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 “Have you ever wished you could tell your favorite books just what they mean to you?” reads the first two lines of the blurb and, as a reader, you can’t help but think the book is going to resonate with you in so many ways. It does, just not as much as you had initially thought it would. But that’s not the author’s fault at all. She’s candid and honest and writes well too. The thing is, when you haven’t read all the books she talks about (who has heard of a book called The Calculating Book: Fun and Games With Your Pocket Calculator?) then you don’t know what and how to feel about it. And when reading is all about the different emotions it evokes, that kind of sucks.

In ‘Dear Fahrenheit 451’, the author’s debut work, Spence con­fesses her love for certain books as well as her satisfaction in breaking up with some works when their time comes. Covering books from a vast range of subjects and genres, Spence writes heartfelt letters to some of her absolute favorite titles like ‘The Time Traveler’s Wife’, ‘The Goldfinch’, and ‘Matilda’, while expressing her fury at romance novels by Nicholas Sparks, ‘The Twilight’ series, and ‘The Fifty Shades of Grey’ books by E.L. James. She expresses her exas­peration and disappointment at see­ing them get checked out constantly at the library while good books sat on the shelves.

Spence writes not only to indi­vidual titles but also things that are associated with it like the library in ‘Beauty and the Beast’ and the book collection she hopes to have in the future. It is while reading these let­ters that you find yourself vehement­ly agreeing with the author’s views, almost feeling like she has somehow gotten inside your head. You might not have agreed with how she felt about a particular book but her love for books is completely relatable and that makes you forgive Spence even for the useless and repetitive list of references, recommendations, and resources in the second half of the book. Yes, we know you love ‘The Virgin Suicides’, Ms. Spence. There’s really no need to tell us that over and over again. But then again, do we, as avid readers, ever stop talking about a book we love?

Book: Dear Fahrenheit 451 (A Librarians Love Letters + Break-up Notes to her Books)

Genre: Non-fiction

Author: Annie Spence

Publisher: Flatiron Books

Published: 2017

Language: English

Pages: 243, Paperback

 The chemistry between the real life couple of Priyanka Karki and Aysuhman Deshraj Joshi is so strong that it oozes out on the screen every time they’re together in the film “Prem Diwas.” Everything else falls flat though. Priyanka playing Sapana and Ayushman playing Sagar are both brilliant. But instead of using this chemistry to create a memorable Nepali film, the filmmakers have made an almost forgettable movie.

Prem Diwas is a romantic drama with a love-triangle between the poor and unconfident Sagar, as poor but self-assured Sapana and the rich and kind-hearted Yuvaraj (Bishal Kharel). Sagar, who suffers from a phobia of losing the people he loves forces his girlfriend Sapana into a fake relationship with her boss Yuvaraj, who is exuberantly rich and gullible. That’s basically what the 1h 56m movie is all about, with predictable twists and turns. Again, the movie feels stretched, save for the brilliance of the Priyanka-Ayushman duo and the beautiful cinematography that follows them across the hills of Ilam.

Priyanka shines with her ability to bring every emotion required to the forefront. As Sapana, a girl who works as a laborer at a tea estate in Ilam, she is cute, bubbly, free-spirited and compassionate. Ayushman, a newcomer in the industry compared to Priyanka, nonetheless complements her well. As the confused and dejected Sagar, Ayushman can be both loveable and despicable. Together, the couple are so into the zone that they make up for most of the movie’s lackluster plot and juvenile storytelling.

The weakest link in the love triangle has to be debutant Bishal Kharel as Yuvaraj who is a total disaster. He can’t even change his countenance in line with the different emotions required in different scenes. We don’t understand his character at all. Add some fake American accent to it and uncertain dialogue delivery and Bishal completely messes up what could have been a strong, imposing character. Playing a rich owner of a tea estate in Ilam, Bishal looks uncomfortable and can’t quite emulate the natural confidence rich people project.

But he couldn’t do worse than a few recognized faces who’re in the movie for comic relief. They’re loud, cheap and unfunny. In fact, the only comic relief is provided at times by Ayushman himself. Maybe Kollywood should forget the usual suspects of the industry and find fresh talent who can make people laugh without being loud.

