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I observed that the Nepali Army allocates a significant portion of its budget toward salaries, allowances and training. This expenditure seems reasonable considering the army’s reputation and its crucial role in the country. However, prior to the Maoist insurgency, the army was smaller in size, necessitating an expansion due to the insurgency. The integration of the Maoist PLA into the NA further increased its current size to approximately 98,000 personnel.

In light of these circumstances, I have two perspectives. Firstly, shouldn’t we evaluate the current scenario? It is not necessarily a call for downsizing the army, but rather a suggestion to review and assess whether downsizing or upsizing is necessary.

Why do controversies arise when we raise military matters? These matters warrant serious deliberations and extensive research.

Considering our transition to federalism and the emergence of heightened border security threats, we may even require a stronger and larger army. 

The author is a member of National Assembly

Birth: 5 July 1954, Kaski

Death: 12 July 2023, Kathmandu

Sita Dahal, the wife of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal who passed away on Wednesday, was not just a doting mother and a politician’s spouse, she was also a watchful protector and advisor of CPN (Maoist Center).  

Born on 5 July 1954, in Kaski, her family permanently relocated to Chitwan when she was eight. In 1969, she married Dahal and became involved in politics alongside. Throughout her healthy life, Sita played a vital role in the party, acting as a coordinator, guardian, and advisor for the party.

Dev Gurung, general secretary of the Maoist Center, hailed her unwavering dedication to the party: “During the Panchayat period, she spent a significant amount of time underground for party work. She remained actively engaged in underground politics from the beginning of the civil war, acting as a coordinator and guardian for the entire party during tumultuous years.”

Party leaders and cadres remember her as the party’s true guardian, adept at uniting everyone, particularly in times of crises. Within the party too, she was seen as a motherly figure, who was loved and respected.

“Besides being a supportive spouse to our party chairman, she also assumed various roles within the party,” says Dinanath Sharma, secretary of the Maoist Centre. “She played a pivotal role in unifying party leaders and cadres, ensuring the party’s resilience during challenging periods. In addition to her private responsibilities, she displayed a warrior-like spirit and offered many valuable suggestions.” 

Despite her position, Sita maintained a down-to-earth demeanor and possessed an equal and respectful attitude towards people from all walks of life. Her amicable nature made it easy for the public to connect with Prime Minister Dahal, and she played an integral role in supporting him through the ups and downs of his political journey.

Krishna KC, a member of the secretariat team during Prime Minister Dahal’s second term, says it was because of Sita that general public and party cadres could easily approach the prime minister and party chair.

“It was her who used to advise the prime minister to always make time for people,” adds KC. 

Despite her powerful position, Sita embraced an ordinary life and relished her experiences, perhaps influenced by her upbringing in a humble farming family. She treated everyone with equal respect, whether they held high status, were party workers, or belonged to ordinary backgrounds.

“To make a revolution successful, there are equal roles of many frontliners and backliners. Sita Dahal is one of such a backliner who is a strong pillar of the Maoist revolution,” says Chairperson of Communist Party of Nepal Netra Bikram Chand, who was a close hand of Prime Minister Dahal during the insurgency period.

Sita’s role as an advisor to her husband and the party stopped after she was diagnosed with a debilitating condition related to a rare neurological disorder called Progressive Supranuclear Palsy (PSP) Parkinsonism. She was also suffering from Diabetes Mellitus-II and Hypertension. Over the years, her condition continued to deteriorate. She passed away while undergoing treatment at Norvic International Hospital in Kathmandu. She is survived by her husband and two daughters.

It has been more than a decade since Chinese President Xi Jinping came up with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a massive infrastructure project, to enhance both hard and soft connectivity with countries in the Global South. In this period, over 150 countries have signed the BRI documents, and Chinese foreign investment in those countries has exceeded $60bn.

Nepal signed up to the BRI in 2017, and ever since it has been a thorny subject that has divided the political parties and the public. Over the past few months, there has been a heated debate regarding the controversy over the Chinese side claiming the newly opened Pokhara International Airport being a BRI project. In the parliament as well as in public forums, ministers and politicians face this question: Is Pokhara International Airport under BRI? While they insist that it is not, many are not convinced. 

