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Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli held a press conference on Wednesday at Singhadurbar to unveil the contents of four newly issued ordinances. The government had initially planned to issue five ordinances on Jan 10, but the ordinance related to land management was deferred by President Ramchandra Paudel. However, right after the press conference, President Paudel certified the fifth ordinance too.

During the 34-minute press conference, there was no Q&A session. For the first 17 minutes, Chief Secretary Ek Narayan Aryal provided details about the issued ordinances, followed by Prime Minister Oli explaining why the ordinances were issued and the reasons for not convening a parliamentary session. Prime Minister Oli concluded the conference without facing questions from the press.

Prime Minister Oli has asserted that there is no disagreement within the ruling party regarding the ordinances introduced by the government. He emphasized that the unity within the government parties has been strengthened through this process. “There is no disagreement, not even by a letter. The ordinances have come with full consensus,” said Oli.

He also claimed that the ordinances were introduced after listening to the top leadership of the Nepali Congress, the leadership of the bureaucracy, expert consultations, and the issues facing entrepreneurs. “The ordinances have been brought after much effort and preparation. They address the problems of the people and also promote good governance and development,” he added.

Regarding the opposition’s efforts to form a coalition, Prime Minister Oli likened it to attempting to block a river by throwing stones from the riverbank. He urged opposition parties to exercise their right to protest in a peaceful and civilized manner. “I have heard about the formation of a front. That is their right, and I respect it. However, I just suggest that it be done in a civilized manner. It must be peaceful and orderly,” he said.

He also clarified that the ordinances are not aimed at any individual or group. Referring to discussions about the parliament being obstructed, he dismissed these as rumors. “Who said that parliament is blocked? Parliament cannot be stopped unless it has already been called. It was adjourned after discussions, not because it was obstructed,” he questioned.

Prime Minister Oli explained that the delay in calling the parliament was due to the time needed to prepare the bills. “On the first day of the House session, we will present the ordinances in parliament. Within 60 days, we will introduce the replacement bills and have them passed,” he concluded.

Earlier on Wednesday, parliamentarians representing opposition parties including the major opposition—CPN (Maoist Center)—called for immediate running of the winter session of parliament. The meeting of the opposition party convened at the CPN (Maoist Center)’s parliamentary party’s office, they emphasized the need to summon the winter session of the parliament to deliberate on matters of public concern as well as to dwell on formulating legislations. 

Emerging from the meeting, Barshaman Pun, deputy general secretary of the CPN (Maoist Center), shared that the opposition parties have reached an understanding that they will take action to call the special session of parliament if the incumbent government continues to function ‘deceiving’ the institution of people’s representatives (parliament).

The constitutional provision has it that the Head of the State can summon a parliamentary session or meeting if one fourth of the total number of House of Representatives requests in writing for the same deeming it appropriate action. The constitution mandates that it requires signatures from at least 69 parliamentarians to request the Head of the State to call the special session of the parliament.

In attendance in the meeting were CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal, CPN (Unified Socialist) Chairperson Madhav Kumar Nepal and Rastriya Swatantra Party’s Acting Chairperson DP Aryal and leaders from Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Nepal Aam Aadmi Party, among others.

Looking back on all of the women that I have met over the years, the oppression, lack of opportunities, and expectations that were placed upon them, all I see is strength—strength passed from mother to daughter. In today’s world, women are defining the rules of the political game and leadership. They are entering the political field as dynamic leaders, demanding and changing the politics of all domains.

Digital platforms have democratized access to political participation, enabling more women to engage actively in political spheres. Through technology, women can express themselves and engage with a relevant communication platform, thus eradicating barriers that have in the past limited women’s political engagement. This is not just a change of political power dynamics, but also a sign that the time has come for women to become masters of the future.

Many times on my way to my college in Maitighar, I used to see protests and rallies for various causes, and in the early days, most of the participants used to be men. This has changed in the last five years. Today, I see more women participants in protest rallies. This shift is perhaps due to the concerns of gender, for women are no longer mere spectators.  They are actively participating in the political and social battles for change through digital media. It is a refreshing sight to witness.

