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In an effort to strengthen its position, the CPN (Maoist Center) is preparing to revive some radical agendas, including the right to self-determination and ethnicity-based autonomous provinces—issues the party abandoned during the constitution drafting process in 2015. A political document presented by Maoist Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal during the party’s Central Committee meeting proposes reactivating the ethnic and caste-based structures established during the insurgency and the subsequent peace process. These structures were compromised during the constitution drafting process to reach consensus with other parties.

The Maoist party had originally proposed 14 autonomous provinces based on ethnic groups. However, this proposal was strongly opposed by the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-UML, who argued it could lead to national disintegration. As a result, the Maoists were forced to compromise. “The issue of identity-based federalism has been overshadowed, and we must apologize for this,” Dahal said at the ongoing Central Committee meeting. He emphasized the need to rebuild relationships with indigenous communities, Janajatis, and other marginalized groups—the party’s core constituencies—while reviving regional and caste-based party organizations.

Dahal has also expressed that the party should collaborate with revolutionary forces rather than parliamentary parties like the NC and UML. However, many Maoist leaders argue that Dahal raises such radical agendas only when relegated to the opposition bench in Parliament. A senior leader remarked, “Once he gains power through alliances with the NC or UML, he completely forgets these communities and even embraces rightist and Hindu fundamentalist agendas.”

From 2008 until the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the Maoists, then the largest party, vigorously championed these issues. However, the party gradually abandoned them after its relegation to third place in the 2013 Constituent Assembly elections. Dahal has now urged party members to apologize and self-criticize for not prioritizing these agendas after the constitution drafting process. Despite becoming prime minister twice post-constitution promulgation—in alliance with the NC and UML—Dahal did little to address these issues.

The political document also outlines the party's position on constitutional amendments. The Maoists propose replacing the current system with a directly elected presidential system, a longstanding agenda they have pushed since joining the peace process. Additionally, they are preparing to reiterate their support for a fully proportional representation (PR) electoral system, which other major parties are unlikely to accept. Currently, the electoral system is a mix of PR and First-Past-the-Post (FPTP). The likelihood of major party agreement on adopting full PR remains minimal.

One of Dahal’s key proposals is to increase women’s representation in state organs from the current 33 percent to 50 percent, an initiative aimed at attracting female constituencies. These proposals are part of a broader strategy to revive the party’s waning influence. Despite maintaining its position as the third-largest party in the past two national elections and serving as a decisive force in government formation, the party’s overall strength has diminished. While it retains strongholds in some districts of the far and mid-western regions, its urban presence has weakened. Dahal acknowledges this in his document and proposes a roadmap to rebuild the party’s urban support.

The roadmap includes providing opportunities for youth within the party, increasing membership, maintaining financial transparency, and exposing the current government’s misdeeds. To regain urban support, Dahal emphasizes launching targeted campaigns in Kathmandu Valley, cities, and highway areas. He underscores the importance of establishing a strong presence in the capital, vital for implementing the party’s policies and strategies. Notably, the Maoists failed to secure a single seat in Kathmandu Valley during the 2022 elections, even with an electoral alliance with the NC.

To address urban challenges, Dahal’s document proposes tackling issues such as urbanization, traditional and cultural heritage preservation, waste management, water supply, drainage, and public transportation. He recalls the party’s failed 2009 urban revolt, which was quickly abandoned following protests from Kathmandu’s elite, whom he had derisively referred to as “Sukila Mukila.”

While Dahal’s proposals aim to rejuvenate the party, his underlying priority appears to be returning to power and destabilizing the current coalition government. Reports indicate that a faction of NC and Maoist leaders is discussing forming a new alliance. This has led some party leaders to question Dahal’s sincerity in advancing the party’s position. A senior Maoist leader, speaking anonymously, stated, “Once Dahal gains power, he forgets all these agendas and even avoids convening party meetings.”

In his document, Dahal has adopted a tough stance against Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli while maintaining a softer approach toward NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba, reflecting potential power-sharing considerations. Although Dahal and Oli frequently clash publicly, Dahal and Deuba rarely criticize each other in public forums.

