Editorial: Policies and programs: Mere continuation of tradition
The government has presented its policies and programs for the upcoming fiscal year in parliament. The programs brought by the government are a mere continuation of the previous fiscal year. Some new programs with attractive slogans have also been included. It remains to be seen whether these programs will be implemented and yield desired results. Political parties, however, have done their part—ruling ones have welcomed it, while those in the opposition have said it lacks direction and most of the programs are unimplementable.
Nepal has not left any stone unturned in formulating policies, programs and plans to make it a developed nation. However, development works are progressing at a snail’s pace while irresponsibility and lack of good governance are rampant. As a result, the issues covered in policies/programs and budgeted projects remain similar for decades. The country cannot move forward this way. Mere continuity of the tradition cannot yield new achievements.
Programs like achieving agricultural self-sufficiency, completing national pride projects on time, increasing per capita income, building smart cities, creating jobs, boosting exports and constructing railways are featured in policies and programs and budget speech almost every year. These programs do not yield desired results as neither sufficient budgetary allocations are made, nor sufficient homeworks are done before their announcements. The government brings policies and programs with great enthusiasm every year. However, there is no mechanism to gauge the effectiveness of these policies programs. The effectiveness of these policies and programs are neither reviewed, nor agencies and officials responsible for implementing them are held accountable.
This situation will persist unless a scientific basis is provided for how the programs will be implemented. So rather than focusing on what programs are included, it is more important to identify which ones will actually be implemented and prioritize them accordingly. For effective implementation of the policies and programs, the government needs to be stable. Even with the same prime minister, frequent changes in ministers and policies have been occurring, let alone the uncertainty of which party will ally with whom to topple or form a new government. Political parties need to be aware that development programs cannot deliver desired outcomes in such situations.
What does the 16th Five-year plan look like ?
A Cabinet meeting on Tuesday endorsed the 16th Five-Year Periodic Plan, proposed by the National Planning Commission, to be implemented from the next fiscal year 2081/82 BS. The plan sets ambitious targets, including achieving an economic growth rate of 7.3 percent and increasing per capita income to $2,413. Currently, Nepal’s economic growth rate is projected at 3.9 percent, with a per capita income of $1,456.
The plan also aims to reduce absolute poverty to 20.3 percent and consumer inflation to 5 percent by the fiscal year 2085/86 BS. Additionally, it seeks to elevate Nepal’s Human Development Index (HDI) from 0.601 to 0.650, the Human Wealth Index from 76.3 to 78, and lower the Economic and Environmental Risk Index from 29.7 to 24. The average life expectancy is targeted to rise from 71.3 years to 73 years within five years.
Other key goals include improving healthcare access, aiming for 90 percent of families to have a health facility within a half-hour's distance, increasing the literacy rate to 85 percent, and reducing the unemployment rate from 11.4 percent to 5 percent.
In terms of infrastructure, the plan aims to boost hydropower production from 3,100 MW to 11,769 MW within five years. Internet access is projected to reach 90 percent, and 85 percent of families will have access to banks and financial institutions. Other significant targets include enhancing the Rule of Law Index from 0.52 to 0.80, the Global Competitiveness Index from 52 to 65, and the Corruption Reduction Awareness Index from 35 to 43.
The draft plan also includes sectoral indicators, transformational strategies, and major interventions to meet these goals. The sectoral headings include Strengthening Macroeconomic Fundamentals and Rapid Economic Growth; Enhancing Production, Productivity and Competitiveness; Decent Job and Productive Employment; Educated, Skilled and Healthy Human Capital Formation; Quality Infrastructure and Integrated Transport Management System; Modern, Sustainable and Systematic Urbanization and Settlements; Balanced Development for Reducing Poverty and Inequality; Efficient Fiscal Management and Capital Expenditure Capacity Enhancement; Governance Reform and Promoting Good Governance; and Sustainable Development Goals and Green Economy.
Revenue as a percentage of GDP is targeted to rise from 17.8 percent to 24 percent, with federal expenditure increasing from 26.5 percent to 32 percent. The plan also aims to keep sovereign debt below 45 percent of GDP and reduce the trade deficit to 24 percent of GDP.
The inflow of remittance would be maintained between 22 to 24 percent of the GDP.
