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India’s Ambassador to Nepal Naveen Srivastava on Tuesday discussed with Nepal’s Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister Ravi Lamichhane security mechanisms between the two countries and the need for strengthening border management to check small crimes as well as human trafficking.

Srivastava paid a courtesy call on Lamichhane at the Home Ministry in Singhadurbar here and the two sides during the meeting discussed the “efforts needed to further consolidate deep, wide and diversified people to people relations between the two countries based on historical ties and geographical proximity,” according to the Home Minister’s secretariat.

The two sides agreed that criminal activities have come under control despite having an open border between the two countries through effective coordination between the security mechanisms of the two countries, a statement said.

Ambassador Srivastava underlined the need for strengthening border management mechanisms to check small crimes and human trafficking in the border area through coordinated efforts, it said.

Srivastava expressed India’s willingness to provide grant assistance for reconstruction works in earthquake-hit Jajarkot and Rukm West districts of western Nepal and provide specialized training to Nepal Police.

Lamichhane underlined the need to expand and upgrade mechanisms in the border area for testing pesticide contents in fruits and vegetables imported from India, according to sources from the Home Ministry.

Nepal, nestled in the heart of the Himalayas, boasts a rich tapestry of culture, tradition and natural beauty. Yet, beneath its picturesque landscapes lies a healthcare sector grappling with challenges while teeming with untapped potential. As the nation strides toward socio-economic prosperity, the transformation of its healthcare landscape can prove to be substantive through interventions like augmenting investment along with promoting public and private sector collaboration in bolstering medical tourism, oriental health care practices, pharmaceutical industry and medical education.

At the core of Nepal’s healthcare discourse lies the issue of healthcare expenditure, measured as a percentage of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP). While developed nations like the United States allocate a substantial portion of their GDP — 17.3 percent, to be precise — toward healthcare, Nepal’s investment in this vital sector remains comparatively modest. However, as the wheels of economic development gain momentum, there exists a ripe opportunity to bolster healthcare spending, thereby catalyzing improved health outcomes and driving socioeconomic advancement.

The dichotomy between public and private healthcare sectors paints a nuanced picture of Nepal’s healthcare landscape. The Health Management Information System (HMIS) 2020-21 data shed light on the significant role of private hospitals, with a higher proportion of patients seeking care in these facilities compared to their public counterparts. Yet, rather than viewing this as a stark division, fostering collaboration between the public and private sectors emerges as a potent strategy to fortify Nepal’s healthcare ecosystem. By incentivizing private sector investment in healthcare infrastructure, quality assurance measures, and capacity-building, Nepal can forge a path toward enhanced service delivery and sectoral development.

In the realm of medical tourism, Nepal remains as a hidden gem, offering a blend of high-quality medical treatments at affordable rates against the backdrop of breathtaking landscapes from the touristic perspective and the intensity of the global flow of medical tourists. The global medical tourism industry, valued at $9.7bn in 2022, presents a lucrative opportunity for Nepal to showcase its prowess in healthcare provision. Cosmetic procedures, dental care, infertility treatments — Nepal’s offerings resonate with individuals seeking quality healthcare services without breaking the bank. Organizations like the Nepal Medical Tourism Organization (NEMTO) play a pivotal role in elevating Nepal as a premier medical tourism destination, thereby bolstering the economy and the healthcare sector in tandem.

While modern medicine holds sway, the integration of alternative medicine — Ayurveda, Yog, traditional healing practices — presents a symbiotic relationship between health improvement and tourism development. Embracing these age-old practices not only expands healthcare options for citizens but also taps into the burgeoning trend of holistic wellness travel. As global travelers seek sanctuary in Nepal’s tranquil abodes, the convergence of traditional wisdom and modern healthcare catapults the nation onto the world stage as a beacon of well-being and rejuvenation.

In terms of pharmaceuticals, Nepal stands at the cusp of innovation and self-reliance. With pharmaceuticals constituting a significant portion of healthcare expenditure, investing in local production holds the promise of reducing dependence on imports and stimulating economic growth. Strategic investments, regulatory reforms and international partnerships pave the way for Nepal to emerge as a pharmaceutical powerhouse, aligning its healthcare sector with global standards and amplifying its impact on regional markets.

Amidst the promises of progress lie challenges that demand attention and resolve. The unfilled MBBS seats for international students underscore the need for strategic interventions to attract talent and maximize the sector's potential. Strategic advertising campaigns highlighting Nepal’s quality medical education, affordable fees and promising career prospects can serve as a beacon, drawing aspiring medical professionals to Nepal's shores and addressing economic concerns in one fell swoop.

In conclusion, Nepal’s healthcare sector stands at a crossroads of transformation and innovation. By embracing challenges as opportunities, Nepal has the potential to emerge as a beacon of healthcare excellence in the region and beyond. Through sensible interventions in the aforementioned sectors Nepal can chart a course toward a healthier, more prosperous future — a future where healthcare transcends boundaries and transforms lives.