Dahal’s proposals reflect an attempt to address both the party’s declining influence and the grievances of marginalized communities. However, internal skepticism remains about his commitment to these agendas, given his track record of abandoning them when in power. The Maoists face significant challenges in rebuilding their urban and national support base, particularly as they compete with stronger, more established parties.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Thursday made a pointed statement, accusing Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli of “playing the China card” by choosing to visit China before India. In an interview with The Hindu, former Prime Minister Dahal criticized Oli’s upcoming China visit, calling it a deliberate attempt to court Beijing, which he deemed misguided. Dahal also suggested that India-Nepal relations are strained due to the new government’s policies and cautioned that tensions over border disputes could resurface.

Dahal highlighted his own efforts to strengthen India-Nepal ties during his 18-month tenure, which ended in July. Oli is scheduled to travel to Beijing for an official visit in early December, preceded by a preparatory trip by Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba at the end of this month.

Apparently, the planned visit is no music to the ears of New Delhi and other international observers. . Historically, Indian policymakers and think tanks have accused Nepali leaders of leveraging the ‘China card’ to sidestep India’s influence, a notion dating back to 1950. Although Indian analysts often claim Nepal uses its ties with China strategically, Nepali leaders deny this characterization.

Dahal’s comments have drawn sharp criticism from the ruling CPN-UML. Bishnu Rijal, the party’s Central Committee member, labeled Dahal’s remarks as ‘anti-Nepal’ and damaging to the country’s self-esteem, adding that such statements could provoke tensions with neighboring countries. Rijal further claimed that Dahal’s comments reflect frustration over the fall of his government in July and expose his divisive views on Nepal’s two largest neighbors.

Dahal’s statement is also likely to provoke Prime Minister Oli and his coalition partner, the Nepali Congress. Since the promulgation of the 2015 Constitution, Nepal’s political and diplomatic circles have actively debated the ‘China card’ issue, with leaders reiterating that Nepal aims to maintain balanced relations with both India and China.

As Oli’s administration accelerates preparations for the China visit, the trip has captured the attention of media and experts in both New Delhi and Beijing. Qian Feng, director at Tsinghua University’s National Strategy Institute, told the Global Times that Nepal’s cooperation with China does not necessarily imply a shift away from India, stressing that ties with both neighbors can coexist harmoniously.

Oli’s agenda for the Beijing trip reportedly includes discussions on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the implementation of previous agreements between Nepal and China.

Nepal’s diplomatic balancing act with India and China isn’t new. Nihar Nayak, an expert on Nepal-China relations, describes in his book Strategic Himalayas how King Mahendra effectively leveraged the ‘China card’ in the 1950s and 60s, a policy later continued by his son, King Gyanendra. Nayak notes that Gyanendra’s tilt toward China, including his moves at the 13th SAARC summit and his arms purchases from China and Pakistan, exemplified efforts to reduce Nepal’s reliance on India. According to Nayak, even some Maoist leaders have attempted to play the ‘China card’ in recent years, albeit unsuccessfully.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has stressed the need to move ahead with firm determination to transform the people's livelihood by safeguarding the rights used by the people given by the Constitution and through their use and progressive revisions. 

In a message today on the occasion of Constitution Day, the Maoist Center Chairman has said that the clear way ahead is to move to the initiative of socialism through good-governance, social justice and prosperity.

He also said that the main purpose of marking the Constitution Day is to unite the nation and people against all sorts of anarchies and totalitarian mentalities.

It was the responsibility of all to further strengthen the constitutionally ensured rights, the former Prime Minister said in his message.

Likewise, Dahal has congratulated and extended best wishes to all Nepalis at home and abroad for their contributions made for the constitution-making processes.

The Maoist Center's Chairman has extended his condolence to those who lost their lives in the People's War, historic People's Movement, Madhes Movement and other movements, and has expressed his highest level of respect to the disappeared, injured and disabled warriors.

Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba and CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal have reached Baluwatar to meet Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli on Thursday.

The three senior leaders held a meeting to discuss contemporary political issues and to consult for the meeting of the Constitutional Council.