As mentioned earlier, the only other positive about the movie, besides Priyanka and Ayushman’s acting, has got to be the excellent cinematography. With extensive use of drones and choicest framings, the beauty of Ilam and its peripheries is just breathtaking. Also, the title track “Phoola Diye Timilai” is subtly catchy and used as background scores to make some scenes more compelling.

Who should watch it?

The trolls who went after Priyanka for her Cannes appearance and the haters who labelled the Priyanka-Ayushman relationship fake, should definitely watch this movie. Priyanka shows why she deserves the Cannes invitation and how she could do with a little support from the industry. Ayushman and Priyanka prove their popularity individually and together in “Prem Diwas.”
 

Movie: Prem Diwas

Genre: Romance/Drama

Cast: Priyanka Karki, Ayushman Deshraj Joshi, Bishal Kharel

Director: Yogesh Ghimire

Length: 1 hr 56 m

Rating: 3/5

 Nepali Congress leader Deep Kumar Upadhyay is a former two-time Nepali ambassador to India. He led the Nepali mission in New Delhi at a difficult time of the great earthquake and the economic blockade in 2015. Upadhyay is credited for his role in the restoration of political level engagement between India and Nepal following Narendra Modi’s ascent as prime minister in 2014. Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai talked to Upadhyay about the prospects of bilateral relations under Narendra Modi, when he has been reelected as prime minister for the second term.

As Nepal’s ex-envoy to New Delhi, how do you evaluate the prospect of bilateral relations in Modi’s second term?

Modi has been reelected and stability in India is a good opportunity for us. Diplomacy is a craft and a skill should not be evaluated based on what we read in books. Diplomacy is all about results. People in both countries want to see improved Nepal-India relation in Modi’s second term. This means Nepal’s trade imbalance with India would be minimized, flood and inundation in Tarai would be addressed, both countries would benefit from shared waters as per national and international treaties, and other bilateral pending projects would move ahead. 

In my experience, Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself oversees India’s Nepal policy and I expect this state of affairs to continue in his second term. In the first term, PM Modi, Minister for External Affairs, Indian Ambassador in Kathmandu, his Foreign Secretary and his National Security Advisor were the key persons on Nepal policy. I was officially told by the Indian side not to listen to anyone besides these five. The Indian side requested me to convey the same message to Nepali leaders saying that India is big country where there are many people and organizations that speak with different voices, which may not be the official line. 

In 2014, Modi tried to restore political level engagement with Nepal. But it is now said that Indian bureaucrats are once again starting to call the shots on Nepal.

The restoration of political engagement was evident when Modi addressed Nepal’s Parliament in 2014. However, there were also questions about him. Just because he is a prime minister with single-party majority and a towering personality, it was alleged, he could not change the system. Honestly, Nepal-India relation was in conflict mode at the start of 2015. That is why our Prime Minister Sushil Koirala wanted to send a top politician as the Nepali ambassador to India. India’s foreign policy is better managed than ours. In every foreign policy issue, the foreign ministry would be involved. And in every ministry, there is a joint secretary of foreign ministry. The power of foreign ministry is high. Before I was appointed ambassador everything used to be conducted from Indian Embassy in Kathmandu.

There was no tradition of informing Nepali embassy in New Delhi. When I tried to increase my political access in Delhi, the Indian side cautioned me: There are over 200 missions there and it would be difficult for them if we started bypassing the foreign ministry desk. They used to convey in sweet words that the concerned division at the Ministry of External Affairs was ready to give us any service, hinting us not to directly approach politicians. Despite all these, we succeeded in restoring relationship at the political level. This helped minimize the conflict. The blockade could have been even more detrimental had the conflict mode not been removed at the political level.

Are you suggesting the Indian bureaucracy was unhappy about Nepal’s efforts to restore political level engagement?

They felt uncomfortable, which was normal. During the blockade, Rajnath Singh was home minister and all security agencies were under him. I helplessly sought his help to resolve the border dispute. He gave me a very good advice. Despite having a cordial relationship at the top political level, he told me that he could not do anything as it was solely the remit of the Ministry of External Affairs of India. He suggested I talk to Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj instead.  