The Global Gender Gap Report 2021 unveiled by the World Economic Forum indicates that women occupy only 25.5 percent of parliamentary seats in the world. Nevertheless, the decreasing gap of difference is noticeable between them. Social media platforms are being used to a greater extent in narrowing this difference. According to the Pew Research Center, 61 percent of the women in the United States actively participate in politics through the use of digital platforms. Changes are being observed in Nepal as well. For instance, a survey of Nepali women in the last year (up to mid-2022) showed that 19 percent more women participated in local elections in comparison to 2017, thanks to the wide reach of digital platforms.

But there is still a long way to go for a meaningful women’s participation in politics. A survey conducted by UN Women identified that the level of rural women’s digital literacy is low, and only 37 percent of them have access to the Internet. The necessity of improving the availability of digital technologies is evident, particularly for women. If we look at these numbers, we can only conclude that despite the fact that digital media created new opportunities for women representatives in politics, more needs to be done to support greater equality in access, especially in rural areas. A profusion of women in regional and federal leadership positions gives the political process a new and promising perspective. Women leaders like Sumana Shrestha, Prakriti Koirala, Shobita Gautam, and others have proved that the use of digital technologies makes political work even more efficient. During my stay in my hometown Gulmi recently, the disparity in which most people still travel two hours to access a nearby hospital is very much real.

However, it was encouraging to discover in such areas that people do know about the kind of political activities that are conducted by leaders such as Shobita and Sumana. This means that even in the most excluded areas people are becoming more informed and politically active in the leadership processes. This on its own is evidence of the progress being made in regards to establishing political awareness all across the regions in the nation by the leaders who leveraged digital media. These women have been privileged to campaign for the change they want using social networks and other digital avenues.

Social media has also provided immense value for generating information-based political participation. Specifically, Kathmandu Metropolitan City Mayor Balendra Shah ‘Balen.’ The rapper turned city mayor showed that by applying relevant tech tools, one can broaden their electoral outreach and win an election despite being an independent candidate. Balen’s victory showed that the old established parties failed to use social media effectively.

However, the problem of inequality in terms of political voting between the urban and the rural areas still persists. While urban women can engage from their homes, rural women often lack access to these platforms, underscoring the need for targeted efforts to bridge this digital divide.

For this, enabling rural women to use technology is essential for enhancing good governance in our societies. Technology plays an important role in ensuring that rural women have access to information, resources, and networks to engage in politics. Mitigating the unique hardships peculiar to women in rural areas will not only improve their political participation but also promote more diverse and inclusive political systems.

The inclusion of women in politics is not just a matter of representation or quotas; it is about effecting progressive growth. In this context, digital platforms can really help women to step up to the plate, because it offers the necessary tools to avoid such traditional barriers.

In Western countries, there has been a lot of development of digital platforms for supporting women leaders. The Feminist Action Research Project in Canada brings people together for dialogue and work online to strengthen women’s political participation in leadership positions. In the UK, the Women’s Equality Party uses social media and digital tools to build a broader political presence and empower women in leadership roles. These technologies enhance interaction and stakeholder management in acts of governance and women’s political participation.

In online campaigns, these platforms have helped women discharge their duties better by facilitating interaction with the people. However, the facilities and other infrastructure-related support available in many regions, including Nepal are still inadequate.

To address this, policy and action-oriented recommendations the state should expand digital infrastructure to ensuring that rural areas' budgets also include technology as a priority to guarantee the availability of the internet and tools in the rural regions, and organize digital literacy programs to educate women in the use of the new digital platforms as a way of enabling them to take control of the platforms. There should also be right policies in place to support and encourage women’s participation in politics. To this end, collaboration with tech companies is imperative.

Since becoming attuned to the art of writing through Amitav Ghosh, I have sought to immerse myself in the ideas presented in both his fiction and non-fiction works. His writing primarily focuses on the climate crisis and its deep connections to the colonial past. In Smoke and Ashes: A Writer’s Journey Through Opium’s Hidden Histories, Ghosh explores how the opium trade helped generate immense revenues for colonizers, while intertwining with the social and cultural fabric of societies over centuries. This intricate narrative sheds light on the profound impact of opium, not only as a trade commodity but also as a symbol of exploitation and resilience.

The medicinal use of opium is documented in classical literature, including works by Homer and Virgil, dating back to around 850 BC. During the reigns of the Greeks and Romans, it was widely used as a painkiller and, paradoxically, as a poison. Ancient texts reflect its dual nature as both a remedy and a danger. The journey of opium—from its origins in Europe, where references to it appear in the Bible as early as the 11th century, to its arrival in Asia, particularly the Indian subcontinent—is a fascinating tale of cultural exchange, economic exploitation, and human suffering. In Europe, opium was commonly used to treat coughs, stomach disorders, and various other ailments, highlighting its role as a vital medicinal resource long before its notoriety as a tool of colonial profit.