Nepal defeated Ireland ‘A’ by 71 runs in the second T20 match held at the Tribhuvan International Cricket Ground in Kirtipur on Tuesday.

Chasing the target of 199 runs set by Nepal, Ireland ‘A’ were bowled out in 18. 3 overs.

Kushal Malla and Sompal Kami took three wickets each for Nepal and Karan KC, Kushal Bhurtel and Bibek Yadav claimed one wicket each.

Stephen Doheny scored highest 26 runs for Ireland. Other players could not play well.

Nepal scored 198 runs in 20 overs losing seven wickets.

Gulshan Jha scored highest 46 runs for Nepal. Similarly, Kushal Malla made 34 runs and captain Rohit Paudel, Kushal Bhurtel and Anil Shah contributed 12 runs respectively.

Likewise, Asif Sheikh scored 11 runs and Sandeep Jora made 21 runs.

In the match held on Monday, Nepal won by six wickets.

Bangladeshi State Minister for Shipping Khalid Mahmud Chowdhury and Nepali Commerce Minister Damodar Bhandari on Saturday discussed bilateral issues of mutual interest. 

They also put emphasis on easy communication between local Banglabandha and Nepal’s Kakarbhita by land and expansion of trade. Visiting Kakarbhita on Saturday morning, the state minister noted Kakarbhita land port is 37 km off Banglabandha land port and this territory is part of India.

He said they discussed how Nepal can join Bangladesh using 37km of India's land directly. Bangladesh, India and Nepal will work together to use this route directly. The state minister on Friday visited Phuentsholing border of Bhutan through “Banglabandha Land Port” in Panchagarh district and Phulbari land port in Jalpaiguri district of West Bengal of India.

Welcomed by Phuentsholing Governor Karmi Jurmi on the Phuentsholing border, the state minister went to Pasakha land port from the border where he discussed expansion of trade between the countries. Banglabandha is 142 km off of Bhutan’s bordering area Phuentsholing

Bangladesh Land Port Authority Chairman Md Zillur Rahman Chowdhury, Bangladesh Ambassador to Nepal Salahuddin Roman Chowdhury, Joint Secretary of the Ministry of Shipping Munshi Md Moniruzzaman, part-time member of the Board of Directors of Bangladesh Land Port Authority Ziauddin Ahmed Bhuiyan and Superintending Engineer of the Land Port Authority M Hasan Ali were present during the meeting with Nepal’s commerce minister.

Police on Tuesday made public five Bangladeshi nationals staying illegally in Nepal even after the expiry of their visa term.

They are Md Rifat Ahamed (26), Md Abdullah (23), Md Samsual Hoda (45), Abdul Biswas (30) and Md Masum Miah (36), according to SP Nakul Pokharel, Information Officer at the Kathmandu Valley Crime Investigation Office.

They were arrested from Sohrakhutte based on the information that they had been staying in Nepal illegally and involved in suspicious activities, shared Pokharel.

Of them, Biswas and Miah were arrested on March 22 while three on Monday.

The arrested Bangladeshi nationals have been sent to the Department of Immigration, Kalikasthan, for necessary investigation and action.

The United States of America spent half a million US dollars to promote atheism in Nepal, Republican Congressman Brian Mast claimed while confronting a US government official over the issue. Notably, Mast is the Chair of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Oversight and Accountability. 

On March 21, the Deputy Secretary of State for Management and Resources in the Biden Administration, Richard R Verma, testified before the subcommittee as it assessed the State Department’s compliance with the Oversight. During Verma’s testimony, Republican politician Mast confronted him stating that the department’s ‘grant request’ document mentions that it gave money to “promote atheism in Nepal”. 

In the video of Verma’s testimony shared by the Republican Congressman, Mast can be heard asking him, “Would it be appropriate for the (US) state department to authorize half a million dollar grant from American taxpayers money to promote atheism.” 

To which, the official of the Biden administration, Verma replied, “It would not be appropriate to have a grant to promote any religion or non-religion coming from the United States.” 

After Verma admitted that it wouldn’t be appropriate for the US to promote any religion including non-religion (atheism), Mast inquired about the alleged $500,000 grant to promote atheism in Nepal. 

He asked Verma, “Half a million dollar grant to Nepal regarding the expansion of atheism, do you believe that is an appropriate use of the money.”  However, the Biden administration official denied extending any such grant to Nepal and argued that the grant was being misconstrued.  

Verma said, “That’s not what the grant is for and that’s not what the work would be for and frankly we would never authorize such a grant to any organization to promote any kind of religion.”  Further in the video, Mast asked him whether Verma was saying on record that no grant had been allocated for atheism in Nepal or divided up in other areas. 

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal announced that diplomatic efforts have been initiated with China to convert a loan for Pokhara International Airport to a grant as it failed to garner income, instead piled up more debt.