Even Swaraj used to call joint meetings with foreign secretaries and other senior officials on bilateral issues. Now, we have a relationship at political level and we can thank Modi. Various joint mechanisms are active but there are still doubts about how to make them deliver. If we see the bureaucracies of the two countries, they always engage in blame-game. Senior ministers from Modi cabinet used to tell me to utilize this time as Modi wants to see a prosperous Nepal. They also proposed a video conference between the ministers of two countries to find the bottlenecks in bilateral projects and immediately remove them. Indian ministers were in favor of resolving bilateral issues without delay.  

It is often said that clashes between political leadership and bureaucracy creates problems in Nepal-India relations.

There is negativism in the bureaucracies of both countries. I nonetheless had good relations with the Indian bureaucrats. The Nepali bureaucrats used to tell me that the Indian side was good with sweet words. “But will India really support us?” they asked me. I urged them to be specific and deal on a case-by case basis, forgetting what happened yesterday. But they were not convinced and used to say that India only holds project with no intention of completing them. The Indian bureaucracy on the other hand said several projects were not moving because of the Nepali side. We should make our foreign ministry effective. Without a strengthened foreign ministry, we will never have sound foreign and defense policies. Global politics is changing fast. There is the Indo-Pacific Strategy. There is the BRI. We should be smart to handle those issues.

You talked about the Indo-Pacific Strategy. Traditionally, India has not looked kindly on greater western presence in Nepal. So will it really toe the American line in South Asia, including in Nepal?

Those issues should be viewed in detail. Certain countries of this region, excluding China, are under the Indo-Pacific Strategy. India is more concerned about its neighbors. For example, if there are problems in Nepal’s Tarai, the first impact would be on India. So they are very sensitive. There could be convergence of mind on the overall interest of Indo-Pacific Strategy but India is more concerned on its core issue of neighborhood. In this context, we have to put forth our position clearly. We should not accept the wrong proposals floated by others. We cannot afford to say ‘yes, yes’ everywhere.

So the Indians won’t be guided by the Americans in their immediate neighborhood?

India looks after its interest and security. For example, India was aware that if the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) continued to highlight ethnic issues in Nepal, it could ultimately affect its own interests. This is why it lobbied for its closure. We have to be clear on our bottom-line with India, the US, China, and the EU. There is a systematic attack on Nepal’s culture and ethnicity. Time has come to review our past mistakes and move ahead.

How does New Delhi view Nepal-China relations? Are there any redlines that Nepal cannot cross?

The Chinese diplomats I used to meet in New Delhi were very clear. They wanted cordial Nepal-India relations and cordial Nepal-China relations. They were of the view any rail or road project that come to Nepal should also support Indian population. That such routes should help both India and China.

But what about the Indian perception of Nepal-China relations?

S Jaishankar, who has been appointed the Minister for External Affairs, is an expert on India-China and India-US relations. They are very clear about Nepal-China ties. Narendra Modi started courting the Chinese long ago and brought many Chinese companies into his home state of Gujarat. I also asked Chinese companies in Gujarat to invest in Nepal. India is not serious about the Nepal-tilting-towards-China narrative. They are aware that Nepal is a sovereign country that can make its own decisions. For 17-18 years, India left Nepal in the hands of administrative entities with a free hand to do whatever they wanted. Our ministers used to run after second and third class officers of Indian Embassy. Now, there has been a drastic change.

When Nepal signed the BRI agreement with China in 2017, there was Indian pressure not to do so. How did you resist this pressure as Nepal’s envoy in New Delhi at the time?

They had some apprehensions. We told them that the agreement we were signing is just a framework agreement. That, at the decision-making level, i.e the phase of selection of projects, we would be selective and Nepal would be careful about its payback capacity. During the BRI talks, the Indian side used to raise the issue of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which passes through disputed territory.  

How did you convince the Indian side?

The BRI is a necessity of our time. All other countries in this region had signed on to the BRI. I told them if Nepal did not, it would give an impression that Nepal is in a tussle mode with its next-door neighbor, which does not send a positive message. We told them that we would be careful with the BRI loans. I further told them that Nepal is aware of the experiences of other South Asian countries on the BRI. Finally, they said as a sovereign country, Nepal is free to arrive at its own decisions.

During the Doklam crisis, you were in India. What sort of pressure does Nepal feel if India-China relations are confrontational?

That particular issue was related to Bhutan. Bhutan was very clever; it stayed behind the scenes. Some people were saying that there could be a war between India and China. After a meeting with Jayashankar, then foreign secretary, I was clear that war was not happening. There was no pressure on us to take sides in these disputes. Nor does the top Indian leadership expect that from us.  

