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What defines a human being? Why do we keep building walls when we can build bridges? Zanele Muholi, a South African activist who uses her art to highlight the beauty of black LGBTIQA+ women, once said that “If I wait for someone else to validate my existence, it will mean that I’m shortchanging myself.”

In Nepal, intersex and gender-diverse individuals often experience humiliating names across regions. In the mountains, they are called Fulu fulu, Singaru in the Western hills, and Maugiya or Kothi in the Tarai region. Additionally, terms like Hijada and Chakka seem to be more common, which is beyond inappropriate and hurtful. Why label someone when you can simply honor them as humans? 

From ancient scriptures to modern movements, the acceptance of gender and sexual diversity have deep roots.

LGBTIQA+ in Hindu mythology

Hindu mythology has recognized gender diversity and same-sex love for centuries. For example, Shikhandi, an important character in the Mahabharata, was born a woman but became a man to fulfill a divine purpose and played a key role in the Kurukshetra war. Next, the concept of Ardhanarishvara, a composite form of Shiva and Parvati, symbolizes the unity of masculine and feminine energies, challenging societal gender norms. Similarly, Lord Vishnu’s transformation into Mohini highlights the idea of gender fluidity, including a union with Shiva that birthed Lord Ayyappa. The cultural celebration of such themes is evident in the Koovagam festival in Tamil Nadu, which honors Aravan and is actively embraced by transgender communities.

Greek mythology

One of the tragic love stories of Apollo and Hyacinthus represent prominent figures of same-sex marriage.The god of music and the sun, Apollo is considered the patron of same-sex love. He had many male lovers and was invited to bless homosexual unions. Hyacinthus, the lover of Apollo, was a Spartan youth. Moreover, Plato’s Symposium, a timeless philosophical work resonates deeply with the LGBTIQA+ community and embraces the idea of love and connection beyond gender. The subject of homoeroticism has been discussed where Plato’s characters accept the norms of that time surrounding homosexual love.

Chinese mythology

In Chinese mythology, the Taoist principle of Yin and Yang emphasizes balance and harmony, transcending rigid binaries of gender and sexuality. Taoist practice resolves the “homosexuality & religion” conflict. Taoism teaches: Not every question should have an answer. Moreover, in classical Chinese opera, such as Peking opera, the practice of cross-dressing, where male actors play female roles, is prevalent and can be interpreted as a form of representation for LGBTIQA+ themes. This art instantly promotes Chinese society to legalize same sex marriages.

American mythology

Rainbow Flag, created by Gilbert Baker in 1978, has become a powerful symbol of LGBTIQA+ pride and engulfed into American mythology. Many native American cultures, including the Navajo, Lakota, and Zuni (Native American tribes), have recognized the existence of Two-Spirit individuals, believed to embody both masculine and feminine qualities. Also, although Mulan is a Chinese legend, in the context of American mythology and queer narrative, her story has been reinterpreted as a tale of gender nonconformity and identity fluidity.

African mythology

Esu as a god of communication and trickery in Yoruba mythology, is a figure who often defies gender norms. Esu embodies fluidity, as he can be portrayed in male or female form, challenging traditional understandings of identity and power. He appears in many African American folktales and has been reinterpreted by modern queer theorists to celebrate non-binary identities.

Across cultures, the acceptance of sexual diversity is not new. So, instead of dividing ourselves, why not we become humans and share humanity? After all, don’t we share the same red blood?

The 1950s were a transformative period in Nepal’s history, marked by significant changes both domestically and internationally. The end of the 104-year Rana autocracy ushered in a democratic era. Following the restoration of democracy in 1950, successive governments began implementing policy changes aimed at reshaping various facets of society.

Internationally, this decade was characterized by geopolitical shifts. India had recently gained independence, Pakistan emerged as a new state, and China asserted control over Tibet, which shares Nepal’s northern border. The rise of the Communist Party in China further altered the region’s dynamics. During this time, Nepal signed the Peace and Friendship Treaty 1950 with India, establishing a foundational framework for bilateral relations that remains influential today. As Nepal’s importance grew for both India and China, it also attracted attention from Western powers, particularly the United States. Breaking away from its prolonged isolation, Nepal embraced an open-door policy, receiving reciprocal interest from major global actors.