This came after opposition lawmaker Chanda Chaudhary raised questions about the increasing loss and piling debt, Nepal Prime Minister said that talks are underway to convert the loan into a grant.

“In order to operate the flights to and from the Pokhara International Airport, a committee has already been formed to study government-private sector cooperation. On the basis of the report prepared by the committee, necessary preparations would be made for the operation of the airport. The loan acquired for the construction of Pokhara International Airport, diplomatic talks are underway to convert it into a grant. Necessary coordination would be made for all the necessary financial management,” PM Dahal said.

The Pokhara International Airport, opened on 1 Jan 2023, hasn’t seen any frequent international flights except for chartered Chinese flights, which appear on rare occasions.

On 21 March 2016, Nepal and China reached a loan agreement stipulating a total loan amount of 1.37bn Chinese yuan, out of which 355.9m Chinese yuan were constituted as interest-free-loans. The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN), the aviation regulating body of the Himalayan nation, is responsible for paying the loan amount by the year 2036.

Earlier, Nepal PM Dahal, upon returning to Kathmandu last year after his visit to China, announced that Chinese flights would come to Pokhara, helping to cover the loss.

While no such flights have commenced, the Prime Minister, referring to the visit, claimed, "During my recent visit to China (22 Sept 2023), a theoretical agreement was reached about commencing connecting flights from various cities of China to Pokhara, and I believe that international flights would land at Pokhara International Airport and help recover the loss.”

Days before the inauguration of the airport last year, the Chinese Ambassador to Nepal claimed in a tweet that the airport was a part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which was rejected by the Nepal Government.

But soon after the handover, the Pokhara airport exemplified the perils that came with importing China’s infrastructure-at-any-cost development model, disproportionately benefiting Chinese firms at the expense of the borrowing nation.

China CAMC Engineering, the construction division of state-owned conglomerate Sinomach, played a pivotal role in the Pokhara airport project. It imported building materials and machinery from China, and the airport itself was brimming with Chinese-made security and industrial technology. Despite China’s claims about the project’s quality, an investigation by The New York Times revealed an unsettling narrative.

Multiple individuals involved in the project and a thorough examination of thousands of documents indicated that China CAMC Engineering had consistently dictated terms to maximize profits and protect its interests. Simultaneously, it systematically dismantled Nepali oversight.

As a consequence, Nepal found itself entangled in significant debt to Chinese creditors without the expected influx of passengers to repay the loans.

The Finance Ministry of the Himalayan nation had signed a memorandum of understanding supporting CAMC’s proposal in 2011, even before an official bidding process had started. The Chinese loan agreement exclusively allowed Chinese firms to bid for the project.

CAMC initially submitted a bid for $305m, nearly double Nepal’s cost estimate

for the airport. This drew criticism from Nepali politicians, who accused the process of being rigged and the price inflated. Following the outcry, CAMC lowered its bid to $216m, reducing the cost by approximately 30 percent.

In 2016, China and Nepal formalized a 20-year agreement for the project, with a quarter of the funding provided as an interest-free loan. Nepal intended to borrow the remainder from China’s Export-Import Bank at a two percent interest rate.

As construction progressed, glaring issues came to light. The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal was responsible for overseeing the Chinese contractor, but the lack of experienced personnel, combined with the inadequate allocation of funds for consultants, hampered the project.

International order is feeling the collective heat of the intensifying Russia-Ukraine war, the Israel-Hamas conflict and a massive weaponization of technology. Unlike the politico-polarity of the past, techno-polarity is now shaping the international order, while the US and China are navigating the tech and AI world order.

Given a sensitive geo-location, highly susceptible digital space and impact of AI on the world order, Nepal should recognize the gravity of the geopolitical competition between high-tech superpowers—the US and China, or China and India—and implement a logical strategy to maintain balanced relations with all of them.

Nepal must be ready to deal with the fallout of a possible occupation of Taiwan, which might put the country in the middle of a ‘crossfire’ between China and the US and directly affect its security and sovereignty. If unable to tenaciously maintain the geopolitical balance between the rival superpowers, Nepal will suffer on multiple fronts.

Political chaos

Governments, whoever is a head to lead in support of different political parties, have frequently been changing in Nepal, thanks to a stubborn will to capture—and remain in—power. Nonetheless, these parties have no concrete plans and programs to make Nepal livable. Ethics, principles and values are what guide us to do something better, but what do the parties do with these ideals? They throw these ideals in the trash box, time and time again. 

Followers of our political parties and their leaders are visionless, political power is what the latter hanker for. And all that these visionless leaders do is misuse the resources at their disposal to fulfill petty interests of a small group at the expense of development agendas that benefit the country and the people. The leaders easily change their colors and ignore guiding principles to gain and remain in power. 

By ‘working’ tirelessly for the sake of power, these leaders have been pushing the country toward a state of lawlessness. 