What should PM Oli and Modi do to improve bilateral ties?

Both countries should be honest in implementing agreements reached at the top political level. There should be transparency on who is dishonest on this. If we do everything according to a system, there will be progress. Modi himself is very positive on Nepal.

There are also fears that Hindu forces in Nepal would be emboldened under a more assertive Modi.

The Indian leadership works within the framework of their constitution. The people holding official positions cannot provide prescriptions or impose things. We ourselves imagine stuff and speak on it publicly. I do not see such a possibility.

But top leaders who were engaged in constitution drafting say Modi always wanted to restore the Hindu state in Nepal.

The Indian leadership could have said that when our own leaders sought advice on it. But Modi has broken with the tradition of imposing agendas on Nepal. There is no need to drag outside forces into our internal politics.

 Amid the chaotic frenzy of Narayan Gopal chowk, Chakrapath, the Thaili Café (from Thaili, a small bag-like purse) and Lounge housed in the very first building of the main intersection (towards Basundhara) is like an oasis in the middle of a desert.

Enter Thaili and you’ll be greeted with cool, air-condi­tioned atmosphere, far removed from the heat and dust outside. Not only will you get a cool place to rest, you also get to choose your favorite dishes from Thaili’s multi-cui­sine menu. Sip on various alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages while you wait for the food.

For night prowlers, the Thaili also doubles as a lounge and local talents take the stage to woo the audience while they indulge in the good food there.

THE MENU

Chef’s Special:

- Mongolian Chicken

- Spicy Korean Momo

- Thaili Chicken Stir fry

Opening hours: 8 am to 10 am

Location: Narayan Gopal Chowk, Maharajgunj

Cards: Not accepted

Meal for 2: Rs 1,500

Reservations: 9844375951

 Bikalpa Art Center’s first pop-up exhibit titled ‘Pop-up Summer Art Exhibition’ cherishes the onset of summer. The exhibi­tion brings together art pieces of six renowned Nepali artists: Chirag Bangdel, Rajan Pant, Umesh Shah, Uma Shanker Shah, Seema Sharma Shah and Sushma Shakya. Each art­work narrates a distinct story. According to curator/director Saroj Mahato, the objective is to highlight the significance of local art and bring it to the common people.

The goal is also to create a platform to celebrate Nepali contemporary art and to pro­mote Nepali art and culture. The art pieces differ in their styles, patterns and techniques used such as etch­ing, oil on canvas and acrylic on canvas. The contents cover a wide range of sub­jects, from phases of human life to mythological aspects from “The Ramayana” and “The Mahabharata” to human nature.

The exhibition is also great opportunity for art admirers and art collectors to enrich their personal collections.

Artist Umesh Shah’s acrylic on canvas paintings, “Hid­den reality” and “Behind the mask” impersonate the emotions of the people, each of whom is wearing a mask and concealing his genuine feelings. Says Shah, “My artwork is highly influ­enced by Mithila and Ancient Egyptian Art. I try to show the everyday life of ordinary people in the 21st century in my work.”

Due to our growing fasci­nation with western culture we are inadvertently aban­doning our roots. This exhi­bition is a reminder of what we are losing out in the pro­cess. The show runs through till 21 June 2019, from 10 am to 6 pm.

 The Nepali Congress (NC), the main opposition at the federal level as well as in six of the seven provinces, is still smarting from its heavy electoral losses in the 2017 elections. Party President Sher Bahadur Deuba has looked to hang on, refusing to take personal responsibility for the party’s electoral setbacks. But it’s getting increasingly tougher for him to continue as president in the face of a strong challenge to his style of ‘autocratic’ lead­ership from old establishment figures like Ram Chandra Poudel, dynastic politicians like Shekhar Koirala and Prakash Man Singh and the younger generation led by Gagan Thapa. The party has just completed a nation-wide tour to gauge public sentiment on how the Grand Old Party may be revived. In this context, Biswas Baral and Kamal Dev Bhattarai spoke to political ana­lyst Puranjan Acharya, a close observer of Congress politics

How do you evaluate the perfor­mance of the Nepali Congress as an opposition party over the past year and half?