A few days back, speaking at a meeting of the Parliamentary Committee, Foreign Minister NP Saud said that Nepal has not executed any projects under the BRI. Tourism Minister Sudan Kiranti has also been making a similar statement. But the Chinese side seems adamant in their position that all of its recent bilateral cooperation with Nepal falls under the BRI framework. In meetings with Nepali politicians and officials, the Chinese side has even presented some basis for such a claim. But top leaders of major parties have not spoken a single word about it, nor has the Nepal government officially taken up this issue with Beijing.  

China is of the view that since Nepal has become a BRI member, whatever cooperation happens between the countries falls under the broader framework of the BRI. This not only includes the development of  infrastructure projects, but also the aid that Nepal received during the Covid-19 pandemic. For China, the 14-point agreement signed during President Xi’s 2019 Nepal visit is the basis of that claim. 

The second paragraph of the first point in that agreement says: “Nepal and China take the Belt and Road Initiative as an important opportunity to deepen mutually-beneficial cooperation in all fields in a comprehensive manner, jointly pursue common prosperity, and dedicate themselves to maintaining peace, stability, and development in the region.”

On the basis of this point, according to a senior diplomat who recently met with Chinese Ambassador Chen Song, the Chinese side is claiming that all projects are under the BRI.  

During Xi’s visit, Nepal and China agreed to elevate the bilateral relationship into a Comprehensive Partnership of Cooperation. A few months ago, in a closed-door discussion with editors, the Chinese ambassador said they regard Pokhara International Airport as a BRI project, but it is okay if the Nepal government does not say so.

As the BRI debate rages on, China has come up with Laws on Foreign Relations, which is likely to complicate the matter.  The law shall apply to the conduct of China’s diplomatic relations with other countries, its exchanges and cooperation with them in the economic, cultural, and other areas, as well as its relations with the United Nations and other international organizations. 

Article 18 of the laws says: “China calls for putting into action the Global Development Initiative (GDI), the Global Security Initiative (GSI), and the Global Civilizational Initiative (GCI), and endeavors to advance a foreign affairs agenda on multiple fronts, at a different level, in various areas and of multiple dimensions.”  

Programs under the GDI, in collaboration with the UN agencies, have already been implemented in Nepal. As far as the GSI and GCI are concerned, the Nepal government has not made any position on it. 

China is seeking Nepal’s support in GSI and GCI, but Nepal is not willing.  But Beijing has already put the GSI and GCI under the broader framework of BRI. 

China’s BRI claim resembles the Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) of the United States in Nepal. Since 2018, American officials have been saying that whatever bilateral grants and assistance the US provides to Nepal is under the broader IPS framework. The US officials often say that there is no military component in Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), though it is a part of the IPS. So, like the IPS, the BRI is gradually becoming a hard-to-understand issue after 10 years of its launch.  

Upendra Gautam, a China expert, says like the US is saying that all its assistance falls under the IPS, China too is saying the same thing regarding the link between its support to Nepal as part of the BRI.

“It is either IPS or BRI, it is up to us how we deal with those countries,” says Gautam. “Now the Chinese officials are linking the BRI with financial institutions. If there are any issues, we can communicate with the Chinese side.”

The debate and controversy surrounding the BRI has also been fueled by the lack of homework and research that Nepali leaders and government ministers lack. The form and nature of BRI is gradually evolving with more components, and no one seems prepared. 

Of late, the Chinese side has been insisting on the implementation of BRI in Nepal. Recently, Home Minister Narayan Kaji Shrestha and Chairman of the National Assembly Ganesh Timilsina visited China. 

In meetings with Timilsina and Shrestha, high-level Chinese officials underlined the need for the implementation of the BRI in Nepal. 

The BRI issue is likely to figure out when Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal visits China later this year.

In Nepal, BRI is primarily perceived as an infrastructure project, though it has five distinct priority areas: policy coordination, infrastructure connectivity, unimpeded trade, financial integration, and connecting people.