The meeting of the Constitutional Council, which was called at 5 pm in Singha Durbar on Wednesday, was postponed.

The meeting of the Constitutional Council was summoned to discuss the new Chief Justice and recommendation of Election Commission commissioners among others, a source said.

There is a constitutional provision that the Prime Minister, the Speaker, the Speaker of the National Assembly, the Chief Justice, the leaders of the main opposition party and the Deputy Speaker should be in the Constitutional Council.

Similarly, the Judicial Council on August 24 had sent the names of eight judges to the Council to recommend the new Chief Justice.

The Constitutional Council meeting was called to discuss the names.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal said that his party has witnessed people's attraction throughout the country.

Welcoming to the new entrants to the party at Ramgopalpur in Mahottari, Chair Dahal claimed attraction to the party has increased due to the performance of the Maoist party-led government and its agenda.

"The Maoist party has been established as a force to fight for identity", he claimed, adding, "With its clear agenda on good governance, social justice and prosperity, the Maoist party has gained attraction among the people across the country".

He said that the country is now running on the agenda of the Maoists from a political point of view. Dahal also argued that the Maoist Center is better than other parties for its novelty in performance in the government.

"The Maoists have put forward all the agendas including political changes on the basis of people's war and people's movement, election to the Constituent Assembly, declaration of republic, constitution making, provision of federalism, proportional and inclusive representation through the constitution," he said.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has said that the party is not against the Constitution amendment.

Talking to the media at Biratnagar airport today, the leader said, "However any attempts to shrink the rights of the citizens and dismiss the achievements in the name of the Constitution amendment shall not be tolerable for the CPN (Maoist Center)."

He announced that it would not be accepted by the party if any efforts were made to withdraw the provision of proportional representation and inclusion aiming to uplift the suppressed, marginalized and disadvantaged communities. 

The Maoist 'people's war' led to the establishment of the rights of Madhesi, Dalits, Muslims, indigenous and nationalities, he added.

The erstwhile Prime Minister claimed that the party had to exit from power as it initiated a process to take action against corruption and middle persons. "Now, the party has an opportunity to expand its organization, strengthen and rebuild itself."

As the leader of the major opposition, he warned the government not to perform against the interests of the nation and the citizens.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal has said that leadership cannot be simply handed as a gift.

During a press meet organized by the Press Center Banke at Nepalgunj today, he said the party believes in the production of leaders through a system and practices it accordingly.

He said he is not an irreplaceable figure to hold the chair post within the party and is focused on preparing his successor through a system.

He also took the opportunity to assure that the party will remain united, dismissing rumors of a possible split.

The erstwhile Prime Minister also accused the two largest parties: the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN-UML of forcefully toppling the government led by him, though he was performing 'well'.

CPN (Maoist Center) Chairperson Pushpa Kamal Dahal has long been known for his contradictory statements and actions, a trait that dates back to the insurgency period. Despite entering peaceful politics in 2006, Dahal has struggled to shed this inconsistent personality, often saying one thing publicly while pursuing a different agenda behind the scenes. This pattern has continued even after his recent departure from power, as he has oscillated between claiming to avoid power and making moves to re-enter government.

Dahal’s recent actions reflect his frustration with the collapse of his government and his determination to regain power. After losing the premiership, Dahal initially declared that he would not seek to become prime minister again during the current parliamentary term, which lasts until 2027. However, it is evident that his primary focus has been to dismantle the coalition between the CPN-UML and the Nepali Congress (NC) and position himself for a return to leadership. 

His efforts to create friction within the ruling coalition are apparent in his recent remarks, where he suggested that the meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba might have unsettled UML Chairperson and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli. Dahal also hinted that the current coalition, formed between two ideologically different parties, would not last long.

During a special session in Parliament on Tuesday, Dahal accused the government of arrogance and heading in the wrong direction. He criticized the government for serving vested interest groups and mafias instead of the people. 

