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We observe World Environment Day every year on June 5, reaffirming our commitment to protect and preserve the natural environment. Yet, despite our pledges, these efforts often fall short, as environmental protection initiatives struggle to withstand the growing challenges of pollution. 

The natural environment of Kathmandu has become so polluted that the issue of pollution in the capital city has been a topic of discussion for decades. The Supreme Court in the landmark case of Advocate Bhojraj Aire and Others v Office of the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers and Others (2004) observed that the environment of the Kathmandu Valley is becoming increasingly polluted day by day, a fact established through various studies and research. This pollution has had a negative impact on the right to live in a clean and healthy environment, held the apex court. The judicial decision addressing the problem of Kathmandu’s pollution was delivered nearly 21 years ago, yet we continue to debate the same concerns. Years have passed, but the core issue remains unchanged. Kathmandu is one of the most polluted cities in the world. 

The concern for the natural environment was not limited to the early 2000s; it was already a topic of serious discussion in Nepal in the 1990s as well. In the case of Godavari Marbles, which was pronounced in 1995 and filed by Surya Prasad Sharma Dhungel, the apex court was of the view that human life is endangered in a polluted environment. The polluted environment leads to the deprivation of an individual’s life and physical well-being. The right to be free from such a polluted environment is a matter of individual rights and freedoms. In this respect, the protection of the environment is directly related to human life and physical integrity.  

Strict laws, poor execution

The Environment Protection Act, 2019 has been enacted by the government to implement Article 30 of the Constitution, which guarantees a breath of fresh air to every citizen. The Act aims to protect and improve the environment and to mitigate the pollution; to enforce the right to clean the environment; to grant compensation to victims of environmental pollution; and to implement EIA, Environmental Study and Environment Examination reports.  

The Act has set heavy fines for non-compliance of law and government policies. For instance, Section 35 of the Act envisages that there could be a fine of up to five million at the instance of non-compliance of EIA by a proponent. Defiance of Initial Environmental Examination could lead to fines of up to one million.

Socio-cultural legacy

Nepal is a pluralistic country where people belonging to every ethnicity and faith co-exist. Our cultural legacy shows that we have never been cruel toward the environment. In fact, environment protection is one of the cultural heritages of Nepal. 

Every religious and cultural practice we observe symbolizes environmental protection. See, the grand festival of Chhath. It’s the festival demanding cleanliness of waters. The devotees offer prayers to the Sun god by standing in the waters. 

On the first day of the month of Baisakh, people in Tarai-Madhesh celebrate Jur Shital, the festival which aims to protect the trees, waters and soil. The festival begins with elders sprinkling cool water on the head of their relatives and this practice is considered to be part of seeking blessings from the elders. The family members spread water on the plants and trees. In addition to this, there is a culture of playing the traditional game Kado-Mati (mud-soil) which is similar to mud bath. These cultural practices symbolize conservation of soil, trees, and water. 

Kautilya’s Arthashastra states that it is the Dharma of each individual in society to protect nature. The Yajna or sacrificial fire is apparently done to worship one or other deity and it ultimately purifies the air. The Samaveda highlights the importance of the Yajna as it helps in keeping away the mosquitoes and other insects. In Padma Purana and Karma Purana, it is mentioned that the trees, like Peepal, Bel, Neem, etc are the abode of the God and they are not to be cut. 

In Buddhism, the principle of Simplicity preaches for sustainability and the principle of Ahimsa (Non-violence) preaches for the love for flora and fauna. Our holy texts, laws and court judgments too show that the country has been serious towards environmentalism.

The way forward

Our concern for environmental protection should be a topic of daily discussions—not the persistence of pollution itself. Environmental pollution is a business of shame for ancient countries like Nepal, which have a rich socio-cultural and legal legacy of environmental stewardships. 

The more polluted our atmosphere becomes, the more our citizens are forced to spend on medicines and healthcare. Moreover, without addressing pollution, our development cannot be sustainable, nor can we effectively implement our green laws. Also, we would not be in a position to align with the global commitment to ‘Ending Plastic Pollution’, the theme of World Environment Day 2025. 

In fact, we should develop a conscious approach and strike a balance between environmental protection and development, held by the Supreme Court of Nepal in the landmark case of Advocate Narayan Prasad Devkota v Government of Nepal and Others (NKP 2066 BS, Decision Number 8521). The progress and pollution should not go together. There can be no end to progress in terms of industrialization, commercialization and globalization, and consequently, no escape from pollution. Still, we cannot turn a deaf ear to environmental protection measures. It is high time we implemented our green laws, embraced the wisdom of our cultural practices and revived our heritage of environmental protection.

Two dozen civil society organizations working on human rights, justice and accountability have said that due to the lack of proper consultations with civil society organizations, the transitional justice process in Nepal faces a serious legitimacy crisis.

A key example is the recent appointment of officials to the two transitional justice commissions, which has, in general, failed to establish credibility, they said in a joint statement.

It is our considered view that the manner in which the appointments have been made cannot advance this complex and sensitive process in a just and trustworthy manner, the statement says. 