The energy sector is a significant focus, with plans to export electricity worth Rs 41 billion annually by the end of the plan. Additionally, the goal is to create 1.2 million jobs annually, raise minimum wages to Rs 25,000 per month, and increase social security beneficiaries to 2 million.
The plan also emphasizes good governance, social justice, and prosperity through structural transformation, addressing obstacles in development activities, adopting new technologies, and promoting inclusive employment. A policy will be implemented to run national skill development and employment programs in collaboration with private, government, and non-government sectors, prioritizing the empowerment of marginalized communities through affirmative action.
The concept paper of the periodic plan states that employment will be created within the country by producing skilled and capable human resources through the utilization of demographic dividends at all three levels of government. It also outlines a strategy to identify new high-return, safe destinations for foreign employment and secure bilateral labor agreements.
Coalition dynamics and governance challenges in Nepal
Nepal's journey through democracy has been marked by the complex coalition politics in a hung parliament. This phenomenon, where no single party secures a majority, presents formidable obstacles to achieving sustainable development and effective governance.
Hung Parliament and Political Instability
The recurring hung parliament has been deeply woven into Nepal's democratic fabric. The nation’s multiparty landscape, encompassing diverse ideologies and regional interests, complicates the government formation process. Despite periods of single-party dominance since the political change of 1990, political maneuvering and dissent frequently lead to hung parliaments and subsequent instability.
Between November 1994 and May 1999, Nepal faced significant instability due to its first hung parliament. This led to the outbreak of decade-long Maoist insurgency. Although the insurgency ended with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) on November 21, 2006, political instability has persisted in the country.
The 1999 general election, held amidst the shadow of insurgency, saw the Nepali Congress secure a comfortable majority in parliament, winning 111 out of 205 seats. Despite this, the political instability continued in the country, marked by brief tenures of three prime ministers.
Following the signing of CPA, the 2008 general election elected the first Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting a new constitution. However, the Constituent Assembly lacked a single-party majority, with the Maoists securing 120 seats out of 240 under the first-past-the-post system. The proportional representation system, accounting for 335 seats, further complicated the Constituent Assembly's dynamics, leading to a hung assembly plagued by political maneuvering and ethical breaches.
Political instability persists in Nepal despite the eventual promulgation of the new constitution in 2015 by the second Constituent Assembly. The complexities of coalition politics, compounded by the governance and representation challenges, continue to shape the nation's democratic narrative to this day.
Causes of Political Instability
Proportional representation, which was introduced alongside the first-past-the-post system in Nepal's electoral system, aimed to foster inclusivity in the political landscape. However, this system has presented its own set of challenges for the country. Issues such as vote dispersion, coalition politics and regional dynamics have contributed to the complexity of governance. Additionally, criticisms of nepotism and electoral intricacies have exacerbated the situation.
Under the proportional representation system, 110 out of 275 seats in the House of Representatives are allocated based on the proportion of votes that political parties receive nationally or within specific electoral regions. This allows parties with significant overall support to secure representation in Parliament even if they do not win in individual constituencies.
The proportional representation system was introduced to address historical marginalization and ensure the representation of all segments of society in the legislative process. By providing a platform for smaller parties and minority groups, proportional representation aimed to enhance the inclusivity of Nepal's democracy. However, its implementation is becoming challenging due to concerns about political fragmentation, struggles with coalition governance, and allegations of nepotism in candidate selection
After the recent general election, Nepal has seen another hung parliament. The trend of minority parties wielding disproportionate influence, alongside the perceived helplessness of larger parties, has disrupted democratic norms and contributed to economic setbacks in the country.
The Darker Side of Politics
The growing use of political influence to evade justice and perpetrate crime is a persistent challenge that plagues many societies. This issue arises when individuals or groups in positions of political power abuse their authority to manipulate legal processes, evade accountability and shield themselves or their associates from prosecution for criminal activities.
Interference in Legal Proceedings: Politically powerful individuals may exert pressure on law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, judges and other judicial bodies to manipulate investigations, delay legal proceedings, or influence judicial outcomes in their favor. This interference undermines the rule of law and erodes public trust in the justice system.