“I was in favor of giving the government all the benefits of doubt during the honeymoon period. I wanted the first debate on the government to take place in the people's court,” he said. “However, after observing the government’s intentions and direction for over 40 days, I have come to the conclusion that the government is heading towards arrogance and in the wrong direction. It is moving towards the madness of numbers and the misuse of power. It is serving vested interest groups, and even more so, the mafias, rather than the people.”

Dahal also expressed regret for breaking the alliance with the NC last March and stated that his party would not remain a passive witness to the government’s misdeeds. Dahal warned that his party would expose and resist the government’s actions in Parliament, reaffirming their commitment to standing against what they perceive as the government’s misuse of power.  

“Many might wonder how such a small opposition can warn and control a two-thirds majority government. Numerically, they may have two-thirds, but the foundation of the government is based on fear, not trust. The way this government was formed, it was exposed to the people right from the beginning and continues to be exposed,” Dahal said. “The people know whose government this is and why it was formed. The government itself is providing the evidence. So, I urge both well-wishers and opponents not to worry about our numbers. To face the people and the opposition, this government needs honesty, which it lacks.”

The Maois chair also accused the current government of trying to suppress the fake Bhutanese refugee scandal and protect other criminals and tarnishing Nepal’s legal, moral, political, and social reputation internationally. 

“By transferring and investigating the capable and courageous police officers who were investigating such a shameful and disgraceful event, what message are you sending to the rest of the world? With the international community watching so closely, where will this shamelessness lead the country’s reputation?” he said.

Dahal also challenged the leaders of both UML and NC, stating that they should not come to him trying to placate him should this alliance face any challenge. 

Despite his public statements of reluctance to re-enter government, Dahal’s actions suggest otherwise. He has already begun fostering alliances with fringe communist parties, positioning himself for future political maneuvering. 

Within the Maoist Center, there is growing skepticism about Dahal’s commitment to staying out of power. Party members have expressed concerns that the party has lost touch with the people due to its continued focus on securing government positions for a select few leaders. During internal discussions, leaders like Deepak Koirala and Suman Devkota emphasized the need for the party to reconnect with the people and move away from its government-centric approach.

UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel noted recently that Dahal still harbors hopes of rejoining the government within the next six months. Pokharel suggested that Dahal’s fixation on power could hinder efforts to address pressing national issues, including constitutional amendments. 

Despite the challenges, the NC-UML coalition remains stable, with NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba committed to continuing the alliance. However, the government’s failure to deliver on its promises could lead to dissatisfaction within the NC, though this is unlikely to threaten the coalition as long as Deuba supports it.

In the meantime, Dahal’s rhetoric in Parliament and his behind-the-scenes maneuvers reflect a leader torn between his party’s principles and his desire for power. While he warns the government of impending resistance, his actions indicate a readiness to seize any opportunity to regain political influence, even if it means contradicting his public statements. 

British Ambassador to Nepal Rob Fenn called on CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Friday.

In the meeting held at Dahal's residence in Khumaltar, Lalitpur, the Maoist Center Chair informed Ambassador Fenn that the House of Representatives has passed the bill related to transitional justice that emphasizes on victim-friendly justice. He expressed the confidence that the UK Government will extend necessary support for the survivor-friendly justice and respect.

Stating that he had taken the initiative to push forward the TJ bill when he had been heading the government, former Prime Minister Dahal believed it will contribute to world peace as well when the bill is enacted into law, Chair Dahal's Secretariat said.

The Maoist Center Chair also stated that a special initiative was made to strengthen international relations during his premiership, adding Nepal had played a leading role in climate justice, among other sectors.

Chair Dahal on the occasion also expressed his conviction that the British government will address the issues being raised by the Ex-British Gurkha soldiers.

Similarly, Ambassador Fenn expressed his happiness over taking the peace process and bill related to transitional justice to logical conclusion by Nepal, expressing commitment that there would be full support of the UK government for its conclusion.

According to Dahal’s Secretariat, the Ambassador shared that the UK government was always ready to provide necessary support for Nepal.  Stating that British nationals are found interested in Nepali products, he said there could be partnership between the two countries in mutual cooperation and trade.