“We also unequivocally assert that ignoring, dismissing or showing persistent intolerance toward longstanding legitimate concerns of victims and attempting to create and exploit divisions among them is yet another attempt to continue derailing the transitional justice process,” the statement reads. 

According to them, this process can only move forward if it earns the trust of the victims’ community. Otherwise, public confidence in the state will further erode, and debates around transitional justice will shift elsewhere—potentially toward alternative transitional justice models such as a Citizens’ Truth Commission or a hybrid mechanism.  

The sudden publication of a notice to collect complaints—without any regard for the sensitivity of victims of rape and sexual violence, their psychosocial condition, socioeconomic barriers, privacy and dignity—followed by the state’s failure to respond sensitively even after these serious concerns were raised by the victims and rights holders’ groups has raised concerns over credibility, the statement reads.

Disrespectful statements by Commission officials attacking the self-esteem and dignity of the victims and the absence of any attempt to restore meaningful consultation with victims, all the while strategically pushing for a mechanical approach—all send a clear message: that the commissions formed without credible appointments cannot earn legitimacy, nor can they be effective or meaningful. Instead, they will only be a repetition of past blunders and waste the country’s precious resources and time, the statement says

The organizations have urged the Government of Nepal to immediately take the necessary initiative to engage in dialogue, consultation and deliberation with the victims’ communities who have repeatedly expressed their disagreement with the way appointments were made, in order to identify an appropriate solution and restore the legitimacy of the transitional justice process.

They also urged the international community and the United Nations not to provide any financial or technical assistance, as in the past, to the government and/or the TJ commissions that have lost legitimacy until and unless the government reverts the process back to the right track from the very point where an environment of lack of trust and confidence with the victims arose, and as long as there is no guarantee of putting the victim communities, their self-esteem, participation, ownership and satisfaction at the heart of the process.

I’ve eaten at many tables. From Michelin-starred restaurants to roadside stalls, I’ve tried dishes across continents. But nothing compares to a Newari ‘suku bhwey’, also called a ‘lapte bhwey’. It’s more than just a meal. It’s a ritual. A performance. A cultural celebration passed down through generations. It’s time the world knows about it.

Why shouldn’t our lapte bhwey stand beside a British Sunday roast, an American Thanksgiving, a European Christmas dinner, or a grand Eid meal? Let me take you into this experience—bite by bite.

The lapte plate: A living canvas

It all begins with the lapte—a plate made by stitching sal leaves together. It smells of forests and memories. It reminds us that food is sacred. That’s why each item is placed with care and order, never just dumped.

Before the meal starts, we take off our shoes. We greet our hosts. We sit cross-legged on a long straw mat called the sukul. Elders sit first. That’s the rule. The meal begins only when they take the first bite. There’s laughter, teasing, and chatter. Even if your legs go numb, the feast keeps you grounded.

A meal with rhythm

A suku bhwey is not random. It flows like music. It begins with baji—flattened rice. Simple, but essential. Everything else builds around it. Then come spicy pickles, green garlic, and tangy vegetable dishes like alu tama (potato and bamboo shoot curry). You may also get geda gudi—a mix of chickpeas and dry peas.

Each flavor is bold and earthy. Nothing is bland. Dishes are spicy, sour, or fermented. Every bite awakens a memory.

Then comes the highlight: the meat curry. It may be buffalo or goat, cooked thick and rich. People wait for this moment. The bowl is always wiped clean.

On a lapte bhwey, every part of the animal is honored. We serve bhuttan—fried stomach and intestine. Hakuchoila—grilled and spiced meat—is smoky and strong. Goat head parts like senla mu, swanpuka, and mainh are served with care. This isn’t seen as odd, but respected.

Who gets what matters. Elders get first pick. There is a silent order. Respect flows with each serving.

Aila: Fire in a cup

With the food comes aila, the homemade spirit. It’s distilled from rice or barley. Served in small metal cups, it burns going down but warms the soul. Aila is sacred—a drink for the gods, the ancestors, and the living.

There is also thwon, a cloudy rice beer. Lighter than aila, it cools your tongue and balances the heat of the food.

The sweet ending

At the end comes lapsi paun—a sweet-sour drink made from hog plum. Then, curd, often juju dhau from Bhaktapur. It’s creamy and smooth, like dessert.

Before we eat the curd, we do a small ritual. A dab of curd goes on the forehead—right side for men, left for women. It’s a blessing. A way to say, ‘You were here.’

After that, we’re served sisapusa—fruit and vegetable slices like radish, carrot, and sugarcane. These are nibbled as we talk and laugh.

The order matters

This meal is not a buffet. Dishes don’t come all at once. They arrive in waves, like verses in a poem. First the rice, then the pickles, then meat, then more rice, then curd. Each return to the plate has meaning. You don’t leave halfway. You sit through it all—an hour or more. Your knees may hurt, but your heart is full.

Why this feast belongs on the world stage

Think of global food traditions. These are more than meals. They are about family, memory, and identity. Why not the lapte bhwey? It has everything; history, structure, symbolism, and flavor. It’s sustainable—no plastic, no excess. The serving style has its own rhythm. The ingredients tell stories. It deserves to be on the global food map. In documentaries. In food festivals. In Michelin’s world of fine dining.