Opium’s introduction to India and China coincided with the rising popularity of Chinese tea among European elites, particularly in Portugal. The importation of tea from China by European traders was paralleled by the exportation of opium to the Chinese market, despite its prohibition by the Ming dynasty. Notably, Chinese tea gained popularity in England thanks to Catherine of Braganza, the Portuguese wife of King Charles II. As part of her dowry, Catherine brought two historically significant items: a casket of tea and a set of six islands that would later become Mumbai. At the time, Portugal’s colonies included Macao, which was leased from the Ming dynasty. This transfer of goods and territories underscores the deep entanglement of trade, politics, and colonial ambitions that defined the era.

Recognizing tea’s economic value, the British East India Company worked to ensure a steady supply, not only to satisfy demand but also to sustain the revenues derived from the trade. Their ambitions extended beyond tea to include opium, which was traded with business lords in Canton. The nexus of tea and opium trade became a cornerstone of the British colonial economy. During the British Empire’s territorial expansions in North America and Europe, taxes on tea were significantly increased to offset military expenses. Simultaneously, the British forced Indian farmers and local rulers in colonized regions to intensify opium production. By 1770, the fertile paddy fields of Bengal had been converted into opium farms, plunging farmers into poverty. While the price of opium soared, the peasants who cultivated it were paid a pittance, perpetuating a cycle of exploitation and despair.

The transformation of Bengal’s agricultural landscape highlights the devastating consequences of colonial policies. The shift from subsistence farming to opium production left communities vulnerable to famine and economic instability. The human cost of this transition is a stark reminder of the sacrifices imposed on colonized populations for the sake of imperial profit. The opium trade also had far-reaching implications for global geopolitics. The British strategy of exporting opium to China in exchange for tea led to widespread addiction in China, exacerbating social and economic challenges. Despite frequent bans by the Qing dynasty in China, as well as efforts by the Siamese in Thailand and the Vietnamese emperor to curb its spread, the trade persisted. The Qing dynasty eventually signed the Treaty of Nanjing in 1842, which opened Chinese ports to opium trade, marking a significant moment in the history of colonial domination and resistance.

The Dutch also played a key role in the opium trade, supplying the substance from central and eastern Europe to Indonesia and other parts of the East Indies. Their involvement underscores the multinational nature of the opium economy, with various colonial powers competing for control over its production and distribution. Despite the economic gains reaped by European powers, the opium trade left a legacy of addiction, social disruption, and economic dependency in the regions it touched. The Treaty of Nanjing not only facilitated the continuation of the opium trade but also symbolized the broader imbalance of power between imperial nations and their colonies.

I find myself wondering how Nepal managed to isolate itself from the global opium trade, which was so lucrative and pervasive among neighboring nations. The hippie culture that thrived in Nepal during the 1960s suggests that European travelers were drawn to the region for its marijuana and other substances. Yet, Nepal’s historical involvement in the opium trade remains unclear, raising questions about its role—or lack thereof—in this global narrative. Could it be that Nepal’s geographical and political isolation shielded it from the pressures of the opium economy? Or was there a deliberate effort by Nepalese rulers to distance the country from this exploitative trade?

Exploring Nepal’s position in the context of the opium trade reveals intriguing possibilities. While neighboring India and China were deeply entangled in the production and consumption of opium, Nepal’s mountainous terrain and relatively insular governance may have played a role in limiting its involvement. Additionally, Nepal’s historical focus on self-sufficiency and its unique socio-political structures could have contributed to its divergence from the dominant trade patterns of the time. The cultural and economic impacts of the hippie era in the 20th century suggest that Nepal has long been a site of cultural exchange, albeit on terms that differ significantly from those imposed during the colonial era.

The opium trade, as explored by Amitav Ghosh and other scholars, serves as a powerful lens through which to examine the intersections of history, economics, and human resilience. By unearthing the hidden histories of opium, we gain a deeper understanding of the forces that shaped the modern world. From the lush fields of Bengal to the bustling ports of Canton, the story of opium is one of ambition, exploitation, and resistance. Nepal’s relative absence from this narrative invites further exploration, offering a unique perspective on the ways in which nations navigate the pressures of global trade and colonial ambition.