Expressing happiness over amendment to laws to create investment friendly environment and concluding the investment summit during the term of the then Prime Minister Dahal, Ambassador Fenn expressed the view that there would be his contribution in bringing in foreign investment in Nepal.

Australian Ambassador to Nepal, Felicity Volk, had a farewell meeting with CPN (Maoist Center) Chair and former Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Wednesday.

In the meeting at Dahal's residence in Khumaltar today, Ambassador Volk congratulated Nepal on the completion of the remaining works of the peace process as well as transitional justice, according to Dahal's private secretariat.

Ambassador Volk said that the dignity of Nepal in the international arena has increased due to this initiative.

Former Prime Minister Dahal praised Ambassador Volk's role in strengthening Nepal-Australia relations and wished her success in her further diplomatic career.

In 2009, President Ram Baran Yadav decisively countered Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal's ill-advised attempt to dismiss Army Chief Rookmangud Katawal. The reinstatement of the Army Chief led to Dahal’s resignation, which he framed as a defiant stand against external interference, particularly from India. Dahal famously declared that he would engage only with the “masters” (India) and not with the “servants” (Nepali parties).

Fast forward fifteen years, and Dahal, during a party meeting, shifted his blame to the United States, alleging that external powers, including the US, played a role in his recent ouster from the government, along with that of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.

Since his entry into peaceful politics in 2006, Dahal has frequently made controversial and often unsubstantiated statements, consistently keeping himself at the forefront of national discourse. His rhetoric has often relied on anti-India nationalism as a tool to strengthen his political standing. Today, he appears to be using the same tactic, insinuating that foreign powers orchestrated his dismissal because he resisted their agendas.

Dahal’s self-serving narrative has inflicted more damage on his party and his own reputation than on any external entity. Within the Maoist ranks, there is growing concern that their decade-long armed struggle, which paved the way for republicanism and federalism in Nepal, will be in vain if the party continues on its current path. Yet, this existential threat seems lost on Dahal.

When in opposition, Dahal has a history of making headlines with provocative and unexpected remarks. Despite being out of power for just a month, he has already made a series of statements that have drawn public attention. Among these is his claim that the US was involved in a regime change in Kathmandu. Following the formation of a new government under CPN-UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli, Dahal accused forces opposed to good governance of engineering the split within his party.

Recently, Dahal made a surprising announcement that he would not seek the prime ministership until after the 2027 elections, catching even his own party members off guard. He stated, “I will not become prime minister during this tenure of Parliament. I may consider it only if our party emerges as the largest in the 2027 elections.”

During a recent meeting in Koshi province, Dahal admitted to several mistakes, including his failure to prevent the party split, mishandling of the Maoist combatants during peace talks, mismanagement of party cadres, and his decision not to support Girija Prasad Koirala for the presidency. He also indicated a shift in strategy, asserting that his party would contest the next election independently, marking a departure from his previous alliances with UML in 2017 and Nepali Congress in 2022, despite these coalitions failing to halt the party’s decline.

Dahal also hinted at rekindling alliances with fringe communist and non-communist forces, including discussions with former Maoist splinter groups and CPN (Unified Socialist) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal. This stands in stark contrast to his past criticism of these fringe groups while he was in power. Notably, he has revived the agenda of a directly elected chief executive, an idea the Maoists abandoned during the 2015 constitution drafting process, citing that the current parliamentary system has tainted the Maoist party.

Dahal deliberately ‘sowed division’: Sharma 

Within CPN (Maoist Center), Dahal’s leadership is under severe scrutiny. The recent proposal by Maoist Deputy General Secretary Janardan Sharma has sent shockwaves through the party, exposing deep concerns about the party’s direction and leadership. Sharma’s allegations that rumors of party splits were deliberately spread by the leadership have instilled widespread fear among party members and the public.

“The rumors started from Khumaltar (Dahal’s residence), intensified in Baluwatar (Prime Minister’s residence), and escalated further in Pokhara where the party leadership asked members to choose sides,” Sharma’s proposal states. “This sequence of events has created a widespread fear of party division among cadres and the general public.”

