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For the past two weeks, community school teachers and staff have been staging protests in Kathmandu, demanding the immediate enactment of the School Education Bill 2080. Their prolonged strike has affected the government's school enrolment campaign as well as the evaluation of answer sheets of the Secondary Education Examination (SEE). The national examination of Grade 12 also looks uncertain with the Nepal Teachers’ Federation instructing teachers to boycott  examination duties.

While the teachers have every right to demand professional growth and better service conditions, the prolonged standoff between the government and educators is harming the very foundation of Nepal’s education system. Teachers are on a stir because of the delay in passing the School Education Bill, which has been languishing in the Education, Health and Information Technology Committee of the House of Representatives. Although a sub-committee has been formed to consolidate suggestions from various stakeholders, the progress in the Bill has been far from satisfactory. The teachers appear in no mood to budge this time, citing repeated betrayals from the government in the past.

Had the government acted with urgency, the bill could have been passed during the winter session. The protesting teachers argue that the lack of decisive action has forced them to take the extreme measure of boycotting examinations—a move that could jeopardize the academic future of over 550,000 students. The consequences of this impasse are severe. With schools shut and admissions for the new academic session stalled, parents could turn to private institutions, which will further weaken the already struggling public education system. If public schools continue to fail due to systemic neglect and political indifference, the gap between privileged and underprivileged students will only widen.

The Bill, rooted in the six-point agreement reached in 2023, promises to align education with Nepal’s federal constitution, decentralize management and ensure equitable distribution of teachers. However, provisions of granting local governments control over teachers’ appointment and transfers have sparked fears of political interference and job insecurity. A solution to these concerns should be found at the earliest to facilitate the early passage of the Bill. The teachers’ body has proposed three solutions—a special parliamentary session, an ordinance or immediate convening of the budget session. The government has called the budget session of federal parliament for April 25, apparently a fortnight earlier this year, per officials, to facilitate the passage of the Bill.

Political leaders and major parties have shown little seriousness toward the demand of teachers, with some exploiting the protests for political gains. It is high time the political leadership realized that education reform is not just about teachers’ demands; it is about the future of hundreds of thousands of kids.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal has reignited his efforts to create discord within the ruling coalition, publicly claiming that the government could collapse at any moment due to growing dissatisfaction within the Nepali Congress (NC). His remarks have forced the CPN-UML Chairperson and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to publicly reaffirm the coalition’s stability.

For a brief period, Prime Minister Oli found respite as opposition parties, including Dahal, diverted their attention toward criticizing former King Gyanendra Shah amid pro-monarchy protests. However, with these protests losing momentum, Dahal has returned to his primary objective: toppling the current government and forming a new coalition with the NC. He has openly stated that it would be natural for the largest party to lead a new government, expressing his willingness to support NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba as prime minister. This has pressured Oli into urgent negotiations with senior NC leaders to secure their continued backing. 

NC leaders have publicly criticized the government’s performance, though both parties have agreed to resolve their differences.While Deuba himself may not be actively seeking to destabilize the government, Dahal’s statements have strengthened his bargaining power in key political appointments. Prime Minister Oli, once known for his uncompromising stance, now appears more flexible, offering crucial positions to the NC to maintain their support. UML leaders suspect that certain forces are working to isolate them ahead of the 2027 elections, potentially forming a grand electoral alliance against them. UML members also feel that the NC is increasingly dominating government affairs, creating unease within their ranks. 

Following the March 28 protests, pro-monarchy forces are attempting to regroup. Police recently arrested Durga Prasai, a key figure in the protests, in India’s Assam state, where he was hiding. Authorities are investigating his alleged involvement in arson, vandalism and violence during the demonstrations. The movement also appears fragmented, with Jagman Gurung’s group and the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) failing to coordinate unified protests. The RPP plans to launch mass demonstrations soon and is demanding the release of its leaders, Rabindra Mishra and Dhawal Shumsher Rana, though the government has refused negotiations.

In his New Year message, the former king expressed regret over last month’s violence but framed the protests as a sign of growing public awareness about Nepal’s future. Despite skepticism about his commitment to democracy, he reiterated his support for a multi-party system and constitutional monarchy, signaling a tacit approval of the pro-monarchy movement.

Meanwhile, teachers continue to protest, demanding government action on their grievances. Despite ongoing talks, resolution seems not so close, prompting the government to prepare for a House session to pass the Education Bill.

The High-Level Economic Reform Advisory Commission, led by former Finance Secretary Rameshore Khanal, has identified declining consumption and investment as major obstacles to economic growth. 

The commission recommends immediate policy measures to stimulate demand, alongside structural reforms to reduce production costs and improve competitiveness. Key issues include sluggish credit growth, stalled real estate transactions, funds trapped in cooperatives, delayed government payments, and a crisis in the construction sector. The report also highlights how pandemic-era monetary policies, inadequate fiscal stimulus and import restrictions have exacerbated economic stagnation over the past two years.

In yet another development, former President Bidya Devi Bhandari has hinted at her entry into UML politics, suggesting that due to health reasons, Prime Minister Oli may gradually hand over party leadership to her. Meanwhile, former Vice-President Nanda Kishor Pun has joined the Maoist Center.  At the same time, the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), the fourth largest party in the parliament, continues to face a crisis disproportionate with its size after Chairperson Rabi Lamichhane’s re-arrest, casting uncertainty over its upcoming general convention. With Lamichhane detained, internal divisions among top leaders have weakened the party’s functionality, though efforts to strengthen grassroots organization continue.