A few years ago, I was in New York for an airline catering project. My schedule was packed, and my routine revolved around the comfort of a five-star hotel and occasional dinners in Jackson Heights.

One evening, a humble and soft-spoken kitchen assistant in my team, a Bhutanese Nepali-speaking young man who had never set foot in Nepal, invited me to his house for dinner. I hadn’t realized that day was Maghe Sankranti – the first day of the Nepali month of Magh, a culturally significant day in many South Asian cultures.

Initially, I hesitated. I was accustomed to fine dining, and this was a long drive out of the city. But something about his warmth and enthusiasm made me say yes.

He picked me up later that evening, and we drove over an hour to his place. As we arrived, I noticed the house was buzzing with activity. Four families had gathered, and there was an air of celebration. The dining table was adorned with dishes I had seen growing up but hadn’t truly appreciated: steamed tubers, sesame laddus, ghee (clarified butter), jaggery, and bowls of chamre rice lined the table alongside a dish I had never encountered before – tite Chicken, a slightly bitter preparation unique to their tradition.

It wasn’t until I saw the offerings carefully arranged in a corner that it hit me – it was Maghe Sankranti. I felt shame for not remembering the day and for how far I had moved from my roots. Yet, as I stood there, surrounded by strangers who welcomed me like family, I realized this moment wasn’t about guilt but about rediscovery. Here were Nepali-speaking families, thousands of miles away from Nepal, preserving and celebrating our culture with such reverence.

We shared stories, ate together, and laughed late into the night. That evening, they earned my respect for their dedication to keeping our traditions alive. Their version of chamre (a ceremonial rice dish) was exquisite, and the tite Chicken – a dish I had never tried before – was unforgettable. From that day on, I vowed never to overlook Maghe Sankranti again.

Maghe Sankranti marks the sun’s transition into Capricorn (Makara), symbolizing the end of the darkest, coldest days and the start of longer, warmer ones. This shift, both astronomical and symbolic, is celebrated with rituals, food, and gatherings across Nepal and in Nepali-speaking communities worldwide.

On Maghe Sankranti, families across Nepal enjoy steamed tubers like yam (rato tarul), sweet potatoes (sakar kanda), and potatoes. These humble roots are not only nutritious but also carry cultural significance. In rural areas, tubers were often the only available food during harsh winters. Rich in carbohydrates, fiber, and potassium, they provide the energy and warmth needed to combat the cold.

Tilauri, or sesame seed laddus, paired with ghue (clarified butter) and chaku (jaggery), is a quintessential Maghe Sankranti offering. Sesame seeds are revered in Hindu culture, symbolizing purity, prosperity, and health. In the cold months, their high fat and nutrient content nourish the body, while jaggery provides essential minerals and a natural energy boost. Ghee, with its warming and lubricating properties, complements the combination perfectly.

Together, these foods embody the Nepali philosophy of balancing taste, health, and spiritual significance.

Maghe Sankranti is celebrated differently across Nepal and its neighboring regions. Some communities celebrate it with Khitro or Khichadi, which is made with black gram (Vigna mungo) and rice and tilkut (sesame candy).

In some communities, unique dishes like tite chicken – a bittersweet curry along with burnt chicken feathers ash – are prepared. This dish, though uncommon, reflects the fusion of local ingredients with traditional cooking methods.

Maghe Sankranti foods are not just delicious, they are also aligned with seasonal needs. Winter is a time when the body requires extra calories and nutrients to stay warm and healthy. The festival’s emphasis on tubers, sesame seeds, jaggery, and ghee reflects an ancient understanding of nutrition.

Ayurveda, the traditional system of medicine, highlights these foods as winter staples for balancing vata (the air element) and keeping the body grounded and nourished.

The experience I had in New York that year taught me a profound lesson: traditions aren't confined to geography. They live on in the hearts and kitchens of those who cherish them. For me, Maghe Sankranti is now a day to pause, reflect, and celebrate – not just the food but also the stories, memories, and people that make it meaningful.

So, this Maghe Sankranti, let us steam our tubers, roll our tilauris, and share a meal with family and friends near or far. Because at the heart of it, this festival is about warmth: the warmth of food, community, tradition, and celebrating together.

The author is a UK-based R&D chef