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Swarnim Wagle, a Nepali Congress leader and renowned economist, has left the party. Wagle announced his separation from the party through a social media post, creating ripples in the digital forum where both his admirers and critics traded blows over his move. Citing the main reason behind the loss of his love for the party, Wagle wrote: “I have decided to part ways with the Nepali Congress, with which I had been associated since the mid-1980s.” 

“Congress has now turned into an incompetent gang of family members,” the youth leader wrote in his astute observation, noting that he had played a significant role in improving the Congress’ economic policies and planning in various capacities over the decades.  “During my indirect association with the party spanning 30 years and direct contribution of 10 years, I conducted several intellectual-theoretical discussions and training. At the same time, I played a role in expanding international legitimacy for the party,” he pointed out.

Wagle ‘felt proud’ to note that both Sushil Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba had appointed him at the National Planning Commission. Giving himself a pat on his back for a job well done, Wagle noted that he had been able to fulfill the responsibilities entrusted to him and enhance Nepal’s prestige. 

Elaborating on his future plans, Wagle said he will be active in a new public role with the beginning of the new year, carrying forward the agendas of democracy and economic progress on the foundation of good governance. 

A proposed amendment to the Telecommunications Act allowing the government to tap phone calls without prior court approval has raised a debate over the right to privacy. But two more provisions in the draft amendment bill have somewhat gone under the radar, and they could have a profound impact on the country’s telecom sector. If passed as it is, it will also dent significant revenue to the government.   

First is the removal of the provision where the assets of telecom companies with foreign investment of over 50 percent automatically come under government control after the expiry of their 25-year license duration.

Second is slashing of the licensing fees, royalties, and other charges. The draft of the Bill to Amend and Unify the Laws Related to Telecommunications, prepared by the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, has already received an ‘in principle’ approval from the Cabinet, according to Netra Prasad Subedi, spokesperson at the ministry. 

According to industry insiders, some major private players in the telecom industry are set to benefit from the new provisions. The provisions related to the license fee and renewal fee in the draft bill will provide big relief to telecom companies struggling to pay government dues as well as new ones planning to enter the telecom sector.  

The draft bill has proposed cutting down the fees, royalties, and other charges that the government takes from telecom companies. At present, the fee for obtaining the license for a telecom company stands at Rs 350m. The proposed bill has reduced the fee for an integrated license to Rs 10m. It has also proposed to lower license renewal fees.

As per the existing law, a new telecom company must first renew its license after 10 years and then after every five years by paying a fee of Rs 20bn.  In the draft of the proposed bill, the license renewal fee has been revised to Rs 10m or 10 percent of the company’s total income, whichever is higher for every year of the first five years.  Similarly, a fee equal to Rs 250m or 10 percent of the total income of the company, whichever is higher, will have to be paid every year to the government from five to 10 years after obtaining the permit.  After 10 years, the telecom company has to pay Rs 2bn or 10 percent of the total income earned that year, whichever is higher.  Telecom experts say the new renewal fee proposed in the draft bill will make no difference to existing players—Nepal Telecom and Ncell.

As both companies’ annual income is around Rs 40bn, they have to pay 10 percent as license fee, which is around Rs 4bn every year. This is in line with the current provision that Rs 20bn is to be paid in five years.  However, the government will lose huge revenue from the companies that have been currently holding licenses but not doing substantial business.  The state will lose Rs 347.5m as license fees from a telecom company from now onwards.

Similarly, the state would have received Rs 20.13bn from each telecom company in the first 10 years and the same amount in every five years for the next 15 years. Similarly, Ncell Limited, a subsidiary of Malaysian multinational telecommunication conglomerate, Axiata Group Berhad, could also be a direct beneficiary of these proposed amendments.  Ncell’s license was issued on 1 Sept 2004 in the name of Spice Nepal, and it will expire on 1 Sept 2029. According to the existing law, the company is set to come under government ownership after six and a half years.

However, Ncell has been lobbying for amendment to the existing law so that it could renew its license even after its expiry.  As per the draft bill, companies already holding licenses for cellular mobile, basic telecommunications, and rural telecommunication services can apply for integrated licenses within one year of the implementation of the amended Act. 

Subedi, the spokesperson at the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, says though the government has given ‘in principle’ approval to the draft bill, there is still room for further improvement. He adds that the provision related to the government taking control of the assets held by telecom companies with foreign investment can be further discussed and improved upon. 

The draft bill also proposes that telecom companies can operate for as long as the frequency is available, which overrides the existing law requiring telecom firms to get frequency separately after acquiring the operating license. So, any company capable of getting frequency can obtain a license to operate telecommunication services.

Subedi says the draft bill has proposed charging royalties and other fees based on the company’s income. Rather than reducing the fees, he explains the proposed provision is aimed at charging the telecom companies based on their income.

Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) pulled out its support from the Maoist-led government as soon as Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal decided to change the coalition. The pro-Hindu and pro-unitary party seemed out of place when it was in the government. Now, in the opposition role, the party is planning to raise its demands for reinstatement of Hindu state, monarchy and unitary government both in Parliament and from streets. A party delegation even met former king Gyanendra Shah recently. In this context, Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to RPP lawmaker and leader Dhawal Shamsher Rana.

Why did your party leave the government?

We didn’t want to involve our party in the dirty politics of Dahal and other coalition partners. It had not even  been 45 days since we joined the government, and the prime minister collaborated with the Nepali Congress to fulfill his personal interests. We didn’t like this attitude. When we were in the government, our goal was to make it more dynamic and public-centric. But we later realized that Dahal was not interested in it.

What kind of role will RPP play as an opposition?

We will support and protest the government by analyzing the work it does. We don’t want to let the people suffer for no reason. The RPP will protest from the House as well as on the streets. 

What kind of protest is the party planning to stage?

We will hit the streets with the support of the public who are against federalism and the republic system. We will demand for a constitutional monarchy and Hindu state. 

Do you think people will trust and support your movement?

They will for sure. Is there any significant progress these republicans have done for the public to support them? No. The public is frustrated, and we will help bring back the leadership and guardianship of the king. 

What did you discuss with the former king?

It was a good conversation. We discussed contemporary political and social issues. He is frustrated about the condition of Nepalis. As we are supporting him being the head of our proposed constitutional monarchy, we discussed how we can help and support each other.

During the early 90s, tens of thousands of Nepali-speaking Bhutanese citizens fled or were deported from the country. They would eventually end up in eastern Nepal via India, and reside there as refugees. Over the years, a large number of refugees have gone on to settle in the US, Australia and various European countries as part of the UN third-country resettlement program. A small number of Bhutanese refugees are still based in Nepal, and they wish to be repatriated back to their homeland. Pratik Ghimire talked to Teknath Rijal, a refugee leader and human rights activist, about the present situation of Bhutanese refugees in Nepal.

How did the Bhutanese refugee crisis begin?

South Bhutanese were protesting against the government, demanding democracy and human rights for a long time. In the past, ordinary people weren’t supposed to write history; it was against the law. It is said that Bhutanese refugee crisis began in 1991, when Bhutan started expelling people of Nepali origin. But the crisis precipitated way before that. Even history says how the aristocrats have oppressed and even brutally murdered Nepali speaking Bhutanese. 

What is the present situation of Bhutanese refugees?

Refugees were taken to third countries for resettlement and this somewhat addressed a problem. But there are still many Bhutanese refugees, either awaiting resettlement or repatriation. India has a great influence on Bhutan when it comes to resolving the issue relating to repatriation of refugees, but the Indian government hasn’t been helpful. Different media have been talking about this but recently South Asia Watch has come up with an intensive report regarding the plight of Bhutanese refugees. But India has been abstaining itself from involving in this issue saying it is the matter between Nepal and Bhutan.

How many refugees are there in Nepal?

I think there are around 8,000 of them, spread in different parts of Nepal. Some of them have verification cards of refugees and there are those who have no such identification. After the UNHCR left the camp, there were still around 400 refugees who were unverified. In 2011, Nepal stopped registration of Bhutanese refugees. But the problem is Nepali-speaking Bhutanese people have not stopped entering Nepal, and they have no access to any facilities. Their stories are not being told by the media. They are living as stateless people. According to my estimates, there are more than 1,000 such refugees living in the various parts of Nepal. 

How’s the condition of Bhutanese refugees who have resettled in third countries?

Some Bhutanese were sent to third countries but it seems like they aren’t all having a good life there as well. Many of them are suffering. Bhutanese refugees settled in third countries are home-sick and there are reports of some committing suicide, because they miss their home country, their neighbors and their near and dear ones. Members of some families have been scattered and have no way to reunite. 

What do you think is the way out?

There have been several bilateral talks between Nepal and Bhutan, where Bhutan has acknowledged that 90 percent of the refugees are Bhutanese. Nepal says Bhutan is avoiding further discussion about refugees. In this situation, Nepal should be seeking help from India or other SAARC member states. There are many agendas that need to be explored on many aspects. India should be brought on board and made to comprehend the gravity of the issue. The tyranny of the king toward his own citizens must be revealed. I would also request international organizations to be a part of this refugee issue and help the Bhutanese families, protect their human rights and stop the atrocities of Bhutanese government. My special request is to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi who can play a vital role to settle this issue. 

Amid protests from victims of the decade-long insurgency, Minister for Communications and Information Technology Rekha Sharma, on behalf of Prime Minister and Law Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal, tabled a Bill to amend the Enforced Disappearances Enquiry, Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act in the House of Representatives. Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to Suman Adhikari, a conflict victim, to get his views on the Bill.