Sharma’s proposal criticizes Dahal for sowing division within the party, ignoring crucial discussions during key conventions, and for adopting a royal-like lifestyle that has alienated the party's core supporters.

“Baluwatar has directly named Janardan Sharma as the instigator of the split. This has led to daily phone calls from hundreds of worried party workers and citizens and has become a topic of concern for other political parties, security agencies, and even the bureaucracy,” the proposal claims.

Sharma has questioned why the 8th General Convention was undermined by the announcement of a special convention. He also criticized the leadership for disregarding discussions and opinions expressed during the Statute Convention, questioning why some members were not allowed to speak. He also inquired why propaganda campaigns were orchestrated against him and Barsha Man Pun while the party was in government.

Sharma further questioned why efforts were being made to divide rather than unite leaders at various levels within the party and why parallel committees were being operated by the leadership itself. He also questioned the rationale behind the frequent changes in government coalitions.

Sharma also criticized the party’s failure to implement key policies when it held government power, such as transferring police authority to provinces and supporting local governments. Sharma’s criticism points to a party that is shrinking, losing the trust of the constituencies that once supported it, and failing to fulfill its promises.

He attributed the party’s declining support base to the leadership’s failure to deliver on promises made during their time in government. The proposal highlights that the public disapproves of the leadership’s lifestyle, likened to that of royalty, and the disconnect between the party and its core supporters. Sharma questioned whether the party can rebuild public trust by revisiting and delivering on the issues and slogans it once championed for the people.

Sharma also raised concerns about the leadership’s stance and decisions on several policy matters. He accused the leadership of resisting calls to add ‘Kirant’ to the name of Koshi province. Sharma questioned why proposals to transfer police authority to provinces and shift small and medium-sized projects and budgets to local and provincial governments were not implemented when the party held key government positions. 

He also revealed that he was removed from his work area as a punitive measure, stating, “Despite my four-decade-long loyalty and cooperation with the leadership, my actions are being met with suspicion. The chairperson believes in creating larger conflicts to resolve smaller ones, which is causing significant harm to the party.”

Sharma has proposed dissolving the central committee and forming an interim committee under Chairperson Dahal, with the mandate to hold a convention and elect new leadership through direct elections by a specified date.

Dahal’s recent statements include

• An assertion that an “invisible force” united the NC and UML.
• A claim that a significant nationalist faction exists within UML.
• The suggestion that investigating large corruption cases led to his government’s dissolution.
• A declaration that the Maoists will contest the 2027 election independently.
• An admission of committing “five major blunders.”
• Recognition of the new government’s consensus on the TRC as an achievement.
• His refusal to seek the prime ministership until after the 2027 elections.
• Allegations that extra-regional powers were responsible for his and Sheikh Hasina’s ouster.
• A call to consolidate all fringe communist parties.
• A critique that the existing parliamentary system has corrupted the Maoist party.
• A push for a directly elected President or Prime Minister for greater stability.

Soon after stepping down from power, CPN (Maoist Center) Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal has initiated efforts to engage with fringe communist parties, particularly former Maoist leaders, to strengthen his position in national politics.

It has been observed that Dahal tends to reach out to his former Maoist colleagues, who have formed splinter groups, especially after the major split in the Maoist party in 2012 when senior leader Mohan Baidya established a separate party due to serious ideological differences with Dahal. A few months ago, while still in power, Dahal formed the Samajbadi Manch (Socialist Front), a loose coalition of fringe parties within the government. However, this front remained inactive as Dahal did not perceive any immediate threat to his government after aligning with the CPN-UML four months ago. 

On Tuesday, Dahal convened a meeting that included CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist), Nepal Communist Party, and Samajbadi Forum. Of these, only the Maoist party led by Dahal and the CPN (Unified Socialist) led by Madhav Kumar Nepal have a presence in the national parliament. The Nepal-led party had supported Dahal during his vote of confidence in Parliament on Friday. The meeting of the Socialist Front has labeled the NC-UML coalition as opaque and unnatural. The four parties view the NC and UML’s plans to amend the constitution with suspicion, fearing that these two parties might regress from the progressive provisions of the 2015 constitution. Consequently, the four parties have formed a task force to thoroughly study the policies and activities of the newly-formed coalition.