In the initial six to nine months of the Oli government’s formation, the opposition party was as good as nonexistent. In this time, a sec­tion of the ruling Nepal Commu­nist Party (NCP) led by Bhim Rawal played the role of the opposition. The main opposition party leader is Sher Bahadur Deuba, who is also Congress President and a federal parliamentary party leader. Anoth­er opposition leader is Congress General Secretary Shashank Koira­la, a federal MP. At the center, the NC could play the role of effective opposition through its parliamen­tary party leader. Ditto in the seven provinces. The party can revive if its parliamentary party leaders in all seven provinces take their roles seriously.

How can provincial leaders help revive Congress?

In a federal set up, provincial lead­ers gradually emerge as national leaders. For example, Indian leader Narendra Modi, who started his political career in Gujarat, ultimate­ly emerged as a national leader and is now the Indian prime minister for the second term. The NC has not thought about leadership-build­ing. No one is thinking about the party’s role at national, provincial and local levels. Provincial parlia­mentary party leaders live in a state of confusion and are uninformed about their roles. Additionally, if Deuba had played a vital role at the center in the initial 8 to 10 months, it would have reenergized pro­vincial and local levels. He could not do so. Thus the NC has also failed to play the role of an effective opposition in provincial and local governments.

What are the major roles of the main opposition in a democratic set up?

The first role of an opposition party is to hold the government to account. The parliamentary party leaders should raise the problems faced by people in their day-to-day lives and the issues of the country’s future and prosperity. The parlia­mentary party leader should also activate the role of lawmakers in parliamentary committees, which means making government account­able. There are several examples where the opposition party has not raised its voice strongly.

For example, the communist gov­ernment made a time-bound com­mitment on the completion of the Melamchi drinking water project but failed to see it through. The opposition should have vehemently raised this issue, and if necessary, obstructed the parliament. Deuba could have instructed party cadres to stage street protests to expose the real reasons behind the delay. Or he could have spoken about it in the parliament with hard facts and figures.

The second role of an opposi­tion party is to make government transparent. The policy decisions of this government, the modality of the budget and its major deals lack transparency. In most other countries cabinet decisions are made public instantly, but our gov­ernment is concealing them. The NC should have strongly protested this. The role of the opposition is to put pressure on government to be transparent in its functioning and decision-making.

Third, we have a communist gov­ernment that commands two-thirds votes in the parliament. Its activi­ties suggest it is heading down an authoritarian track. It is the respon­sibility of the NC to prevent the gov­ernment from taking this route.

Why is Congress failing on these crucial fronts then?

I think the focus of party president Deuba is not on these issues. Not only Deuba, General Secretary Koi­rala is not paying attention either. Frankly, their focus is not politics. They do not know the roles they are supposed to play in the par­liament and the party. With due respect, Deuba, Shashank and the parliamentary party leaders of all seven provinces have failed to carry out their political roles. Parties in government and opposition have both failed in their political respon­sibility.

This is a dark phase in Nepal’s recent political history when the main opposition party lacks effective messengers to inform the people of government wrongdoings. There is a need of an effective communicator who can speak with the people, the media and the international com­munity. NC President Deuba lacks this skill. As an opposition party leader, it is Deuba’s responsibility to convey a strong message on the government’s wrong decisions. Both Deuba and Shashank have failed to play that role.

What about their role outside the parliament?

Their roles as party president and general secretary are to inform and to create awareness among cadres. They should instruct cadres and leaders to protest certain govern­ment decisions, to monitor its activ­ities, and highlight people’s general issues. These will in turn expand the party’s support base. To gain public support, the NC should raise the issues that are either being neglect­ed or handled improperly.

Has Deuba failed to effectively lead the party?

We cannot put all the blame on Deuba as there are other senior leaders in the party as well. How­ever, Sher Bahadurji is the party’s commander. For example, he did not speak a word about the gov­ernment’s pre-budget policy and program, as if he was in no mood to offer any resistance. It shows the NC is failing to monitor the government closely. To connect with the people, it is necessary to get timely infor­mation on government policies and convey its import to the people. The NC is rather spending all its ener­gy in internal power competition. When the general convention will be held is still uncertain and yet the leaders are already canvassing their districts.