Domestically, Nepal faced numerous challenges. The absence of established institutions and policies essential for democratic governance hindered progress. Political parties were in their infancy, lacking the experience necessary to manage the aspirations of a transitioning society. To address the needs of the people, Nepal began dismantling its feudal policies and institutions, laying the groundwork for social, economic, and structural reforms.

Despite the abundance of literature on Nepal’s modern political history, much of the existing research tends to focus on prominent events, individuals, and familiar narratives. A new publication, Nepal in the Long 1950s, by Martin Chautari—a Kathmandu-based think tank—offers a fresh perspective on this critical period. Edited by Pratyoush Onta, Lokranjan Parajuli, and Mark Liechty, the book moves beyond the conventional focus on political milestones, delving into nuanced social and cultural dimensions that provide a broader understanding of the era.

The editors frame their exploration of the “Long 1950s” within the theoretical lens of French historian Fernand Braudel, who argued that history is shaped by enduring structural forces rather than discrete events or individuals. By situating Nepal’s transitions within broader regional and global contexts, the book sheds light on how internal developments were influenced by external dynamics and vice versa.

The ten chapters in Nepal in the Long 1950s examine diverse aspects of the decade’s transformation. For instance, Prawash Gautam’s chapter explores the rise of Kathmandu tea shops as public spheres, illustrating how these spaces fostered public opinion and supported pro-democracy movements during the decline of the Rana regime. Bandana Gyawali examines the ideological shift from “progress” to “development” in state policies, reflecting broader societal transformations. Peter Gill provides an in-depth analysis of land reform debates, arguing that legislative efforts were not inevitable outcomes of the 1950 revolution but the result of dynamic political processes involving a range of actors.

In another chapter, Onta investigates the short-lived Nepal Sanskritik Parishad, presenting it as part of a utopian cultural revival project in post-Rana Nepal. Sharad Ghimire discusses the 1954 floods, emphasizing how the disaster legitimized the state’s bureaucratic expansion and foreign aid initiatives, particularly in Chitwan’s Rapti Valley. Parajuli examines the founding of Tribhuvan University, analyzing the interplay of internal and external forces in shaping Nepal’s oldest and largest academic institution.

The second section of the book, titled “The World in Nepal,” shifts focus to the influence of foreign specialists, institutions, ideologies, and tourism on Nepal during this transformative decade. These chapters illustrate how global forces interacted with local contexts to reshape the nation’s development trajectory.

By combining previously published works with new contributions, Nepal in the Long 1950s offers an interdisciplinary approach to understanding this pivotal decade. It moves beyond conventional political history to provide fresh insights into the social, cultural, and geopolitical dimensions of mid-20th-century Nepal. This compilation is a significant addition to the study of Nepal’s modern history, offering readers a deeper and more nuanced understanding of a transformative period.

Milan Acharya, a resident of Balakot, Bhaktapur, has surrendered to the police after the brutal killing of his father and younger brother. The tragic incident shook the community when the bodies of 56-year-old Kul Prasad Acharya and his younger son, Pravin, were discovered on Monday morning. Milan, the eldest son, turned himself in at the Maharajgunj police station on Tuesday at 10 a.m., confessing to the double murder. He cited extreme stress and depression as the driving factors behind his actions.

Kul Prasad, originally from Rupakot, Majuwagadhi-1, Khotang, was serving as the acting chief of the District Post Office in Khotang. He had arrived in Bhaktapur six days earlier for work. Milan, 26, had been preparing for the Public Service Commission (PSC) exams, while his younger brother Pravin, 22, was pursuing a Bachelor of Science degree at VS Niketan.

The Acharya family lived in a modest ground-floor flat of a three-and-a-half-story building. Neighbors described them as a quiet family who largely kept to themselves. However, the weekend saw a horrifying turn of events that shattered their peace.