Corruption and Bribery: Politicians may engage in corrupt practices, such as bribery or extortion, to obstruct investigations, tamper with evidence, or secure favorable judgments. Corrupt alliances between politicians and criminal elements further exacerbate the problem, enabling organized crime networks to operate with impunity.
Political Patronage: Politicians may provide protection or patronage to criminal elements in exchange for political support, financial contributions or other benefits. This symbiotic relationship between politics and crime perpetuates a culture of impunity and undermines efforts to combat criminal activities.
Legal Loopholes and Immunity: Politicians may exploit legal loopholes or abuse their legislative powers to enact laws or policies that grant them immunity from prosecution or shield them from accountability for criminal behavior. This impunity emboldens individuals to engage in illicit activities without fear of consequences.
Manipulation of Public Perception: Politically influential individuals or their allies may attempt to manipulate public opinion through propaganda, misinformation, or media control to portray themselves as victims or deflect attention away from their criminal activities. This manipulation can undermine public awareness of the gravity of the crimes committed and impede efforts to hold perpetrators accountable.
Way Forward
It has become necessary to address the issue of hung parliament to ensure stable governance and democratic functioning in Nepal. One potential solution could involve reconsidering the electoral system, either adopting solely the first-past-the-post or proportional representation method. Maintaining both systems simultaneously risks perpetuating instability. Swift action is essential to mitigate the risks posed by hung parliaments before they escalate further. Remember, you cannot have your cake and eat it too.
Cricketer Lamichhane acquitted of rape charges
Cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane has been acquitted of the rape charges. A joint bench of judges Sudarshan Dev Bhatt and Anju Upreti Dhakal of the Patan High Court overturned the decision of the District Court, Kathmandu, and acquitted Lamichhane, Bimal Parajuli, the court’s spokesperson, said on Wednesday.
Talking to the media, Lamichhane reiterated his innocence and thanked the High Court for its verdict.
“I was framed for a crime I did not commit. I am grateful to everyone who stood beside me and supported me all this time,” he said.
On 29 December 2023, the Kathmandu District Court had found Lamichhane guilty of rape and sentenced him to eight years in prison.
On 6 September 2022, the victim (Gausala 26) filed a complaint, alleging that Lamichhane raped her at a hotel in Sinamangal on August 21 of that same year. Lamichhane, who was in a closed training session at the time, had allegedly taken Gaushala 26 from the Hyatt Place Kathmandu, a hotel in Tahachal, Kathmandu, to Nagarkot. They returned and stayed at a hotel in Sinamangal, where the victim claimed the rape occurred.
When the complaint was filed, Lamichhane was abroad for a cricket match and did not return to Nepal, prompting the police to issue a diffusion notice through Interpol. He was arrested at the Tribhuvan International Airport in Kathmandu upon his return on 6 October 2022 and was sent to judicial custody by the district court. But the Patan High Court released him on bail of Rs 2m on 13 January 2023.
At that time, the High Court had prohibited him from traveling abroad, but after the Supreme Court lifted that restriction, he left Nepal and played international cricket.
Following a long hearing process, the District Court convicted Lamichhane on 29 December 2023. Judge Shishir Raj Dhakal concluded that Lamichhane was guilty based on the victim's brother's complaint, Lamichhane's statement, various witness testimonies, and CCTV footage.
While Lamichhane had admitted to staying in the same hotel room with Gaushala 26, he denied the rape allegations. But the District Court concluded that considering the victim's statement and Lamichhane's activities on the day of the incident, it was clear that he had raped the victim.
The indictment claimed that the victim, being above 16 but below 18 years of age (a minor according to the law), warranted a sentence of 10 to 12 years. But Judge Dhakal sentenced Lamichhane to eight years in prison, ruling that the victim was 18 years old on the day of the incident. The court also ordered Sandeep to pay the victim a compensation of Rs 500,000.
After the court pronounced him guilty and sentenced him to prison, the Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) suspended Lamichhane from participating in any domestic or international competition.
Following Lamichhane’s acquittal, CAN has decided to lift his suspension and reinstate him in the national team, said Padam Khadka, treasurer of CAN.
Nepal is set to compete in the 9th edition of the ICC T20 World Cup Cricket, which will be jointly held in the US and the West Indies from June 1 to 29.
“CAN will decide by tomorrow. Our effort will be to send him to compete in the World Cup at any cost,” said Khadka.