What’s your take on the transitional justice amendment Bill?

This Bill is just a dust in the eyes of the public. If successive governments had cared about us, they could have addressed our demands very early. The incumbent government has shown some interest to amend the Bill under much pressure. Concerned authorities drafted this instrument to serve their interests, so it is full of loopholes. For one, it has not incorporated the sentiments and demands of the conflict victims’ community.

What were your demands?

The Bill states that the tenure of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission shall be of two years. But it is mum on the organizational structure of the commission, its human resource and infrastructural requirements and how it will work with different tiers of the government. The Bill is mum on the jurisdiction of the commission. Also, the tenure of the commission is not the only issue. Who all are appointed at the commission and how effectively it works; these are crucial issues. If appointments are made on the basis of recommendation from political parties, victims like us will have to suffer. 

Most importantly, we wanted this draft prepared after consulting us (the victims) and incorporating our recommendations as nobody knows the pain better than us. But the drafters of the Bill never sought our suggestions. It always appears that they are doing it all for themselves, not for us.  The time has also come to review the transitional justice system. 

What’s your comment on political parties’ stances?

No major party seems committed to this matter. The Nepali Congress never speaks on this topic. I was amazed to find that not a single lawmaker from the CPN-UML spoke while the Bill was being presented in the parliament. Rastriya Prajatantra Party’s Gyanendra Shahi commented on the Bill but we don’t know whether it was his personal opinion or his patry’s. Even the Rastriya Swatantra Party was silent. We had not expected this. Only Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party and Rastriya Janamorcha took a stance in our favor.

What about the international community?

They too are silent. The embassies in Nepal used to talk on this matter quite frequently a few years back. But these days, it’s rare to find them talking . 

What next for the conflict victim community?

Even in the victim community, there is no single voice. Many victims are still supporting the steps of the political parties, while many others don’t care. Others like me are raising our voices constantly, we will continue to do so peacefully. We need the rule of law in the nation and justice. That’s all. 

The Nepali Congress has officially decided to join the coalition government led by CPN (Maoist Center). The two parties, which had forged an alliance to contest the general election in November last year, had fallen out over a power-sharing dispute after the polls and gone separate ways.

The Maoist went on to form a government with the primary backing of the CPN-UML on 25 Dec 2022, while the NC helmed the opposition. But the Maoist-UML coalition broke up within two months, once again bringing the Maoist and NC together. With this, a race has begun inside the NC for ministerial posts.

A party meeting on Sunday set criteria for ministerial candidates to represent the party in the Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government. Congress Spokesperson Prakash Sharan Mahat said candidates would be selected on the basis of academic qualifications, contribution to the party, inclusivity, and balance of power at the provincial level.

President Sher Bahadur Deuba will pick the candidates on the basis of policy-decision taken by the party, he added. Prime Minister Dahal is set to give full shape to his Cabinet after taking the vote of confidence in Parliament on Monday. The NC has demanded eight ministries in the Dahal government in order to accommodate the leaders from the camps led by Shekhar Koirala, Krishna Prasad Situala, and Prakash Man Singh. He must also make room for some leaders from President Ram Chandra Poudel-led faction as well as his own supporters.

One Congress leader told ApEx that Deuba has a tough job of satisfying everyone inside the party, including those from the rival factions. Members of the chief rival camp, led by Koirala, had backed Deuba’s decision to give the trust vote to Dahal back in January, and now they expect the party leadership to reciprocate the gesture by offering them positions in the government. It is almost certain that the NC will get two vital ministries—finance and foreign affairs.

It is said Deuba’s spouse Arzu Deuba has shown interest to lead the foreign ministry, while Mahat is trying to land the finance portfolio. Senior leader Singh, who fought for the party presidency and later supported Deuba, is said to be making a bid for deputy prime ministership to lead the NC in the government.

Nepal has seen a continued political shift since the general elections of November last year. Amid this fluidity, the interest of external powers in Nepal seem to have gone up. There have been several high-level visits to Nepal from the US, India and China over the past recent months. In this context Pratik Ghimire of ApEx talked to political analyst and Tribhuvan University lecturer Bishnu Dahal about Nepal’s political and geopolitical situations.

Why do you think the old coalition reunited? 

In internal politics, the factor remains the same, but the variable factor is geopolitics. When the CPN (Maoist Center) broke the coalition with the Nepali Congress to form an alliance with the CPN-UML, the China-card played an active role while the Indian and US-side failed to carry out their task. But as the old coalition has been reunited, I see the initial point of this event is the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact’s endorsement from parliament. As soon as the case of MCC arose, the then Nepal Communist Party (NCP) split, and the US got the Nepal government close to them.