Not only on BRI, but China’s claim over other initiatives such as Global GSI, GDI and GSI has also put the Nepal government in a quandary. During the Dragon Festival organized in Pokhara recently, Chinese Ambassador Chen raised eyebrows by saying that the festival was the implementation of GCI.

China was partly emboldened to make such a claim also partly because former President Bidya Devi Bhandari attended a virtual program of the GSI in September 2022. Bhandari had taken part in the program despite the Ministry of Foreign Affairs advising her not to. 

When National Assembly Chairman Timilsina visited China in the second week of June, Zhao Leiji, chairman of the People’s Congress

In the second week of June, he held discussions on the BRI and other initiatives with Zhao Leiji, chairman of the People’s Congress, and other Chinese officials. 

In one of the meetings, the Chinese side also thanked Nepal for supporting GDI and welcomed the support and participation in the GSI and GCI for jointly promoting peace, stability, and prosperity in the region and the world. 

China’s claims on the BRI and its other latest programs like the GSI run counter to Nepal government’s position, which states that there have not been any official decisions yet and that all the initiatives put forth by China are being studied.  

Nepali leaders are adopting a very cautious approach regarding China’s unilateral claims. On the BRI, Nepal is not in a hurry to take a loan to construct infrastructure because there are already questions about financial viability and sustainability of some projects, such as Pokhara International Airport, Gautam Buddha International Airport, Kathmandu-Terai Fast-track. 

Over the past 10 years, there have been a lot of changes in the original BRI document. China has emerged as a lender of last resort for developing countries that are having difficulty repaying their BRI debts. 

According to the AidData report, by the end of 2021, China had undertaken 128 rescue loan operations across 22 debtor countries worth $240bn. These operations include many so-called rollovers in which the same short-term loan is extended again and again to refinance maturing debts. 

Learning lessons from many countries, China is now cautious to provide loans under the BRI, while Nepali leaders are also equally careful to avoid a potential debt issues.

Dengue is an infectious disease transmitted through mosquito bites. It is transmitted by female Aedes Aegypti mosquitoes carrying the dengue virus. In the previous year, there was a significant increase in dengue cases during the July-August period. Consequently, disease control and prevention have become a major concern for us this year. As we approach the next two months, which are particularly worrisome, it is crucial for all agencies to remain alert.

While dengue has not yet reached epidemic levels, there have been approximately 1,400 reported cases of the disease this year. The primary symptom of dengue is fever. Therefore, when you have a fever, you should go to the hospital instead of staying at home. Dengue is diagnosed based on symptoms, and unfortunately, there is no cure for this disease. Resting at home is the primary treatment, although approximately one percent of patients may develop more severe infections requiring hospitalization. We have already disseminated instructions, emphasizing the importance of specialized treatment for such cases.

The main concerning issue is that patients often delay seeking medical attention until symptoms manifest. Moreover, there are also cases where patients do not exhibit any symptoms at all. This resulted in approximately 54,000 cases recorded last year. Therefore, it is imperative to take necessary measures to prevent a recurrence of last year's situation, and we are actively engaged in addressing this concern.

The federal, provincial, and local governments have different responsibilities. However, by working in harmony, as we did during the covid pandemic, we can effectively manage dengue. Discussions have been held with officials and health workers in the Kathmandu Valley, wherein we have agreed to promptly implement programs aimed at controlling dengue. The local units have committed to organizing clean-up campaigns every Friday. Dengue testing kits have already been distributed to the relevant agencies.

We have come to realize that coordinating with local authorities is essential for successful dengue control measures. Hence, last year, we initiated dengue control efforts in collaboration with local authorities. This year, we have requested the local units to continue their participation in these initiatives, and our expectations have been conveyed to them through the health ministry.

There are no weaknesses in the state's policy system. During an epidemic, the central government assumes a leading role, and the policies formulated in this regard are robust. However, if there is a consensus that these policies are insufficient or require modifications, we are open to discussions. It is crucial for everyone to come together to effectively control dengue.

The author is secretary at Ministry of Health and Population