For the first time in 10 years, the Maoist party finds itself in the opposition bench, a position it last occupied in 2014 when the NC and UML formed an alliance to deliver the constitution. Since then, the Maoist party managed to remain in power despite multiple major and minor splits. After the promulgation of the new constitution in 2015, Dahal’s long-time comrade Baburam Bhattarai left the party to form a separate faction. Bhattarai has been a vocal critic of Dahal, unlike other Maoist splinter groups, which still regard Dahal as their leader.

Despite maintaining moderate strength through electoral alliances with the NC and UML, the Maoist party’s influence is waning. Party leaders fear that contesting elections without alliances could further weaken their position in the national parliament.

Numerous Maoist party leaders and cadres, who were excluded from benefits during Dahal’s tenure, believe it is crucial for Dahal to reflect on his past decade in power and work toward strengthening the party organization. The Maoist party is steadily losing public support and organizational strength. Officially, Dahal will not become the main opposition leader as he lacks the requisite 65 seats. However, as the third-largest party in Parliament, the Maoists remain a significant opposition force, supported by the fourth-largest party, Rastriya Swatantra Party, which holds 21 seats in Parliament, alongside other fringe parties.

Dahal, according to close associates, will strive to consolidate his power by uniting various Maoist factions, although a formal unification is unlikely. The potential unification could be influenced by shared concerns over war-era human rights violations if the NC and UML join forces. Whether the new government will prioritize transitional justice issues remains uncertain, but these issues could serve to unite the Maoist factions. 

Additionally, Dahal may reach out to political outfits advocating identity politics. As the NC and UML aim to amend the constitution to alter the current electoral system, Dahal and other identity-based groups are likely to vehemently oppose any such change. Consequently, Dahal is expected to lead a front that staunchly resists any attempt to amend the constitution.

Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal has directed the three state security agencies to intensify search operations for individuals who went missing after the two passenger buses plunged into Trishuli river at Simaltal, Chitwan.

The Prime Minister summoned the heads of the security bodies at his private residence in Khumaltar on Sunday to receive updates on the accident.

He urged them to take all necessary measures to search for the missing individuals.

Two passenger buses: one heading to Gaur from Kathmandu (03-001 Kha 2495) and another going to Kathmandu from Birgunj (03-006 Kha. 1516) were swept away by landslide into the Trishuli river on Friday morning at Simaltal in Bharatpur Metropolis-29.

The PM utilized the meeting to express gratitude to the security personnel involved in rescue and relief operations amidst monsoon-triggered incidents nationwide including in Simaltal, risking their lives.

"The bureaucracy and security agencies, as permanent institutions, should commit themselves unreservedly to serving the people, no matter how the political situation is," he stated.

The Rastriya Prajatantra Party has decided not to give a vote of confidence to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal.

The Parliamentary Party meeting of the Rastriya Prajantra Party held in Singha Durbar on Thursday decided to stand against the vote of confidence, RPP Chief Whip Gyanendra Shahi informed.

The party, however, has not yet decided whether to participate in the new alliance of the Nepali Congress-CPN-UML or not, he further said.

The decision on the same will be made after the formation of a new government, leader Shahi informed.

The CPN-UML has issued a whip to all its members in the House of Representatives to mandatorily attend a Parliament meeting on Friday.

As Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is scheduled to seek a  vote of confidence on Friday, the party has directed all its lawmakers to mandatorily attend the meeting and vote against him, Congress Chief Whip Ramesh Lekhak informed.

The CPN (Maoist Center) Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal-led government fell into minority after the CPN-UML and the Nepali Congress reached an agreement to form a national consensus government.

The UML has already issued a whip to all its members of the House of Representatives to attend a Parliament meeting scheduled for Friday and vote against Prime Minister Dahal.

Preparations are underway to form a new government under the headship of UML Chairman KP Sharma Oli by removing Dahal from the government.