It is foolish to dream of socio-economic development amid a deepening political instability exacerbated by our leaders, who have neither any rationality to use resources in the gainful sector nor critical thinking to push the development agenda forward.

Economic woes

Nepal’s ailing economic sectors hardly have any job opportunities for the youths. This is a far cry from a not-so-distant past, when the farm sector used to provide seasonal employment to a sizable population. Apart from agriculture, other sectors capable of rejuvenating the national economy, namely cottage industries, tourism and hydropower are also not performing well. 

The private sector can play a vital role in speeding up development but what can it do in the absence of a policy to bring it into the mainstream of development? 

For want of employment opportunities at home, youths are flying to foreign shores in search of jobs while about 60m people (roughly 20 percent of the national population) continue to live under absolute poverty. Add to it relative poverty, which roughly accounts for over 60 percent of the national population. 

This grim scenario is forcing young people to head abroad for jobs and become the source of remittance, making it the mainstay of the domestic economy. 

Education flaws

That our education sector has not been firing on all four cylinders (to say the least) is a given. In a sharp contrast, the India education system has been producing highly-skilled human resources not only for the home country but for the whole world. Most of the chief executive officers of global giants are from India. 

Two probable factors ail Nepal’s education system: Lack of a calendar to conduct exams and publish results, and low-quality education. The latter is the result of heavy politicization of institutions responsible for delivering higher education. A conducive environment for learning, teaching and undertaking research is lacking as evidenced by a decline in enrollments. 

Poor governance

Corruption and smuggling scandals come to the surface all too often, presenting a clear proof of weak governance. Probes into these cases show the involvement of politicians and bureaucrats. These cases are the result of politicians using power to divert public money for private gains. 

Bribery, corruption and smuggling are rampant because of poor governance and rent-seeking behavior on the part of our ruling elites. Because of this behavior coupled with favoritism and nepotism, commoners are not getting effective services from relevant state institutions. 

Given this context, the people need to raise their voices and make the ruling elites accountable if they want to make this country livable. 

Article 39 of the Constitution of Nepal safeguards the rights of children by completely prohibiting child marriage. The National Penal Code, 2017 has prescribed punishment for those forcing child marriage.

Section 173 of the National Penal Code has prescribed 20 as the legal age of marriage. It states that any marriage below the age of 20 would be scrapped, and a punishment of up to three years and a fine of Rs 30,000 can be handed out in this offense. However, the 2021 Census showed a rather disturbing fact that child marriages are happening all over the country.

The census report shows that a large section of the population got married before they turned 18. Tradition, poverty, dowry, lack of education, and religious and societal pressure are the factors behind growing child marriages. Data shows the rate of child marriage is different depending on geographical regions, educational status, income status of families and ethnicities. Some societies are encouraging child marriages due to societal and religious faiths, the census report shows.

According to the report, the rate of child marriage is high in the Tarai/Madhes region of the country. Twenty districts in the lowlands of Tarai have a high child marriage rate of 42.2 percent. The child marriage rate in the mountainous region is 33.1 percent. Among provinces, Madhesh (42.4 percent) has the highest rate of child marriage, while Sudupraschim (29.1 percent) has the lowest.

Dhanusha (47.5 percent) and Rautahat (47 percent) have the highest rate of child marriage in Madhesh Province. Similarly, the rate of child marriage in other districts of the province is also high—43.3 percent in Mahottari, 42.6 percent in Sarlahi, 42.1 percent in Siraha, 40.2 percent in Bara, 38.1 percent in Parsa, and 34.7 percent in Saptari. Experts say that the rate of child marriage is high in Madhesh Province due to poor economic and social development, poor educational conditions and a high birth rate.

The situation is also disturbing in Karnali Province. According to the census report, 39.9 percent of the population of the province got married before they turned 18. Salyan has the highest child marriage rate of 43.3 percent, followed by Rukum West (42.3 percent), Jajarkot (40.8 percent), Surkhet (38.7 percent), Mugu (35.9 percent), Dailekh (35.2 percent), Jumla (34.7 percent), , Humla (33.7 percent), Dolpa (32.1 percent) and Kalikot (28.1 percent).

Demography Expert and Associate Professor at Tribhuvan University, Dr Padam Prasad Khatiwada, said that the rate of child marriage is high in Karnali and Madhesh provinces because of illiteracy and lack of public awareness. “Along with illiteracy and lack of awareness, dowry is an important factor behind high child marriage rates in Madhes Province,” Dr Khatiwada said. “Because of the high rate of child marriages, maternal and infant mortality rates are also high in these provinces.”

According to Dr Khatiwada, families in Tarai districts are marrying off their daughters at a young age as the society believes the dowry amount goes higher with age.

The literacy rate is also low in Karnali and Madhes. Madhes has a literacy rate of 63.5 percent, compared to the national average of 76.2 percent.

Child marriage rates are comparatively lower in Sudurpaschim (29.1 percent) and Bagmati (29.3 percent) provinces. Kathmandu, the federal capital, has a child marriage rate of 22.8 percent.