The country’s first tunnel project, the Nagdhunga-Sisnekhola Tunnel, has faced yet another delay despite being extended for the third time. Construction was stalled for nearly a month due to local obstruction, and officials say the project can only be completed on time if the contractor significantly accelerates the pace of work. Tunnel construction resumed recently, despite ongoing protests. 

Work had been halted on 17 March 2025, due to local resistance and was resumed 26 days later under police protection, according to Senior Divisional Engineer Sanjay Panthi. “Construction resumed in the presence of the Armed Police Force and District Police, but locals are still shouting slogans and staging demonstrations,” Panthi said. Given the month-long halt, it is now uncertain whether the project can be completed by the latest deadline of 23 Oct 2025. Panthi said that the delay might push the timeline back by another month, and the contractor may request an extension accordingly.

Originally, the project was scheduled to be completed by 26 April 2023. It was first delayed due to the Covid-19 pandemic and local obstructions, pushing the deadline to 27 April 2024. A second extension brought it to the current Oct 2025 target. Panthi noted that local residents have made multiple demands, including compensation for houses above the tunnel, free drinking water until the project’s completion, post-project employment, and fair land compensation. “We have already addressed the compensation issue and other legitimate demands, but new demands keep emerging. That’s why we had to resume work with police assistance,” he said.

The tunnel project was launched to ease traffic congestion on the heavily jammed Naubise-Kathmandu section of the Tribhuvan Highway. It includes a 2,688-meter main tunnel stretching from Sisnekhola in Nagdhunga Bhanjyang to Chandragiri Municipality-3 in Kathmandu district, along with 565 meters of western access road and 2,307 meters to the east. The foundation stone was laid by then-Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on 21 Oct 2019, following an agreement signed on 23 Sept 2019, between the Roads Department and Japan’s Hazama-Ando JV.

The Rs 22bn project is being executed by Hazama-Ando JV and is funded through a Rs 16.8bn loan from Japan’s JICA. The rescue tunnel has already been completed. As part of the project, a 2.3 km paved road will be built from Tribhuvan Highway in Thankot to Basnet Chap, and another 565 meters from Sisnekhola in Dhunibesi toward Dhading. The main tunnel, stretching from Dahachowk to Sisnekhola, will be 2.688 kilometers long, 9.5 meters wide, and 18 meters high. Once operational, it will reduce the travel time between Thankot and Sisnekhola to just three minutes, saving at least 30 minutes of the usual journey and shortening the route by eight kilometers. It will make it possible to reach Naubise from Thankot in just 10 minutes.

Engineer Panthi stated that the project is now 88 percent complete, six years after construction began. Following flood damage to the Naubise road last September, traffic had to be rerouted through the partially completed tunnel.

With the onset of summer, watermelons have begun appearing in fruit shops across the market. As demand rises, farmers are busy harvesting melons planted along the banks of the Mechi River, which flows through the Nepal-India border. In Bhadrapur Municipality-3 farmers have successfully cultivated watermelons weighing between two to 10 kg after three months of dedicated work.

Manoj Kumar Rai, a resident of Bhadrapur-3, has been growing melons in the sandy soil of the Mechi River for the past 5–6 years. This season, he planted around 9,000 seedlings across approximately six bighas of land. Despite struggling to secure investment last season due to unfavorable weather, he is now optimistic. “This year’s production is better than expected,” said Rai. “There should be over 18 tons of melons in the field, with individual melons weighing between four to eight kilograms.” He added that the Bhadrapur Municipality has provided a subsidy of Rs 40,000 to first-time melon cultivators, which has eased the financial burden.

Another farmer, Anay Rajbanshi, has been cultivating melons on 30 kattas of land. “Last year, I made Rs 180,000 after expenses,” he said. “This season too looks promising in terms of production and income.” Rajbanshi appreciated the municipality’s support, saying it has encouraged farmers who previously relied solely on their own investment. A group of young farmers has collectively cultivated melons across eight to 10 bighas. “At a time when many youths are going abroad for work, melon farming has shown us we can build a future here as well,” said one of the youths. “With hard work, success is possible not just in soil, but even in sand.” He urged the municipality to continue supporting the program, which has provided subsidies for the first time.

Melons grown on the Mechi Riverbanks are being transported to Jhapa, other eastern districts, and even to cities like Lahan, Kathmandu, and Pokhara. Traders now arrive at the riverbank with vehicles to buy directly from farmers, offering Rs 28 per kilogram. Under its melon farming promotion program, Bhadrapur Municipality has provided Rs 40,000 each to 12 farmers. Suman Bimli from the municipality’s agriculture department said the initiative was introduced this year to support local farmers.

Mayor Ganesh Pokharel stated that subsidies were provided to those cultivating melons on at least 30 kattas of land. “This year’s harvest is impressive, and the municipality will continue this program,” he said. Pokharel added that Mechi melons have even reached five-star hotels in Kathmandu and Pokhara, highlighting the potential of local produce.