that around 1.3m people have been exposed to the quake, and about 0.25m may need humanitarian assistance within 72 hours of the disaster.  

After announcing the completion of search and rescue operations, the government is ‘focusing’ on the distribution of relief materials. 

But media reports from the ground are not that encouraging. This daily and a number of other media outlets have pointed out that the government has largely failed to provide for the needy in times of a crisis. 

With their possessions under the rubble, the survivors are in need of food, shelter, warm clothing and medicine. But even the tarps have become a luxury for most of the people, forcing them to live in the open without food and warm clothing in freezing temperatures. 

A report published in this daily, for example, quotes relevant officials as saying that one has to be a house-owner to get a tarp from the government. Another ApEx report states that the representatives of organizations involved in relief distribution are not bothering to visit the backwaters for relief distribution. 

What does it all mean? That the lives of those living on rent or on temporary shelters like sheds do not count? That the people hailing from remote corners are expendable? 

In the aftermath of the disaster, a series of chopper-borne high-profile visits to the affected areas have taken place like on previous such occasions, with promises of all possible help to the survivors. 

Promises aside, relief materials like food, drinking water, shelter and basic medicine are really hard to come by for most of the survivors, leave alone specialized care for the traumatized ones, including children. 

The quake and several jolts aside, the survivors have also been grappling with a cumbersome governance system that has largely failed to provide for the people in dire need. Leave alone the disasters from a distant past, government authorities do not seem to have learnt lessons even from the 2015 Gorkha earthquake that killed around 10000 people, rendered lakhs homeless and destroyed infrastructure worth billions of rupees even as a dilapidated Singhadurbar looked on. 

The government should get its acts together and rush relief to the needy, in close coordination with political parties across the aisle, defense-security agencies, donor agencies, civil society and the public to save lives.     

As they say, a week is a long time in politics. What about a month or a couple of months? 

Well, it’s a pretty long time, even for a laid-back society.  

Let’s leave politics aside and roam around a bit. Seasons come and go every three months. Numerous flowers blossom, die and fall. Larvaes turn into beautiful butterflies in 2-5 weeks, depending on factors like species and growing conditions.    

Wheat becomes ready for harvest in about four months whereas paddy takes up to six months, depending on things like varieties, growing conditions and agronomic practices. 

But politics, the Nepali strain in particular, appears to be a different ball-game altogether. 

The federal parliament of Nepal offers a not-so-shining example. 

The summer session of the parliament is coming to an end at midnight on Thursday. In its final hours, the opposition parties and the ruling parties are busy blaming each other for the sovereign body’s failure to introduce important legislations during the seven-month session. 

The main opposition has blamed the government for not listening to it and forcing it to encircle the well to make its voice heard. The second largest party in the parliament has defended its moves, stating that they were meant to make the government take corrective measures like the formation of a high-level commission for investigating the 60-kg gold smuggling case.   

It has also accused the government of failing to give the House business. 

On its part, the government has said that obstructions from the opposition bench, the main opposition in particular, are mainly to blame for the inefficiency of the parliament. While the opposition bench has every right to raise voices, it should not have brought the parliamentary proceedings to a halt, it has reasoned.      

The blame-game aside, the failures of the parliament are indeed glaring. Crucial bills on truth and reconciliation and money-laundering remain stuck. The bill on loan-sharking has made it through the parliament, though there’s no dearth of critics, who take it as a half-baked one.

The government as well as the Office of the President have come under fire for presenting and authenticating a Citizenship Amendment Bill in a very controversial manner. The presidential pardon in murder cases, granted on the recommendation of the government, has not gone well either.   

As for the achievements, there is not much to brag about. The ruling dispensation managed to get the budget for the fiscal 2023/24 through. And in the penultimate hours of the session, the United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres addressed the joint meeting of the parliament.    

The seven-month session is over, but the opposition and the ruling parties can still learn important lessons from it. 

While the government should give more space to the opposition bench, listen more to it and do its utmost to address its concerns, the latter should also give up it’s my way or highway attitude.  

Opposition parties have accused the three major parties, including the main opposition, of holding the parliament hostage for their petty interests. The main opposition and the government should take this charge seriously. 

Summing up, a principles-based conciliatory approach across the aisle will go a long way in making the parliament more effective.