According to the census report, 33. percent of Nepal’s population above 10 years of age, or 23.95m, are unmarried. Likewise, 59.1 percent of men and 64.3 percent of women in this age group are married. Similarly, 0.6 percent of this population is divorced, while 5 percent are widows.

According to Nepal Police, 338 cases of child marriage were registered in the last 5 years. Only 52 cases were registered in 2022/23. The highest number of cases was registered in Karnali (16) during the review year, while Gandaki (1) had the lowest.

Impacts of child marriage

Demography expert Dr Khatiwada said that child marriage affects health as well as makes socio-economic impacts. “Child marriage increases maternal and infant mortality rates. Likewise, there are other impacts like problems in reproductive health, gender-based discrimination, financial dependency and disruption in education,” he added.

Statistician and deputy chief of the National Statistics Office (NSO), Dr Hemraj Regmi, said child marriage data were collected on the basis of the age of marriage given by respondents during the 2021 census.

Advocate Sabin Shrestha said child marriage is rampant in different parts of the country due to lack of education and awareness. The law has prescribed strong punishment for those forcing children into marriage, he added.

Shrestha said the trend of elopement weddings was increasing among the young population in the country. “Youngsters are entering into relationships and eloping. There is a risk of them committing suicide if efforts are made to forcefully separate them,” Shrestha said. “Although child marriage is prohibited by law, it is difficult to discourage this trend.”

For decades, the internal political landscape of Nepal has been ruined by fragility and political discord. Despite the nation’s yearning for peace, prosperity and democratic governance, political leaders have consistently fallen short in addressing these fundamental aspirations. Among the political entities in Nepal, the Nepali Congress stands as one of the oldest and ostensibly the most committed to principles of liberal democracy, the rule of law, human rights and freedom. However, it has, regrettably, failed to live up to the expectations of the Nepali populace, who have looked to it for leadership in navigating the country toward a brighter future.

Internal power struggles, personal egos and political polarization have plagued Nepali politics since the democratic movement of the 1990s. Despite being the largest political party, the Nepali Congress has struggled to earn the trust of opposition factions, notably the CPN-UML. Conversely, the CPN-UML has often prioritized power dynamics over the nation-building agenda, further aggravating the challenges facing Nepali democracy. The Nepali Congress must acknowledge its shortcomings and learn from past mistakes to effectively address the evolving needs and challenges confronting the Nepalis. The Nepali Congress must shift its focus toward forging democratic alliances, articulating a comprehensive long-term economic vision and enhancing governance structures.

The ethos of the Nepali Congress, as envisioned by its founder Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala, emphasizes the importance of political ideology in guiding its actions. However, despite being identified as a center-left political party that promotes multiparty democracy, term-based elections, human rights, a free economy, and the rule of law, the Nepali Congress has struggled to consolidate democratic forces and collaborate effectively for national development. Over the past two decades, the Nepali Congress has engaged in alliances with various political entities, including radical Maoists, in its pursuit of governance. Yet, these alliances have often been short-lived, driven by the opportunistic pursuit of power rather than a genuine commitment to the nation’s welfare.

The recent political maneuvers of leaders like Dahal highlight the need for the Nepali Congress to recognize and respond to such instability and opportunism effectively. The Nepali Congress needs to strengthen its internal unity and construct a robust democratic alliance ahead of the forthcoming elections. This requires a clear and coherent communication of the party’s liberal political beliefs to the Nepali people, emphasizing the value of freedom and the obligation of a government that respects individual choices. The Nepali Congress should lead the effort to establish a larger ideological political party by bringing together smaller parties like the National Democratic Party, Madhesi Dals and the Rastriya Swatantra Party. Left-leaning political groups should undertake similar initiatives. This would offer the Nepalis a choice between two major political entities, fostering a stronger and more stable government.

From an economic standpoint, the Nepali Congress has championed a free-market approach, leading to some degree of economic growth. Nevertheless, political instability and socialist rhetoric have significantly hindered Nepal’s economic progress. Furthermore, socialist principles entrenched in Nepal’s constitution have deterred domestic and foreign investors from freely investing in the country. To tackle these systemic and ideological challenges, the Nepali Congress must unveil a pragmatic and sustainable economic agenda that aligns with the aspirations of the Nepali people. This entails avoiding unrealistic pledges and false hopes peddled by competing left-leaning political parties.

Moreover, the Nepali Congress must spearhead discussions on the necessity of a streamlined and efficient government structure. While decentralization, including federalism, is integral to accommodating Nepal’s diverse landscape, the proliferation of bureaucracy poses a significant financial burden on the nation. This is an opportune moment for the Nepali Congress to advocate for a more effective and lean government structure, capable of delivering essential services to the people without undue complexity or financial strain.