Also, as the Sher Bahadur Deuba-led government voted in favor of Ukraine in the UN, it can be clearly believed that we were in the US-led team. The Americans want a favorable government in Nepal for which they are showing their direct involvement.  As soon as Pushpa Kamal Dahal became the prime minister, China-funded Pokhara International Airport was inaugurated, a Chinese team came for Kathmandu-Kerung railway study, and the Chinese side opened all the borders.  But the US successfully took the game into its own hands. That is why the Maoists and Nepali Congress are now together.

Why do you think external forces are so interested in Nepal?

External forces come to Nepal because they see a lack of national interest and policy here. Our politicians have no political or national interest. All they have is personal interest because they always want to be in power. Nepali politicians actually invite external forces and play with them to retain power. And, the external forces like this situation because they get to project their power here. India and China always want to be in Nepal to counter each other. As for the US, it feels that it could influence Nepal and bolster its presence in the South Asian region from here. 

Do you think India's influence in Nepal has tempered down in recent years?

We are largely dependent on India. But the data has been changing. In recent years, rice import from India has declined by (around) 30 percent. Not due to our production, but a lot of people are leaving Nepal for employment and study. But these people are not going to India. They would rather go to Western countries and the Persian Gulf nations.  So, not only the political presence of India, but also the economic presence has been shifting to Western nations, especially to the US. And I have already mentioned how we are tilting toward America and why they want to be with us. 

How do you see the South Asian geopolitical scenario?

Though India and the US are close to each other these days, India has maintained a good relationship even with the enemies of the US. For example, India has maintained cordial ties with Russia and Iran for its own benefit. Even India and China have a good economic relationship. India has come closer to the US because China has enclosed India from all sides. Sri Lanka’s Hambantota International Port and Pakistan’s Gwadar Port are controlled by China. 

In the South Asian region, India has the business of around $7trn, whereas China’s is of around $18trn. Though India is doing good, China has an upper hand. I see India has both opportunities and threats from China and the geopolitical scenario of South Asia is often determined by the activities of these two nations. I hope India will review its neighborhood policy to address the problems.

Where do you see the future of Nepal in this geopolitical climate?

The geopolitical game is always there. It’s not just in Nepal and in the South Asian region, but across the globe. This comes with both opportunities and threats. For instance, the US eagerly wants to invest in our hydropower projects. We will have the opportunity to create employment by establishing large-scale industries. But if our politicians fail to grab the political opportunity for national interest, it will not help us, and we will become just a puppet and playground of big nations. 

Nepal reached the ICC Men’s Cricket World Cup Qualifiers after defeating the UAE by nine runs. The game was decided by Duckworth-Lewis (DL) method as the second innings had to be reduced to 44 overs due to bad light.  Nepal scored 269 runs by losing six wickets in their final match of the triangular series of the World Cup League 2 played at the TU cricket ground on Thursday. 

For Nepal, Kushal Bhurtel played a half-century of 50 runs in 35 balls with three fours and four sixes. Similarly, Bhim Sarki got out after playing a magnificent knock of 67 runs in 76 balls with nine fours while Aarif Sheikh made 52 runs off 62 balls with two fours.

Gulshan Jha remained unbeaten on 50 runs while Dipendra Singh Airee scored not out 10 runs. Junaid Siddiqui took the most wickets (three) for UAE,  while Ayan Khan and Zahoor Khan got two and one, respectively. UAE decided to bat first after winning the toss and made a total of 310 runs by losing six wickets.

Asif Khan, who came to the crease at number six for UAE, scored an aggressive century with four fours and 11 sixes in 41 balls and remained not out. Vriitya Aravind, who shared 135 runs partnership with Khan for the sixth wicket, played an innings of 94 runs off 138 balls with eight fours and two sixes.

UAE skipper Muhammad Wasim returned to the pavilion after making 63 runs off 49 balls with two fours and six sixes.  For Nepal, Airee bowled economically by giving 19 runs in eight overs. He took two wickets with two maidens. On their part, Lalit Rajvanshi, Sompal Kami and Sandeep Lamichhane took one wicket each. With this win, Nepal climbed to the third position of the league and has secured a place in the global qualifiers for the World Cup that will kick off in Zimbabwe on June 18.

Scotland have already become League 2 champions while Oman have finished second. Both teams will join Nepal in the global qualifier.  It will feature ten teams in total, the bottom five teams from the World Cup Super League, the top three teams from the World Cup League 2, and the top two teams from the 2023 World Cup Qualifier Play-off. 

It is certain that Nepal will play against Zimbabwe, the Netherlands, Oman and Scotland in the qualifier, while the remaining five teams are yet to be decided. Top two teams from Zimbabwe qualifiers will play the ICC World Cup that is set to take place in India, in October 2023.