It was Deuba’s strategic blunder not to try to prevent the alliance between the two communist forces when the Maoist party was in a coa­lition with him. In the election cam­paign, he tried to build a narrative that if communist forces won, they would impose an authoritarian rule but people did not believe him. He failed to make a strong electoral alli­ance with other fringe parties and to provide organizational as well as ideological leadership to the party. A party never loses an election; it is its leader who does.

The leadership who loses steps down; a new leadership comes with new vigor and vision and revamps the party. In the past, the BJP leaders who used to stay in New Delhi made the party weak. It is leaders such as Modi who came from outside Delhi who rebuilt the party. Likewise, Congress leaders who live in com­fort in Kathmandu are running the party and not those who are con­nected to the grassroots.

There have long been talks about handing over the NC’s leadership to the younger generation. Why hasn’t that happened?

The party proceeds based on its statute. There should have been a provision in the statute for a special general convention to elect new leadership if the party loses an elec­tion badly. Some countries have such a practice. It is not about who comes to power in the party but about paving the way for a new lead­ership to tackle the new situation. Now, the Congress lacks freshness. Deuba had a golden opportunity to announce a special general con­vention as the party lost the 2017 elections under his leadership. This could have been the first step toward the NC’s revival. Now the process has completely stopped.

How do you see the NC’s future leadership?

The party is also a strong bureau­cracy. Some people will try to save Deuba, arguing that the party did not lose due to his leadership. They will indulge in all sorts of legal/illegal, appropriate/inappropri­ate games to save Deuba. Active membership would be distributed accordingly. Sending a message that Deuba is still popular and can lead the party would create unhealthy competition. Another faction will work tirelessly to boot him out. This means the party would be trapped between these two forces. The next general convention will be held as per the wishes of these factions. The leaders and cadres who are genuine and who enjoy public support will gradually distance themselves from party. Unhealthy competition and money-based politics will repel peo­ple with high values and principles.

Is there a possibility of handing over party leadership to another generation anytime soon?

Now, there are three factions in the party. The first is a hierarchical faction encompassing leaders who have emerged from a long strug­gle, who have served jail terms and are unceasingly dedicated to the party. This faction is led by Deuba himself. The second Congress is called dynasty Congress or umbrella Congress.

This faction is living under the umbrellas of their fathers. At the forefront of dynastic power are lead­ers like General Secretary Shashank Koirala, leader Shekhar Koirala, Bimalendra Nidhi and Prakash Man Singh. This faction draws strength from people’s emotional attachment to their families. The emotion is still saleable and works inside the party.

The third faction is republic Con­gress which emerged from the 2006 people’s movement. This faction carries some agendas and their leaders have strong communication skills. This faction has the capacity to drive the 21st century. The cur­rent symbol of republic Congress is Gagan Thapa. Other ascendant leaders in this faction are Pradeep Poudel and Gururaj Ghimire. The republic Congress faction is weak in the party but it is the only force capable of fighting the communists. The hierarchical Congress which fought the Ranas and Rajas cannot fight the communists. The leaders of the dynastic faction never rose up through the ranks; they emerged under the protection of their fathers and think 10 times before ventur­ing out of their comfort zone. The republic Congress has age on its side and its members are under pressure to reform the party for the sake of their own future. The party culture, however, is not republic Congress-friendly. Hierarchy and dynasty still rule the roost.

Which faction is likely to win party leadership at the next gen­eral convention?

To win, two factions should come together. No faction can win on its own, no matter who leads it. If the three factions fight separately, there will be give and take after the initial rounds of votes. One thing is clear: the republic Congress alone cannot win party elections.

Can you explain why?

The republic Congress has public support and if the party’s active members are allowed to vote direct­ly, its leaders will win party leader­ship. But there is a strong bureau­cratic network in the NC, which is beneficial to hierarchical and dynas­tic politics.

Again, I do not think the party led by hierarchical leaders can fight the communists. Dynastic politics is being phased out of South Asia. Hierarchical Congress will feel a shock in the next leadership contest. My prediction is that the republic and dynasty factions will form an alliance, that Shekhar Koirala and Gagan Thapa will come together. This development will lead to frag­mentation in hierarchical Congress. After one general convention, Gagan will lead this faction. But this time, there is an emotional wave in the NC that after Deuba’s failure, the party again needs a Koirala leadership. It would not be a surprise if the leader­ship goes back to the Koirala family for emotional reasons.