Nepali Congress must prioritize ideological clarity, realistic economic policies and efficient governance structures to regain the trust and confidence of the Nepali people. By learning from past mistakes and embracing a vision centered on the nation's well-being, the Nepali Congress can chart a course toward a more prosperous and democratic future for Nepal. Rebuilding trust among the Nepali people is essential for the party to acknowledge the significance of accountability and transparency in governance. Upholding these principles not only enhances public confidence but also promotes good governance and sustainable development. The Nepali Congress’ experiences offer valuable guidance for navigating the complexities of Nepali politics and governance, offering lessons pertinent not only to the party but also to Nepal's broader political arena.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s sole responsibility and do not reflect the views of any organization with which he is professionally affiliated

Nepal’s strategic location between two major powers, India and China, makes it a crucial player in the geopolitical dynamics of the region and beyond. The country’s location between the two rising, competing and conflicting powers of Asia (China and India) makes it important for Western powers to strike a strategic balancing act in the region. In this situation, Nepal’s strategic location between two of the emerging countries of Asia makes it imperative for the US to launch a regional maneuver. 

In addition, the US and India maintain strategic relationships in the Asia-Pacific region and Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD). Global power is shifting toward the Asia-Pacific region with strategic bipolarity between the US and China creating several implications for the global order. These developments indicate that the US-led ‘unipolar world’ may not last last long, making way for a multipolar world with China as one of the power centers. 
In recent years, increased cooperation between India and the US through Washington, DC-led projects like the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) is being seen as a counter to China’s BRI in Nepal. China’s debt-based approach to BRI raises concern about the impact of it on the stability and sovereignty of recipient nations, including Nepal. At the same time, MCC has made significant progress within a short span of time, particularly in Nepal’s energy sector, whereas none of the Chinese projects that Nepal signed under BRI in 2017 have materialized/progressed. 

The US believes China’s BRI project is not just an economic initiative but also a geopolitical one and is part of China’s border strategy to expand as well as deepen its global influence. It believes that one of the primary goals of BRI is to export Chinese development and influence, particularly in the developing world. The US-China bipolar strategic rivalry shows that both powers are in a race to influence each other’s ‘regions’. In this situation, the US strategic entry into Nepal and intense rivalry between BRI and MCC projects are reflective of these two countries’ growing competition in world politics.

China views a growing American role in Nepal’s development in recent years as a threat to its presence in the region. Historically, Nepal’s strategic location has shaped Beijing’s delicate balancing act. 

On its part, Nepal presents a range of opportunities for both India and the US, including ensuring stability and security, facilitating economic growth and promoting democratic values. Both countries have also collaborated on advancing Nepal’s legal system, protecting human rights, promoting gender equality and countering Chinese misinformation. Thus, strategic cooperation between India and the US has fostered sufficient trust to see no significant opposition from India regarding the US-led diplomatic efforts in Nepal. All in all, shared interests of India and the US in Nepal provide a strong foundation for cooperation and coordination between the parties involved. 

China has come up with three new initiatives—Global Security Initiative (GSI), Global Development Initiative (GDI) and Global Civilizational Initiative (GCI), which, per Chinese officials, fall under the BRI umbrella. These initiatives, according to the officials, aim to eliminate the root cause of international conflicts, encourage joint international efforts to bring more stability, improve global security governance and promote durable peace and development in the world. But Nepal has reportedly conveyed its unwillingness to join GSI due to risks of data security, unequal distribution of benefits, looming economic dependence, transparency and debt risks. China’s BRI was also seen optimistically initially, but there has been no progress in the past five years even after signing of an MoU with the strategic community seeing a risky amount of debt and a way for Beijing to use its debt leverage to pursue ambitious strategic plans in Nepal. Though 35 projects were originally identified under BRI, Nepal later brought them down to nine. Still, no government in Nepal has committed to moving ahead with these projects due to “concerns over unclear financial terms of Chinese loans”. 

According to diplomats, the Nepal-US relationship is entering a new phase. The US has three distinct interests in Nepal: Political, economic and strategic/military. In terms of strategy, Nepal’s geopolitical location as a gateway for emerging global powers India and China has shaped US interest in Nepal. Different aid programs and a series of high-level visits in recent years are a clear-enough indication of increasing American engagement in Nepal.
Given this context, Nepal must pragmatically balance competing objectives of India, China and the US to advance national interest and priorities. But our governments have largely failed to take timely decisions and initiatives for national development as well as economic upliftment.

The US’ shifting policy toward Nepal is understood as part of the current global power transition. In Nepal, the US-China rivalry has become more visible over the last few years, presenting a great challenge of taking both MCC and BRI together, and balancing the interest of prevailing superpower and emerging superpowers.

Views are personal

Russian citizens residing or visiting Nepal will have the opportunity to vote in the upcoming Russian presidential election, scheduled from March 15 to 17. The Russian Embassy in Nepal has confirmed that polling stations will be set up in Pokhara and Kathmandu to facilitate voting.