From Kathmandu to the world

But it must start with us. We should stop calling it old-fashioned. It takes real skill to host a lapte bhwey. You need training to serve in the right order. You need pride to keep traditions alive when buffets seem easier.

Let’s photograph these feasts. Write about them. Document the recipes. Invite foreign chefs to join us. Let them sit cross-legged, eat with their hands, sip aila, and understand our rhythm.

We could set up pop-up Newari kitchens in New York, London, or Tokyo. Not fusion food—but the real thing. Served on leaves, eaten by hand, seated on floor mats.

Let’s turn the lapte bhwey into Nepal’s answer to Japan’s kaiseki, Ethiopia’s doro wat, or Italy’s Sunday lunches. Because its heritage served on a leaf.

Buffet or bhwey?

Buffets are quick. Convenient. But they don’t tell a story. A suku bhwey tells a thousand. About family. About caste and ritual. About the seasons, the harvest, and the cycle of life. Every dish is part of a bigger picture. Every glass of aila is a poem. Every dot of curd on the forehead is a seal of belonging. And one day, if we share it with pride, maybe someone in Berlin or Paris will be sitting on a straw mat, eating our food, feeling our story.

The author is a London-based R&D chef

Thibaut Bruttin is a Franco-Swiss civil society activist, Director-General of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and President of the Forum on Information and Democracy (FID). He joined RSF in 2014 and contributed to the development of key initiatives such as the Journalism Trust Initiative (JTI), the evacuations of Afghan journalists, the press freedom centers in Ukraine, the escape of Marina Ovsyannikova from Russia, and the Svoboda satellite package targeting Russian audiences. He began his career in the international development team at the Louvre Museum and later worked for Echo Studio, a production and distribution company focused on impact-driven cinema. A film historian as well, Thibaut Bruttin has published several works, the most recent of which is Michel Audiard–Jean Herman/Vautrin (Actes Sud–Institut Lumière, 2023). Kamal Dev Bhattarai of ApEx talked to him about the global and regional scenarios of press freedom and journalist safety.

What are the key threats that global journalists in common are facing today?

In 2025, the global state of press freedom is now classified as a “difficult situation” for the first time in the history of RSF's World Press Freedom Index. Although physical attacks against journalists are the most visible violations of press freedom and some 50 journalists were killed in 2024, RSF has underlined that economic pressure is also a major, more insidious problem. The economic indicator on the RSF World Press Freedom Index now stands at an unprecedented, critical low as its decline continues in 2025.

As a global organization, what are RSF's priorities?

RSF defends and promotes a free, independent and pluralistic press via publications, advocacy and direct support.

What is your overall impression of the status of press freedom in South Asia?

In the Asia-Pacific region, press freedom and access to reliable news sources are severely compromised by the predominance of regimes—often authoritarian—that strictly control information, often through economic means. In many countries, the government has a tight grip on media ownership, allowing them to interfere in outlets’ editorial choices. It is highly telling that twenty of the region’s 32 countries and territories saw their economic indicators drop in the 2025 World Press Freedom Index.

You recently visited Nepal and discussed the media fraternity here. How do you rate the status of press freedom in Nepal?

RSF published its World Press Freedom Index in early May and Nepal is ranked 90th, down 16 places. Worst: Nepal is 80th regarding the economy of the media 120th in terms of safety of the journalists. Today, the state of press freedom in Nepal is increasingly fragile. Therefore, Nepal must uphold its constitutional promise of a free press.

Despite a relatively calm and peaceful political situation, Nepali journalists still face physical threats. What are your suggestions to local stakeholders here to address this issue?

Journalists in Nepal still face physical violence. Two media professionals have lost their lives recently: freelance journalist Suresh Bhul, from Dhangadhi, and Avenues TV cameraperson Suresh Rajak. I have met the widow of Suresh Rajak, killed during the pro-monarch demonstration and she expressed, just as Rajak’s colleagues did, the lack of progress and transparency in the investigation.  This case highlights several issues when dealing with the safety of journalists. First, what happened in this arsoned building? Second, was the response of the police and emergency services appropriate? And third, is there a true will to shed light on this incident? Reaffirming that attacks on journalists are unacceptable in a democracy is not enough. Impunity for crimes committed against journalists puts the entire profession at risk.

Could you shed light on the areas RSF is working in Nepal?

RSF is also advocating for public policies to support the media economy. The weakened economy of the news industry has two consequences, highly evidenced in Nepal: the outlets can be tempted to lower the quality of their content and favor sensationalist, polarizing or clickbait pieces; the journalists must diversify their resources and can engage in communications or politics. We urge media owners to fully implement the minimum wage regulation and to pay in due time their employees. Furthermore, we invite the parliament to amend the Social Media Bill so as to exempt from its scope news media, identified according to national licenses or international standards such as the Journalism Trust Initiative; and to adopt transparent, fair mechanisms for the allocation of public advertising and subsidies, to support independent media without discrimination.