According to the police investigation, Milan had dinner with his father and brother on Saturday night, which he had prepared himself. After dinner, Kul Prasad spoke to Milan about societal expectations . “It’s time to get married, yet you haven’t settled down,” Kul Prasad allegedly told Milan. These words, intended as guidance, left a profound impact on Milan.

According to Milan’s statement to the police, he couldn’t sleep that night. “My father’s words shocked me deeply. He made me feel like a failure, and on top of that, the community was talking about me.” 

After spending the evening chatting, the family retired to their respective rooms. In his confession, Milan revealed that early Sunday morning, around 5:30 a.m., he struck his sleeping father on the head with a hammer. He then went to his brother’s room and, overwhelmed by his mental state, decided to kill him as well, though he insisted there had been no prior quarrel.

Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Dhundiraj Neupane, spokesperson for the Bhaktapur District Police Range, said the victims were found with severe injuries to their heads and ears. The rooms had been locked from the outside, leading investigators to suspect premeditation.

Milan explained that his repeated failures in the PSC exams had plunged him into severe depression. He believed that his inability to meet expectations burdened his family, and killing them would relieve their stress. After committing the murders, Milan locked the rooms and fled to Biruwa, Bhaktapur.

Milan also admitted to the police that he intended to end his own life. He allegedly ventured into a forest in Biruwa and attempted to hang himself using a muffler, but the attempt failed as the muffler broke, leaving him with neck injuries. Believing this to be a sign that “God didn’t want him to die,” Milan returned and checked into a hotel in Chabahil.

Milan spent the next two days in hiding, watching news reports about the crime. Consumed by guilt and remorse, he decided to surrender. On Tuesday morning, he walked into the Maharajgunj police station and confessed to the murders, providing detailed accounts of his actions and motives.

The Kathmandu Valley Crime Investigation Office, along with Thimi Police, corroborated Milan’s confession with evidence from the crime scene, including the hammer used in the murders. DSP Anil Ghimire confirmed that the evidence matched Milan’s statements.

Milan had reportedly attempted the PSC exams six times for positions such as Nasu (subordinate officer) and Khardar (assistant officer) but failed each time. The pressure to succeed and fulfill his family’s expectations had taken a devastating toll on his mental health.

The tragedy has left the local community in shock. Neighbors described the Acharya family as respectable and hardworking. “This incident highlights how societal pressure and a lack of mental health awareness can push individuals to the edge,” a neighbor remarked anonymously.

On Sunday morning, neighbors noticed the family’s rooms were locked from the outside but did not raise alarms. It wasn’t until Monday, when relatives and neighbors failed to contact the family, that the police were alerted. Upon breaking into the rooms, police found the bodies of Kul Prasad and Pravin, their head wounds indicating they had likely been killed on Saturday night.

The incident has sparked discussions about the urgent need for mental health awareness and support in Nepal. Dr. Sunita Sharma, a psychologist, emphasized, “Mental health issues like depression often go unnoticed, especially among young men, who are expected to be resilient. Recognizing early signs of distress and providing timely intervention is crucial.”

DSP Neupane explained that Milan seemed overwhelmed by the weight of his father’s words and societal expectations. “He has stated that his father’s remarks, combined with the pressure of community judgment, pushed him over the edge,” Neupane said.

Milan is currently in police custody as the investigation continues. Forensic analyses are underway to build a comprehensive case. Given the severity of the crime, Milan is likely to face charges of double homicide, which could result in a life sentence if convicted.

As the community mourns the loss of two lives, there is a growing call for systemic change. Experts urge educational institutions and workplaces to prioritize mental health resources. Families are encouraged to foster open communication to support members in distress and prevent such tragedies in the future.

When the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML formed a coalition in July this year, they announced plans to review and amend the constitution, which has governed the country for a decade. This declaration not only stirred national politics but also captured the attention of external actors with a vested interest in Nepal’s constitutional framework. These international stakeholders, having invested significantly in crafting what they saw as a progressive charter, are eager to discern the nature and scope of the proposed amendments.