In the 275-member House of Representatives, 138 seats are required for a majority.

The first and second largest parties of the Parliament Nepali Congress has 88 seats and UML has 79 seats.

The new alliance of the UML-NC has the support of Rastriya Prajatantra Party, Janata Samajbadi Party, Janata Samajbadi Party Nepal, Nagarik Unmukti Party and Democratic Socialist Party.

The CPN (Maoist Center), CPN (Unified Socialist) and Rastraiya Swatantra Party are in favor of the Dahal-led government.

Embattled Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is more than certain to lose the confidence vote on July 12. However, as he is determined not to step down easily, one thing is clear: There won’t be a smooth, amicable transition of power.

From the parliament’s lectern, Dahal is expected to criticize CPN-UML Chairperson KP Sharma Oli and Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba for their surprise alliance, which reduced his government to a minority. The Maoist prime minister may accuse them of political backstabbing, question their political morality, and warn against their plan to amend the constitution. Yet, does Dahal have the moral high ground to criticize NC and UML?

Indeed, it would have been better if NC and UML had made the secret agreement's text public, but they did not. But a careful review of Dahal’s 10-year journey since the 2015 constitution shows he has no grounds to complain about betrayal by NC and UML.

Let’s revisit some instances where Dahal used NC and UML after one another to his advantage. After the promulgation of the constitution in 2015, Oli became the new prime minister with support from Dahal, whose party was in third place. But by July 2016, Dahal withdrew support from Oli and aligned with the NC to form a new government and become prime minister for the second time. Despite being in coalition with NC, Dahal later secretly signed a deal with UML for an electoral alliance, betraying NC.

In 2018, Dahal merged his party with CPN-UML to form the Nepal Communist Party, aiming to lead the powerful communist party. When Oli denied him the full-fledged party presidency, Dahal campaigned to remove Oli from power. This intra-party feud led to the dissolution of Parliament, for which all senior NCP leaders share responsibility. An agreement between Deuba and Dahal to lead the government in rotation resulted in more power struggles. 

After the 2022 national elections, where the Maoists secured only 32 of 275 seats, it was natural for NC to claim government leadership as the largest party. But Dahal, after tough bargaining, aligned with UML to become prime minister, only to betray UML in the presidential elections by supporting NC candidate Ram Chandra Paudel.

There may have been hidden factors forcing Dahal to support Paudel, but it was still a betrayal to UML. In March of this year, Dahal again ditched NC without warning and allied with UML. Just a few weeks ago, Dahal publicly suggested the government could last the full five-year tenure if they navigated between the first and second largest parties. His penchant for switching sides to suit his convenience is not hidden, as he has often demonstrated over the years. Several of Dahal’s former Maoist comrades, including former prime minister Baburam Bhattarai, have accused him of being a power-hungry individual with little to no regard for party ideology.      

Certainly there is no shortage of moral decay and corruption within NC and UML, but should anyone point the finger at or cry foul over their alliance, Dahal should be the last person. 

Dahal simply lacks the moral ground to accuse NC and UML of political immorality. Instead, he should be grateful for their support, which allowed him to lead the government despite waning support for the Maoists. In a coalition, even a small party can lead, but based on the people's mandate, the Maoists should have been in opposition, rebuilding their position. Doors may not be completely closed for him; he could become prime minister again if a rift emerges between NC and UML.

The best option for Dahal would have been to resign once UML withdrew its support. It is perceived that he is trying to influence President Paudel to initiate the government formation process through Article 76(3) of the constitution, making Deuba the prime minister. However, it is unlikely as the process should start from the initial articles of the constitution. Dahal has not publicly stated this, but his close associates suggest the President should appoint a new prime minister per Article 76(3). President Paudel has indicated to Oli and Deuba that he would begin the process from Article 76(2).

While an NC-UML government may not ensure stability, Dahal should wait. After a long gap, the first and second largest parties have pledged to provide political stability and address economic woes. The Maoists now have the chance to play the opposition role, and Dahal should seize this opportunity to rebuild his party. There is no reason for Dahal to be shocked by the NC-UML agreement.