Alexander Ivasev, the representative of the Russian Embassy overseeing the polling stations in Pokhara and Kathmandu, assured that the voting process would be accessible for Russian citizens in Nepal.

Polling will take place in Pokhara on March 15 and in Kathmandu on March 17, accommodating both residents and tourists. This arrangement aims to ensure that Russian nationals, including approximately 200 permanent residents in Nepal, can participate in the election. The polling station in Pokhara will be located at Hotel Barahi, while the one in Kathmandu will be at the embassy.

Voting hours in Pokhara will be from 8 am to 12 pm, and voters must present their passports to cast their votes.

The election features four candidates, including the incumbent president, Vladimir Putin, who is running as an independent candidate for a fifth term. Other candidates include Vladislav Davankot of the New People’s Party, Leonid Slutsky of the Nationalist Liberal Democratic Party, and Nikolai Kharitolov of the Communist Party.

Constitutionally and politically, women are empowered in the days we live in. In Nepal, the constitution and other prevailing laws are in place to protect and promote the rights of women. The constitutional arrangements ensure one-third representation of women in the legislature, which is a major breakthrough. However, it’s not the end but a means to achieve gender equality.

To argue that countries like Nepal have, exclusively, felt the burn of gender-based discrimination and they have to adopt progressive laws to uproot inequalities would be a futile claim. Developed countries like the United States (US) too have experienced gender inequality.

The American case

In the case of Bradwell v State of Illinois (1872), Justice Bradley of the US Supreme Court held that the natural and proper timidity and delicacy, which belongs to the female sex, evidently makes it unfit for many of the occupations in civic life. The paramount destiny and mission of the women are to fulfill the noble and benign offices of the wife and mother. This is the law of the creator.

In this case, the state of Illinois denied Bradwell, a woman lawyer, an advocate’s license. The US Supreme Court (SC) argued that such a restriction from Illinois was not in contravention to the 14th Amendment to the Constitution. Bradwell was admitted to the Illinois Bar in 1890.

In Hoyt v Florida in 1961, the US SC upheld a law placing a woman on the jury list if she made a special request because as put by Harland, J, “a woman is still regarded as the center of the home and family life.”  

Departing from the previous position, the US SC in the case of Muller v Oregon (1908) was of the view that the woman’s physical structure and the performance of maternal functions place her at a disadvantageous position for subsistence. It is still true that in the struggle for subsistence, she is not an equal competitor with her brother. She will still be where some legislation to protect her seems necessary to secure a real equality or right.

Nevertheless, the instances show that the judicial department in the US has interpreted the laws progressively as well as regressively. In June 2022, in a devastating decision that will reverberate for generations, the US Supreme Court has abandoned its duty to protect fundamental rights and overturned Roe v Wade (1973), ruling there is no constitutional right to abortion. The ruling in Dobbs v Jackson Women’s Health Organization abandons nearly 50 years of precedent and marks the first time in history that the Supreme Court has taken away a fundamental right.

In Roe case, it was held that the specific guarantee of “liberty” in the 14th Amendment of the US Constitution protects individual privacy that includes the right to abortion prior to fetal viability.

Nepal’s case

Women across the world have fought against all types of abuses and become more aware of their rights. These prejudices led the world community to pass gender sensitive domestic as well as international laws. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which was adopted by the United Nations in 1979 and ratified by 189 states on 3 Sept 1981, is a treaty that is essential for assessing the government’s progress in eradicating discrimination. This treaty, which Nepal ratified in 1991, is recognized as a strong international agreement to protect gender equality and lessen violence against women.

Acknowledging CEDAW, the drafters of the 2015 Constitution of Nepal have floated ample provisions to ensure the protection of women’s rights through broad and universal principles of equality and participation. The preamble of the Constitution pledges to end all forms of discrimination based on gender. In a similar vein, the equality clauses and affirmative action clauses of the Constitution seek to ensure adequate representation of women in public life. To be specific, Article 38 provisions that all the rights relating to women shall be the fundamental rights. These rights include equal right to lineage, right to safe motherhood, and right to reproduction. In addition to this, Nepal has set aside 33 percent of seats for women in the legislature.

Article 70 envisages that “while conducting election of President and Vice-president under this Constitution, the election shall be held so as to represent different genders or communities.” Interestingly, a similar arrangement has been made for the election of Mayor and Deputy Mayor of the municipality. In the case of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the House of Representative, one of them must be a woman and so is the case with the Chairperson and Vice-chairperson of the National Assembly.  

This arrangement endeavors to press forward gender sensitive laws and policies. The reservation benefits ensured to women are there to supplement the principle of proportional inclusion.

The inclusivity and diversity are the core focus of the 2015 constitution,” argues Prof Bipin Adhikari in his book, Salient Features of the Constitution of Nepal, 2015.

Way forward

The traditional ideas of society, culture and rights have undergone a significant change the world over. While there is still more to be done to protect women’s rights, there has been significant progress toward this end.