Domestically, the proposal has elicited a range of responses. The CPN (Maoist Center) and Madhes-based parties have warned against regressive changes, cautioning the coalition not to undermine federalism or inclusion whereas the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) is optimistic that the NC and UML might align with their agenda of dismantling federal structures and reinstating Nepal as a Hindu state. Recognizing the issue's sensitivity, NC and UML leaders have taken a cautious approach, repeatedly affirming their commitment to federalism and secularism. They are wary of destabilizing the political environment and mindful that any mishandling of the amendment process could spark unrest.

After six months of deliberation, the coalition has initiated groundwork for potential amendments. Leaders emphasize that this does not signal immediate changes but rather the beginning of a meticulous and inclusive process. A task force has been established to draft a base document, incorporating input from various sectors of society and analyzing the constitution's perceived shortcomings since its promulgation in 2015. Nepal’s constitution has undergone only two amendments: the first in 2016, addressing Madhes-based parties’ demands and resolving India's blockade, and the second in 2020, incorporating Nepal’s updated political map.

Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak has clarified that the amendment process will not unfold overnight. According to him, the task force will first identify areas requiring changes before engaging other political parties for broader consultations. The primary objective, he noted, is to enhance political stability. Leaders from both the NC and UML argue that the current electoral system, which combines First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) and Proportional Representation (PR), is inherently flawed. They propose transitioning to a purely FPTP system for electing members of the House of Representatives while addressing inclusion through alternative mechanisms. This proposal has strong backing within the two ruling parties but faces stiff opposition from the Maoist Center and Madhes-based parties, who advocate for a fully proportional representation system.

Proponents of electoral reform within the NC and UML contend that the existing mixed system inhibits the likelihood of a single-party majority, perpetuating coalition governments and political instability. They argue that a streamlined electoral framework is essential for fostering governance continuity. However, achieving consensus on this issue remains a daunting task. Opposition parties have expressed deep reservations, and even within the NC and UML, some factions are cautious about pushing too hard on electoral reform without broader support.

Federalism has also emerged as a contentious topic. Within the NC and UML, voices are growing louder for a re-evaluation of Nepal’s federal structure. While senior leaders have publicly reaffirmed their commitment to the existing model, many within their ranks argue that provincial structures are inefficient and should be dismantled. They believe resources would be better allocated by strengthening local and central governments. Yet, this proposition is staunchly opposed by the Maoist Center and Madhes-based parties, who view federalism as a cornerstone of Nepal’s inclusive democratic framework.

The issue of secularism adds another layer of complexity. There appears to be a tacit agreement among key leaders—Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba and Maoist Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal—that the secular provision could be revisited. However, none of them is willing to openly champion this controversial change. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India, a long-time critic of Nepal’s secular status, has reportedly lobbied for its removal. According to insiders, even Dahal has privately signaled to BJP leaders that he might support scrapping secularism if Oli and Deuba also endorse the move.

In addition to these major issues, the task force is expected to examine other constitutional provisions based on a decade of implementation. These may include judicial reforms, provisions for decentralization and mechanisms to ensure greater accountability within state institutions. The goal, according to NC General Secretary Gagan Kumar Thapa, is to address the coalition-driven nature of current governance. Thapa emphasizes that the amendments aim to pave the way for single-party governments that can function effectively for a fixed term, reducing the instability caused by frequent coalition changes.

As the NC and UML prepare to move forward, opposition parties are not sitting idle. The Maoist Center and Madhes-based parties are reportedly conducting internal deliberations to solidify their positions on constitutional amendments. They are expected to challenge the ruling coalition’s proposals, particularly on issues related to federalism, inclusion and electoral reform.

Ultimately, the success of the constitution amendment process hinges on the durability of the NC-UML coalition. Despite ideological differences, the two parties have demonstrated a pragmatic approach, focusing on maintaining their alliance. From parliamentary cooperation to task forces on governance and foreign policy, they are working to align their priorities. However, their ability to achieve meaningful reforms will depend on forging consensus with other political forces and navigating a complex web of domestic and international expectations.

Nepal’s constitution, taken as a landmark achievement in 2015, faces its most significant test yet.