So you think it’ll be a while before Congress emerges as a force that can effectively chal­lenge the powerful communists?

As per the NC statute, the gen­eral convention should take place within a year. But this won’t be pos­sible. The party’s position in the next election is a separate question. Soon after the convention, there will be local elections. Without set­tlement of intra-party disputes in the convention, the party will again struggle to win any election. Hence it is Deuba’s responsibility to hold the convention on time and revive the party.

Ruslan wins Grand Gold Quality Award 

 Ruslan Ultra Premium Vodka has been awarded the Grand Gold Quality Award in the “Spirit and Liquor” cat­egory at the prestigious 57th Monde Selection Awards in Italy. The award is based on five different criteria— taste-aftertaste, packaging, harmony, odor, and visual aspects.

Initiated in 1961, the Monde Selec­tion is a collaboration between world-renowned experts, chefs, oenologists, sommeliers, brewing engineers and master blenders to assess the intrinsic quality of a prod­uct with scientific and legal approach. More than a distinction, the Monde Selection Award guarantees quality for consumers, international rec­ognition and external control of the product, and an indisputable sales argument.

Ruslan Ultra Premium Vodka was launched in December 2018 and is fast gaining traction as a preferred choice among vodka consumers  

CG discounts on Super Carry

 CG Motocorp, the authorized distribu­tor of Suzuki four-wheelers in Nepal and the automotive division of CG Holdings, introduces a special offer on Super Carry vehicles. The all new Suzuki Super Carry is offering a discount under which buyers can get attractive cash discount of Rs 20,000 with free insurance for a year. The company has 2yrs/30,000 km (whichever is earlier) as warranty together with after-sales sup­port. There is also an additional benefit of one year full free servicing facility with free engine oil, oil filter, air filter and screen wash. The Super Carry is aggressively priced at Rs 1,199,000.

Hotel Yak & Yeti contributes to World Environment Day  

 As part of its corporate social respon­sibility, Hotel Yak & Yeti organized a tree plantation program within it premises to mark the World Environment Day. “As per the theme of this year’s environment day ‘Air Pollution,’ we found it to be ideal to plant trees that are the main and the most natural way to resolve air pollution,” a press statement issued by the hotel read. Radhe Shyam Saraf, the hotel chairman, and Arun Saraf, its executive director, planted the trees along with their family members as well as hotel staff.

Learn carving In Kathmandu

Every Sunday at 1 pm, ‘Horns and Bones’ carving and crafting workshop is run at ‘PATANsquared by SherpaShah’ in Pulchowk. In this three-hour experience, you can learn basic skills of how to use horns and bones of buffaloes to make objects such as buttons and pendants. Meet two artist brothers Shailesh and Success, the organizers of ‘Horns and Bones’. Hear their stories and make your own souvenirs. Explore the fascinating economy of how neglected materials are reused/upcycled to make different objects, from eyeglasses to jewelries to chessboards. The attendance fee is $15 per person, which is inclusive of transport, facilitation, and all materials in the workshop.

Call 9818975527 for more information.

Hike to Ghale Gaun In Lamjung

The popular short hiking route to Ghale Gaun takes you to a typical Nepali village. Ghale Gaun, which is a cultural Gurung village, lies on the lap of Annapurna Trekking area range. Ghale Gaun offers guests home stay accommodation if you are interested. This place is also called nectar chasing territory as honey hunting is the conventional occupation of people in the area. We suggest you to drive to Besisahar and then walk to Ghale Gaun. It should take you around 4 hours to reach there on foot. Offering spectacular views of the Annapurna range, Ganesh Himal, and Manaslu Himal, this is the perfect short escape from the bustle of the city.

Attend a Comedy Night In Kathmandu

Are you one of those people who like to watch stand-up comedies? If you are also a foodie on top of that, then this is the perfect place to be for you! Every month, Belle Ville café and pub in Baluwatar presents a comedy night. This multi-cuisine restaurant that opened in 2015 offers a soothing ambience that is sure to uplift your mood. The event usually takes place around 6:30 pm during evenings. There is no entry fee. Just order something and have a good laugh. They feature 3-4 stand-up comedians every time to tickle your funny bones.

Call 01-4411266 or email www.bellevillecafepub.com to find out more.