Change happens gradually. Nepal’s Constitution gives the government an enhanced role to establish and enact initiatives, programs and regulations that will safeguard and advance the rights of women and children. A beginning in the right direction is having one-third representation of women at legislative spectrum.

In the words of Mahatma Gandhi, “Democracy is something that would give the weak the same chance as the strong.” Nepal’s constitution contains progressive provisions that support the cause of women. But passing fair rules without enforcing them in the letter and spirit would only be cosmetic.  Prof Adhikari in his book, From Exclusion to Inclusion: Crafting a new legal regime in Nepal rightly observes: Nepal’s journey towards inclusion depends, to a great extent, on the quality of democracy and constitutionalism it will achieve on the foundation of its constitution.

Summing up, the mere glorification of the laws and celebration of International Women’s Day (without implementing rules) would be a mockery of democracy.

Political parties in Nepal are embroiled in controversies one after another as maintaining the co-existence between democracy and politics proves consistently challenging.

Speaking at the Nepal Literature Festival in Pokhara on Saturday, Sucheta Pyakurel, director of IIDS Center for Governance, pointed out that while democracy advocates for equality for all, politics has always been based on hierarchy. "Many countries across the world are finding it difficult to advance democracy and politics together," she said, addressing a session titled 'How Democratic Are Our Parties?' moderated by Apex Editor Kamal Dev Bhattarai. She added that this challenge is even more pronounced in a caste-based and patriarchal society like Nepal.

Min Bahadur Bishwarkma of Nepali Congress, Madhav Sapkota of CPN (Maoist Center), and Padam Giri of CPN-UML were the other speakers in the session. The leaders discussed various aspects of internal democracy within the parties, including the election of new leadership through their respective general conventions and issues of inclusiveness, among others.

Maoist Center leader Sapkota mentioned that although communist parties worldwide have been discussing democracy, there is a need for more focused dialogue on the issue within the Nepali context.

NC leader Bishwakarma emphasized that democracy is intricately linked with inclusiveness and the right to freedom of opinion and expression, including the right to vote. "NC sets an example in Nepal when it comes to internal democracy," he claimed. "We believe that party decisions shouldn't be unilateral. That's why we include all opinions and viewpoints and engage in thorough discussions."

UML leader Giri asserted that UML is committed to internal democracy within the party. "We cannot move forward without accepting the diversities of Nepali society. We are fostering democratic exercises in party forums," Giri stated.

Although Nepal follows a democratic system, Pyakurel said its norms and culture are not reflected in Nepali politics. "The failure to embrace democratic culture is our biggest weakness," she added. "Our parties are still not inclusive in terms of gender and ethnicity."

Pyakurel said women’s participation is low in parliament as well. "Not only in parties, women's participation is low in parliament as well. Although there are some women in parliament, they aren't very active," Pyakurel said. "There are numerous examples of capable women being denied opportunities. Parties have also failed in this regard."

Responding to a query on why there is no alternative to Pushpa Kamal Dahal in the Maoist Center, Sapkota insisted that the party will find an alternative to Dahal after specific stages are completed.

All the leaders agreed that their respective parties have made weaknesses in fulfilling people's aspirations for economic and social development.

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff team, led by Tidiane Kinda, conducted a staff visit to Nepal during Feb 5-12 to discuss recent macroeconomic developments and the implementation of the Fund-supported program .

At the conclusion of the visit, Kinda said Nepal’s external position continues to strengthen on the back of buoyant remittances, increasing tourism activity, subdued imports, and inflation is decreasing.

Weak domestic demand, large outward migration, and low credit growth despite monetary relaxation continue to weigh on near-term economic growth. Enhancing domestic revenue mobilization and accelerating the execution of capital expenditure will provide needed support to growth while securing fiscal sustainability, he says. 

According to him, increased vigilance on banks’ asset quality and stepped-up supervisory efforts are important to preserve financial stability in view of growing non-performing loans. “The medium-term economic outlook remains favorable, as strategic investments in infrastructure, especially in the energy sector, are expected to support potential growth.

The statement issued by Kinda says: The upcoming Investment Summit presents an opportunity to showcase Nepal’s economic potential. Timely reforms to durably improve the investment climate will help take full advantage of the Summit and pave the way to stronger growth in the future.

“The authorities’ ongoing efforts in meeting key commitments under the Fund-supported program, with the support of IMF’s technical assistance, are welcome. Performance under the program will be formally assessed in the context of the fourth review of the Extended Credit Facility, which is expected to take place in the middle of the year.”

The IMF team held meetings with the Minister of Finance Prakash Sharan Mahat, the Nepal Rastra Bank Governor, Maha Prasad Adhikari, the National Planning Commission Vice-chair Min Bahadur Shrestha, and other senior government and central bank officials. The IMF team also met with representatives from the private sector and development partners.